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The Babur-nama in English 

(Memoirs of Babur) 

Translated from the original Turki Text 


ZahiruM-din Muhammad Babur Padshah Ghazi 


Issued in Four Fasciculi: — Farghana 1912 — Kabul 
1914 — Hindustan 1917 — Preface, Indices, etc. 

|1 3 3 5 

Vol. II 


LUZAC & CO,. 46, Great Russell Street, London. 




932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 to OCT. 8th 1526 AD.^ 

{a. Fifth expedition into Hiiidustdn^ 

{Nov. 17th) On Friday the ist of the month of Safar at the Haidara- 
date 932, the Sun being in the Sign of the Archer, we set out ^^Jj 251^, 
for Hindustan, crossed the small rise of Yak-langa, and dis- 
mounted in the meadow to the west of the water of Dih-i-ya*qiib.^ 
*Abdu'l-maluk the armourer came into this camp ; he had gone 
seven or eight months earlier as my envoy to Sultan Sa'Id Khan 
(in Kashghar), and now brought one of the Khan's men, styled 
YangI Beg (new beg) Kukuldash who conveyed letters, and 

' Elph. MS. f. 205/5; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 199/5 omits the year's events on the 
ground that Shaikh Zain has translated them; I.O. 217 f. 174; Mems. p. 290 ; 
Kehr's Codex p. 1084. 

A considerable amount of reliable textual material for revising the Hindustan 
section of the English translation of the Bdbur-ndvia is wanting through loss of pages 
from the Elphinstone Codex ; in one instance no less than an equivalent of 36 folios 
of the Haidarabad Codex are missing (f. 356 et seg.), but to set against this loss there 
is the valuable pe)- contra that Kehr's manuscript throughout the section becomes of 
substantial value, losing its Persified character and approximating closely to the true 
text of the Elphinstone and Haidarabad Codices. Collateral help in revision is given 
by the works specified {itt loco p. 428) as serving to. fill the gap existing in Babur's 
narrative previous to 932 ah. and this notably by those described by Elliot and 
Dowson. Of these last, special help in supplementary details is given for 932 AH, and 
part of 933 AH. by Shaikh Zain S^KhawdJVi?, Tabaqat-i-bahtiri, which is a highly 
rhetorical paraphrase of Babur's narrative, requiring familiarity with ornate Persian 
to understand. For all my references to it, I am indebted to my husband. It may 
be mentioned as an interesting circumstance that the B. M. possesses in Or. 1999 a copy 
of this work which was transcribed in 998 AH. by one of Khwand-amir's grandsons 
and, judging from its date, presumably for Abu'l-fazl's use in the Akbar-nama. 

Like part of the Kabul section, the Hindustan one is in diary-form, but it is still 
more heavily surcharged with matter entered at a date later than the diarj'. It departs 
from the style of the preceding diary by an occasional lapse into courtly phrase and 
by exchange of some Turk! words for Arabic and Persian ones, doubtless found 
current in Hind, e.g.fauj, dira, ?nanzi/, khail-khdna. 

^ This is the Logar affluent of the Baran-water (Kabul-river). Masson describes 
this haltingplace (iii, 174). 



small presents, and verbal messages ^ from the Khanlms and the 

{Nov. i8th to 2ist) After staying two days in that camp for 
the convenience of the army,3 we marched on, halted one night,^ 
and next dismounted at Badam-chashma. There we ate a con- 
fection {ina'jun). 

{Nov. 22nd) On Wednesday (Safar 6th), when we had dis- 
mounted at Barlk-ab, the younger brethren of Nur Beg — he 
himself remaining in Hindustan — brought gold ashi^afts and 
tankas 5 to the value of 20,000 shdhrukhis, sent from the Labor 
revenues by Khwaja Husain. The greater part of these moneys 
was despatched by Mulla Ahmad, one of the chief men of Balkh, 
for the benefit of Balkh.^ 

{Nov. 24tk) On Friday the 8th of the month (Safar), after 
Foi. 252. dismounting at Gandamak, I had a violent discharge ; 7 by 
God's mercy, it passed off easily. 

^ muhaqqar saughdt u blldk or ttldk. A small verbal point arises about bildk (or 
tllak). Bildk is said by Quatremere to mean a gift (N. et E. xiv, 119 n.) but here 
muhaqqar satighdt expresses gift. Another meaning can be assigned to blldk here, 
[one had also by tildk^ viz. that of word-of-mouth news or communication, sometimes 
supplementing written communication, possibly secret instructions, possibly small 
domestic details. In blldk, a gift, the root may be bll, the act of knowing, in tlldk 
it is til, the act of speaking [whence //"/, the tongue, and til tutmdk, to get news]. 
In the sentence noted, either word would suit for a verbal communication. Returning 
to blldk as a gift, it may express the nuance of English token, the maker-known of 
friendship, affection and so-on. This differentiates blldk from saughdt, used in its 
frequent sense of ceremonial and diplomatic presents of value and importance. 

^ With Sa'ld at this time were two Khanlms Sultan-nigar and Daulat-sultan who 
were Babur's maternal -aunts. Erskine suggested Khub-nigar, but she had died in 
907 AH. (f. 96). 

3 Humayun's non-arrival would be the main cause of delay. Apparently he should 
have joined before the Kabul force left that town. 

■♦ The halt would be at But-khak, the last station before the Adinapur road takes 
to the hills. 

5 Discussing the value of coins mentioned by Babur, Erskine says in his History of 
India (vol. i, Appendix E. ) which was published in 1854 ad. that he had come to 
think his estimates of the value of the coins was set too low in the Memoirs (published 
in 1826 AD.). This sum of 20,000 shdhrukhls he put at £\'XiO. Cf. E. Thomas' 
Pathan Kings of Dihli and Resources of the Mughal Empire. 

^ One of Masson's interesting details seems to fit the next stage of Babur's march 
(iii, 179). It is that after leaving But-khak, the road passes what in the thirties of 
the 19th Century, was locally known as Babur Padshah's Stone-heap (cairn) and 
believed piled in obedience to Babur's order that each man in his army should drop 
a stone on it in passing. No time for raising such a monument could be fitter than 
that of the fifth expedition into Hindustan when a climax of opportunity allowed 
hope of success. 

7 rezdndallk. This Erskine translates, both here and on ff. 253, 254, by defluxion, 
but de Courteille by rhume de cerveau. Shaikh Zain supports de Courteille by 
writing, not rezdndallk^ but nuzla, catarrh. De Courteille, in illustration of his 

_ 932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 to OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 447 

{Nov. 2^th) On Saturday we dismounted in the Bagh-i-wafa. 
We delayed there a few days, waiting for Humayun and the 
army from that side.^ More than once in this history the bounds 
and extent, charm and deHght of that garden have been described ; 
it is most beautifully placed ; who sees it with the buyer's eye 
will know the sort of place it is. During the short time we 
were there, most people drank on drinking-days ^ and took 
their morning ; on non-drinking days there were parties for 

I wrote harsh letters to Humayun, lecturing him severely 
because of his long delay beyond the time fixed for him to 
join me.3 

{Dec. 3rd) On Sunday the 17th of Safar, after the morning 
had been taken, Humayun arrived. I spoke very severely to 
him at once. Khwaja Kalan also arrived to-day, coming up 
from Ghazni. We marched in the evening of that same Sunday, 
and dismounted in a new garden between Sultanpur and Khwaja 

{Dec. 6th) Marching on Wednesday (Safar 20th), we got on 
a raft, and, drinking as we went reached Qush-gumbaz,4 there 
landed and joined the camp. 

reading of the word, quotes Burnes' account of an affection common in the Panj-ab 
and there called nuzla, which is a running at the nostrils, that wastes the brain and 
stamina of the body and ends fatally (Travels in Bukhara ed. 1839, ii, 41). 

' Tramontana, north of Plindu-kush. 

^ Shaikh Zain says that the drinking days were Saturday, Sunday, Tuesday and 

3 The Elph. Codex (f. 208^) contains the following note of Humayun's about his 
delay; it has been expunged from the text but is still fairly legible : — " The time 
fixed was after 'Ashura (loth Muharram, a voluntary fast) ; although we arrived after 
the next-following loth {''dsht'tr, i.e. of Safar), the delay had been necessary. The 
purpose of the letters (Babur's) was to get information ; (in reply) it was repre- 
sented that the equipment of the army of Badakhshan caused delay. If this slave 
(Humajmn), trusting to his [father's] kindness, caused further delay, he has been 

Babur's march from the Bagh-i-wafa was delayed about a month ; Humayun started 
late from Badakhshan ; his force may have needed some stay in Kabul for completion 
of equipment ; his personal share of blame for which he counted on his father's 
forgiveness, is likely to have been connected with his mother's presence in Kabul. 

Humayun's note is quoted in Turk! by one MS. of the Persian text (B.M. W.-i-B. 
16,623 f. 128) ; and from certain indications in Muhammad Shtrdzfs lithograph 
(P- ^63), appears to be in his archetype the Udaipur Codex ; but it is not with all 
MSS. of the Persian text e.g. not with I.O. 217 and 218. A portion of it is in Kehr's 
MS. (p. 1086). 

* Bird's-dome [f. I45(5, n.] or The pair {qUsh) of domes. 


{^Dec. J til) Starting off the camp at dawn, we ourselves went on 
a raft, and there ate confection {rna'jun). Our encamping-ground 
was always Qlrlq-ariq, but not a sign or trace of the camp could 
Fol. 2^2b. be seen when we got opposite it, nor any appearance of our 
horses. Thought I, " Garm-chashma (Hot-spring) is close by ; 
they may have dismounted there." So saying, we went on from 
Qlrlq-arlq. By the time we reached Garm-chashma, the very 
day was late ; ^ we did not stop there, but going on in its 
lateness {kichtsi)^ had the raft tied up somewhere, and slept 

{^Dec. 8th) At day-break we landed at Yada-blr where, as the 
day wore on, the army-folks began to come in. The camp must 
have been at Qlrlq-arlq, but out of our sight. 

There were several verse-makers on the raft, such as Shaikh 
Abu'1-wajd,^ Shaikh Zain, Mulla 'All-jan, Tardi Beg Khdksdr 
and others. In this company was quoted the following couplet 
of Muhammad Salih : — 3 

(Persian) With thee, arch coquette, for a sweetheart, what can man do ? 
With another than thou where thou art, what can man do ? 

Said I, " Compose on these lines " ; 4 whereupon those given to 
versifying, did so. As jokes were always being made at the 
expense of Mulla *AlI-jan, this couplet came off-hand into my 
head : — 

(Persian) With one all bewildered as thou, what can man do? 
, what can man do ? s 

' gfin khud kick bulub aldl ; a little joke perhaps at the lateness both of the day 
and the army. 

* Shaikh Zain's maternal -uncle. 

3 Shaikh Zain's useful detail that this man's pen-name was Sharaf distinguishes 
him from Muhammad Salih the author of the Shaibanl-nama. 

•♦ gosha, angle ((/". gosha-i-kdr, limits of work). Parodies were to be made, having 
the same metre, rhyme, and refrain as the model couplet. 

5 I am unable to attach sense to Babur's second line ; what is wanted is an illustra- 
tion of two incompatible things. Babur's reflections [^itifra\ condemned his verse. 
Shaikh Zain describes the whole episode of the verse-making on the raft, and goes 
on with, "He (Babur) excised this choice couplet from the pages of his Acts 
( Waqi''dt) with the knife of censure, and scratched it out from the tablets of his noble 
heart with the finger-nails of repentance. I shall now give an account of this spiritual 
matter" {i.e. the repentance), "by presenting the recantations of his Solomon-like 
Majesty in his very own words, which are weightier than any from the lips of 
Aesop." Shaikh Zain next quotes the Turk! passage here translated in b. Mention 
of the Mubln. 

932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 TO OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 


{b. Mention of the Mubin}^ » 

From time to time before it,^ whatever came into my head, 
of good or bad, grave or jest, used to be strung into verse and 
written down, however empty and harsh the verse might be, but 
while I was composing the Mubin, this thought pierced through 
my dull wits and made way into my troubled heart, " A pity it Fol. 253. 
will be if the tongue which has treasure of utterances so lofty as 
these are, waste itself again on low words ; sad will it be if again 
vile imaginings find way into the mind that has made exposition 
of these sublime realities." 3 Since that time I had refrained 
from satirical and jesting verse ; I was repentant {ta'zb) ; but these 
matters were totally out of mind and remembrance when I made 
that couplet (on Mulla 'Ali-jan).^ A few days later in Bigram 
when I had fever and discharge, followed by cough, and I began 
to spit blood each time I coughed, I knew whence my reproof 
came ; I knew what act of mine had brought this affliction on me. 

" Whoever shall violate his oath, will violate it to the hurt 
of his own soul ; but whoever shall perform that which he hath 
covenanted with God, to that man surely will He give great 
reward " {Qordn cap. 48 v. 10). 

( Tiirki) What is it I do with thee, ah ! my tongue ? 
My entrails bleed as a reckoning for thee. 
Good once s as thy words were, has followed this verse 
Jesting, empty, ^ obscene, has followed a lie. 
If thou say, "Burn will I not ! " by keeping this vow 
Thou turnest thy rein from this field of strife. ^ 

The Mubin {q.v. Index) is mentioned again and quoted on f. 351 (5. In both 
laces its name escaped the notice of Erskine and de Courteille, who here took it for 
min, I, and on f. 351(5 omitted it, matters of which the obvious cause is that both 
translators were less familiar with the poem than it is now easy to be. There is 
amplest textual warrant for reading Muhin in both the places indicated above ; its 
reinstatement gives to the English and French translations what they have needed, 
namely, the clinch of a definite stimulus and date of repentance, which was the 
influence of the Mubin in 928 ah. {152 1-2 ad.). The whole passage about the 
peccant verse and its fruit of contrition should be read with others that express the same 
regret for broken law and may all have been added to the diary at the same time, 
probably in 935 ah. (1529 ad. ). They will be found grouped in the Index s.n. Babur, 

- muiidln hurun, by which I understand, as the grammatical construction will 
warrant, before tvriting the Alubin. To read the words as referring to the peccant 
verse, is to take the clinch off the whole passage. 

3 i.e. of the Qordn on which the Miibln is based. 

'* Dropping down-stream, with wine and good company, he entirely forgot his good 

5 This appears to refer to the good thoughts embodied in the Mtibin. 

* This appears to contrast with the "sublime realities" of the Qordn. 

"> In view of the interest of the passage, and because this verse is not in the Rampur 
Diwdn, as are many contained in the Hindustan section, the TurkI original is 


" O Lord ! we have dealt unjustly with our own souls ; if 
Thou forgive us not, and be not merciful unto us, we shall surely 
be of those that perish" ^ {Qordn cap. 7 v. 22). 

Taking anew the place of the penitent pleading for pardon, 
I gave my mind rest^ from such empty thinking and such 
unlawful occupation. I broke my pen. Made by that Court, 
such reproof of sinful slaves is for their felicity ; happy are the 
highest and the slave when such reproof brings warning and its 
profitable fruit. 

{c. Narrative resumed.) 

{Dec. 8th continued) Marching on that evening, we dismounted 
at 'Ali-masjid. The ground here being very confined, I always 
Fol. 2533. used to dismount on a rise overlooking the camp in the valley- 
bottom.3 The camp-fires made a wonderful illumination there 
at night ; assuredly it was because of this that there had always 
been drinking there, and was so now. 

{Dec. gth and lotJt) To-day I rode out before dawn ; I preferred 
a confection {indjiin)^ and also kept this day a fast. We 
dismounted near Blgram (Peshawar) ; and next morning, the 
camp remaining on that same ground, rode to Karg-awi.5 We 
crossed the Siyah-ab in front of Blgram, and formed our hunting- 
circle looking down-stream. After a little, a person brought 

quoted. My translation differs from those of Mr. Erskine and M. de Courteille ; all 
three are tentative of a somewhat difficult verse. 

Ni qila tnin slnitig bila al til ? 
Jihattng din mining alchlm qdn dur. 
Nlcha yakhshl dlsdng bu hazl alia shi''r 
Blrl - si f alias h fi blrl ydlghan dilr. 
Gar dlsang kulmd mln, bujazm blla 
JaldtHngnl bii ''arsa din ydn dur. 
' The Qoran puts these sayings into the mouths of Adam and Eve. 
= Hai. MS. llndiirub', Ilminsky, p. 327, ydndfirub \ W.-i-B. I.O. 217, f. 175, 
sard sdkhta. 

3 Of 'Ali-masjid the Second Afghdn War (official account) has a picture which 
might be taken from Kabur's camp. 

* Shaikh Zain's list of the drinking-days (f, 252 note) explains why sometimes 
Babur says he preferred ma''jun. In the instances I have noticed, he does this 
on a drinking-day ; the preference will be therefore for a confection over wine. 
December 9th was a Saturday and drinking-day; on it he mentions the preference; 
Tuesday Nov. 21st was a drinking day, and he states that he ate ma'Jun. 

5 presumably the ^ar^-MJ«d: of f. 222b, rhinoceros-home in both places. A similar 
name applies to a tract in the Rawalpindi District, — Babur-khana, Tiger-home, which 
is linked to the tradition of Buddha's self-sacrifice to appease the hunger of seven 
tiger-cubs. [In this Babur-khana is the town Kacha-kot from which Babur always 
names the river Haru.] 

932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 TO OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 451 

word that there was a rhino in a bit of jungle near Bigram, and 
that people had been stationed near-about it. We betook our- 
selves, loose rein, to the place, formed a ring round the jungle, 
made a noise, and brought the rhino out, when it took its way 
across the plain. Humayun and those come with him from that 
side (Tramontana), who had never seen one before, were much 
entertained. It was pursued for two miles ; many arrows were 
shot at it ; it was brought down without having made a good 
set at man or horse. Two others were killed. I had often 
wondered how a rhino and an elephant would behave if brought 
face to face ; this time one came out right in front of some 
elephants the mahauts were bringing along ; it did not face them Fol. 254. 
when the mahauts drove them towards it, but got off in another 

{d. Preparations for ferrying the Indus}') 

On the day we were in Bigram, several of the begs and 
household were appointed, with pay-masters and dlwans, six or 
seven being put in command, to take charge of the boats at the 
Nll-ab crossing, to make a list of all who were with the army, 
name by name, and to count them up. 

That evening I had fever and discharge^ which led on to 
cough and every time I coughed, I spat blood. Anxiety was 
great but, by God's mercy, it passed off in two or three days. 

{^Dec. nth) It rained when we left Bigram ; we dismounted 
on the Kabul-water. 

{e. News from Ldhor.) 

News came that Daulat Khan 3 and (Apaq) GhazI Khan, 
having collected an army of from 20 to 30,000, had taken 
Kilanur, and intended to move on Labor. At once Mumin-i-'ah 
the commissary was sent galloping off to say, " We are advancing 
march by march ; ^ do not fight till we arrive." 

^ This is the first time on an outward march that Babur has crossed the Indus by 
boat ; hitherto he has used the ford above Attock, once however specifying that men 
on foot were put over on rafts. 

= f. 253. 

3 In my Translator's Note (p. 428), attention was drawn to the circumstance that 
Babur always writes Daulat Khan Yusttf-khail, and not Daulat Khan Ludt. In doing 
this, he uses the family- or clan-name instead of the tribal one, LudT. 

'' i.e. day by day. 


{Dec. 14th) With two night-halts on the way, we reached the 
water of Sind (Indus), and there dismounted on Thursday the 
28th (of Safar). 

(yi Ferrying the Indus?) 

{Dec. i6th) On Saturday the ist of the first Rabf, we crossed 
the Sind-water, crossed the water of Kacha-kot (Haru), and 
dismounted on the bank of the river/ The begs, pay-masters 
and dlwans who had been put in charge of the boats, reported 
that the number of those come with the army, great and small, 
good and bad, retainer and non-retainer, was written down as 
{g. The eastward march?) 

The rainfall had been somewhat scant in the plains, but 
Fol. 254/^. seemed to have been good in the cultivated lands along the 
hill-skirts ; for these reasons we took the road for Slalkot along 
the skirt-hills. Opposite Hat! Kakar's country ^ we came upon 
a torrent 3 the waters of which were standing in pools. Those 
pools were all frozen over. The ice was not very thick, as thick 
as the hand may-be. Such ice is unusual in Hindustan ; not 
a sign or trace of any was seen in the years we were {aiduk) in 
the country.'^ 

We had made five marches from the Sind-water ; after the 
sixth {Dec. 22nd — Rabl' I. 7th) we dismounted on a torrent 
in the camping-ground {yurt) of the BuglalsS below Balnath 
Jogi's hill which connects with the Hill of Jud. 

' darya, which Babur's precise use of words e.g. of darya^ rud, and su, allows to 
apply here to the Indus only. 

' Presumably this was near Parhala, which stands, where the Suhan river quits the 
hills, at the eastern entrance of a wild and rocky gorge a mile in length. It will have 
been up this gorge that Babur approached Parhala in 925 ah. (Rawalpindi Gazetteer 
p. II). 

3 i.e. here, bed of a mountain-stream. 

* The Elphinstone Codex here preserves the following note, the authorship of 
which is attested by the scribe's remark that it is copied from the handwriting of 
Humayun Padshah : — As my honoured father writes, we did not know until we 
occupied Hindustan (932 ah,), but afterwards did know, that ice does form here and 
there if there come a colder year. This was markedly so in the year I conquered 
Gujrat (942 AH. -1535 AD.) when it was so cold for two or three days between 
Bhulpur and Gualiar that the waters were frozen over a hand's thickness. 

5 This is a Kakar (Gakkhar) clan, known also as Baragowah, of which the location 
in Jahangir Padshah's time was from Rohtas to Hatya, i.e. about where Babur 
encamped (Memoirs of Jahangir, Rogers and Beveridge, p. 97; E. and D. vi, 309 ; 
Provincial Gazetteers of Rawalpindi and Jihlam, p. 64 and p. 97 respectively). 


i {Dec. 

932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 TO OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 453 

{Dec. 2jrd) In order to let people get provisions, we stayed 
the next day in that camp. 'Araq was drunk on that day. 
Mulla Muh. Parghari told many stories ; never had he been so 
talkative. Mulla Shams himself was very riotous ; once he 
began, he did not finish till night. 

The slaves and servants, good and bad, who had gone out 
after provisions, went further than this ^ and heedlessly scattered 
over jungle and plain, hill and broken ground. Owing to this, 
a i&yN were overcome ; Klchklna tilnqitdr died there. 

{Dec. 24th) Marching on, we crossed the Bihat-water at a ford 
below jTlam (Jihlam) and there dismounted. Wall Qizil {Ruins) 
came there to see me. He was the Slalkot reserve, and held 
the parganas of Bimrukl and Akriada. Thinking about Slalkot, Fol. 255. 
I took towards him the position of censure and reproach. He 
excused himself, saying " I had come to my parga7ia before 
Khusrau Kukuldash left Slalkot ; he did not even send me 
word." After listening to his excuse, I said, '' Since thou hast 
paid no attention to Slalkot, why didst thou not join the begs 
in Labor } " He was convicted, but as work was at hand, I did 
not trouble about his fault. 

{h. Scouts sent with orders to Ldhor.) 

{Dec. 2^th) Sayyid Tufan and Sayyid Lachln were sent 
galloping off, each with a pair-horse,^ to say in Labor, " Do 
not join battle ; meet us at Slalkot or Parsrur " (mod. Pasrur). 
It was in everyone's mouth that GhazI Khan had collected 30 
to 40,000 men, that Daulat Khan, old as he was, had girt two 
swords to his waist, and that they were resolved to fight. 
Thought I, " The proverb says that ten friends are better than 
nine ; do you not make a mistake : when the Labor begs have 
joined you, fight there and then ! " 

{Dec. 26th mid 2ytJi) After starting off the two men to the 
begs, we moved forward, halted one night, and next dismounted 
on the bank of the Chln-ab (Chan-ab). 

' andln auiub, a reference perhaps to going out beyond the corn-lands, perhaps to 
attempt for more than provisions. 

' qiish-at, a led horse to ride in change. 


As Buhlulpur was khalsa,^ we left the road to visit it. Its 

fort is situated above a deep ravine, on the bank of the Chin-ab. 

It pleased us much. We thought of bringing Slalkot to it. 

Please God ! the chance coming, it shall be done straightway ! 

Fol. 255^. From Buhlulpur we went to camp by boat. 

(/. Jats and Guji'irs.^) 

{Dec. 2gtk) On Friday the 14th of the first Rabi' we dis- 
mounted at Slalkot. If one go into Hindustan the Jats and 
Gujurs always pour down in countless hordes from hill and plain 
for loot in bullock and buffalo. These ill-omened peoples are 
just senseless oppressors ! Formerly their doings did not concern 
us much because the country was an enemy's, but they began 
the same senseless work after we had taken it. When we 
reached Slalkot, they fell in tumult on poor and needy folks who 
were coming out of the town to our camp, and stripped them 
bare. I had the silly thieves sought for, and ordered two or 
three of them cut to pieces. 

From Slalkot Nur Beg's brother Shaham also was made to 
gallop off to the begs in Labor to say, " Make sure where the 
enemy is ; find out from some well-informed person where he 
may be met, and send us word." 

A trader, coming into this camp, represented that 'Alam Khan 
had let SI. Ibrahim defeat him. 

* According to Shaikh Zain it was in this year that Babur made Buhh'ilpur a royal 
domain (B.M. Add. 26,202 f. 16), but this does not agree with Babur's explanation 
that he visited the place because it was khalsa. Its name suggests that it had belonged 
to Buhlul Ludl ; Babur may have taken it in 930 ah. when he captured Sialkot. It 
never received the population of Slalkot, as Babur had planned it should do because 
pond-water was drunk in the latter town and was a source of disease. The words in 
which Babur describes its situation are those he uses of Akhsi (f. 4^) ; not improbably 
a resemblance inclined his liking towards Buhlulpur. (It may be noted that this 
Buhlidpur is mentioned in the Ayln-i-akbarl and marked on large maps, but is not 
found in the G. of I. 1907.) 

= Both names are thus spelled in the Bahtir-ndma. In view of the inclination of 
TurkI to long vowels, Babur's short one in Jat may be worth consideration since 
modern usage of Jat and Jat varies. Mr. Crooke writes the full vowel, and mentions 
that Jats are Hindus, Sikhs, and Muhammadans ( Tribes and Castes of the North- 
western Provinces and Oude, iii, 38). On this point and on the orthography of the 
name, Erskine's note (Memoirs p. 294) is as follows: "The Jets or Jats are the 
Muhammadan peasantry of the Panj-ab, the bank of the Indus, Slwlstan etc. and 
must not be confounded with the Jats, a powerful Hindu tribe to the west of the 
Jamna, about Agra etc. and which occupies a subordinate position in the country of 
the Rajputs." 

932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 TO OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 455 

(y. ^Alam Khan's action and failure}^ 

Here are the particulars : — 'Alam Khan, after taking leave of 
me (in Kabul, 931 AH.), went off in that heat by double marches, 
regardless of those with him.^ As at the time I gave him leave 
to go, all the Auzbeg khans and sultans had laid siege to Balkh, Foi. 256. 
I rode for Balkh as soon as I had given him his leave. On his 
reaching Labor, he insisted to the begs, " You reinforce me ; the 
Padshah said so ; march along with me ; let us get (Apaq) 
GhazI Khan to join us ; let us move on Dihll and Agra." Said 
they, " Trusting to what, will you join GhazI Khan ? Moreover 
the royal orders to us were, ' If at any time GhazI Khan has 
sent his younger brother Hajl Khan with his son to Court, join 
him ; or do so, if he has sent them, by way of pledge, to Labor ; 
if he has done neither, do not join him.' You yourself only 
yesterday fought him and let him beat you ! Trusting to what, 
will you join him now? Besides all this, it is not for your 
advantage to join him ! " Having said what-not of this sort, 
they refused 'Alam Khan. He did not fall in with their views, 
but sent his son Sher Khan to speak with Daulat Khan and 
with GhazI Khan, and afterwards all saw one another. 

'Alam Khan took with him Dilawar Khan, who had come 
into Labor two or three months earlier after his escape from 
prison ; he took also Mahmud Khan (son of) Khan-i-jahan,3 to 

' The following section contains a later addition to the diary summarizing the 
action of 'Alam Khan before and after Babur heard of the defeat from the trader he 
mentions. It refutes an opinion found here and there in European writings that 
Babur used and threw over 'Alam Khan. It and Babur's further narrative shew that 
'Alam Khan had little valid backing in Hindustan, that he contributed nothing to 
Babur's success, and that no abstention by Babur from attack on Ibrahim would have 
set 'Alam Khan on the throne of Dihli. It and other records, Babur's and those of 
Afghan chroniclers, allow it to be said that if 'Alam Khan had been strong enough to 
accomplish his share of the compact that he should take and should rule Dihli, Babur 
would have kept to his share, namely, would have_ maintained supremacy in the 
Panj-ab. He advanced against Ibrahim only when 'Alam Khan had totally failed in 
arms and in securing adherence. 

^ This objurgation on over-rapid marching looks like the echo of complaint made 
to Babur by men of his own whom he had given to 'Alam Khan in Kabul. 

3 Mahmud himself may have inherited his father's title Khan-i-jahan but a little 
further on he is specifically mentioned as the son of Khan-i-jahan, presumably because 
his father had been a more notable man than he was. Of his tribe it may be noted 
that the Ilaidarabad MS. uniformly writes Nuhani and not Luhani as is usual in 
European writings, and that it does so even when, as on f. I49<5, the word is applied 
to a trader. Concerning the tribe, family, or caste vide G. of I. s.n. Lohanas and 
Crooke I.e. s.Ji. Pathan, para. 21. 


whom 2, pargana in the Lahor district had been given. They 
seem to have left matters at this : — Daulat Khan with Ghazi 
Khan was to take all the begs posted in Hindustan to himself, 
indeed he was to take everything on that side ; ^ while 'Alam 

Fol. 256^. Khan was to take Dilawar Khan and Hajl Khan and, reinforced 
by them, was to capture Dihll and Agra. Isma'il Jilwdni and 
other amirs came and saw *Alam Khan ; all then betook 
themselves, march by march, straight for Dihll. Near Indrl 
came also Sulaiman Shaikh-zada.^ Their total touched 30 to 
40,000 men. 

They laid siege to Dihll but could neither take it by assault 
nor do hurt to the garrison.3 When SI. Ibrahim heard of their 
assembly, he got an army to horse against them ; when they 
heard of his approach, they rose from before the place and 
moved to meet him. They had left matters at this : — " If we 
attack by day-light, the Afghans will not desert (to us), for the 
sake of their reputations with one another ; but if we attack at 
night when one man cannot see another, each man will obey 
his own orders." Twice over they started at fall of day from 
a distance of 12 miles (6 kurohs), and, unable to bring matters 
to a point, neither advanced nor retired, but just sat on horseback 
for two or three watches. On a third occasion they delivered 
an attack when one watch of night remained — their purpose 
seeming to be the burning of tents and huts ! They went ; they 
set fire from every end ; they made a disturbance. Jalal Khan 
Jig-hat 4 came with other amirs and saw 'Alam Khan. 

SI. Ibrahim did not bestir himself till shoot of dawn from 
where he was with a few of his own family 5 within his own 
enclosure {sardcha). Meantime *Alam Khan's people were busy 

Fol. 257. with plunder and booty. Seeing the smallness of their number, 
SI. Ibrahim's people moved out against them in rather small 

' i.e. west of Dihli territory, the Panj-ab. 

= He was of the Farmul family of which Babur says (f. I39<^) that it was in high 
favour in Hindustan under the Afghans and of which the author of the Wdgi^dt-i- 
miishtdgi ^aya that it held half the lands of Dihll mjdgir (E. and D. iv, 547). 

3 Presumably he could not cut off supplies. 

*■ The only word similar to this that I have found is one *' Jaghat " said to mean 
serpent and to be the name of a Hindu sub-caste of Nats (Crooke, iv, 72 & 73). The 
word here might be a nick-name. Babur writes it as two words. 

5 khasa-kkail, presumably members of the Sahu-khail (family) of the Ludi tribe of 
the Afghan race. 

932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 TO OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 457 

force with one elephant. *Alam Khan's party, not able to make 
stand against the elephant, ran away. He in his flight crossed 
over into the Mlan-dO-ab and crossed back again when he 
reached the Panlpat neighbourhood. In Indrl he contrived on 
some pretext to get 4 laks from Mian Sulaiman.^ He was 
deserted by Isma'll Jilwdni, by Biban ^ and by his own oldest 
son Jalal, who all withdrew into the Mlan-du-ab ; and he had 
been deserted just before the fighting, by part of his troops, 
namely, by Darya Khan (^Nuhdni)'s son Saif Khan, by Khan-i- 
jahan {Nilhdmys son Mahmud Khan, and by Shaikh Jamal 
Farmuli. When he was passing through Sihrind with Dilawar 
Khan, he heard of our advance and of our capture of Milwat 
(Malot).3 On this Dilawar Khan — who always had been my 
well-wisher and on my account had dragged out three or four 
months in prison, — left 'Alam Khan and the rest and went to 
his family in Sultanpur. He waited on me three or four days 
after we took Milwat. *Alam Khan and Hajl Khan crossed 
the Shatlut (i"2V)-water and went into Ginguta,"^ one of the strong- 
holds in the range that lies between the valley and the plain.5 
There our Afghan and Hazara^ troops besieged them, and had Fol. 257^. 
almost taken that strong fort when night came on. Those 
inside were thinking of escape but could not get out because of 
the press of horses in the Gate. There must have been elephants 
also ; when these were urged forward, they trod down and killed 
many horses. 'Alam Khan, unable to escape mounted, got out 
on foot in the darkness. After a lak of difficulties, he joined 
GhazI Khan, who had not gone into Milwat but had fled into the 

* Erskine suggested that this man was a rich banker, but he might well be the 
Farmul! Sh^kh-zada of f. 256(5, in view of the exchange Afghan historians make of 
the Farmul! title Shaikh for Mian {Tarlkh-i-sher-shdhi, E. & D. iv, 347 and 
Tdrikh-i-daudl ib. 457). 

^ This Biban, or Biban, as Babur always calls him without title, is Malik Biban 
Jilwdni. He was associated with Shaikh Bayazid Farmuli or, as Afghan writers 
style him, Mian Bayazid Fartmdi. (Another of his name was Mian Biban, son of 
Mian Ata Sahii-khail (E. & D. iv, 347).) 

3 This name occurs so frequently in and about the Panj-ab as to suggest that it 
means a fort ( Ar. viahi'^at ?). This one in the Siwaliks was founded by Tatar Khan 
Yicsuf-khail [Li'idt) in the time of Buhlul Ludi (E. and D. iv, 415). 

"^ In the Beth Jalandhar dtt-ab. 

' i.e. on the Siwaliks, here locally known as Katar Dhar. 

^ Presumably they were from the Hazara district east of the Indus. The Tabaqdt- 
t-akhari mentions that this detachment was acting under Khalifa apart from Babur 
and marching through the skirt-hills (lith. ed. p. 182). 


hills. Not being received with even a little friendliness by 
GhazI Khan ; needs must ! he came and waited on me at the 
foot of the dale ^ near Pehliir. 

{k. Diary resumed^ 

A person came to Slalkot from the Labor begs to say they 
would arrive early next morning to wait on me. 

{^Dec. joth) Marching early next day (Rabi' I. 15th), we 
dismounted at Parsrur. There Muh. *AlI Jang-jang, Khwaja 
Husain and several braves waited on me. As the enemy's camp 
seemed to be on the Labor side of the Ravi, we sent men out 
under Bujka for news. Near the third watch of the night they 
brought word that the enemy, on hearing of us, had fled, no man 
looking to another. 

{^Dec. 31st) Getting early to horse and leaving baggage and 

train in the charge of Shah Mir Husain and Jan Beg, we 

bestirred ourselves. We reached Kalanur in the afternoon, and 

there dismounted. Muhammad SI. Mirza and 'Adil Sl.^ came 

Foi. 258. to wait on me there, together with some of the begs. 

(^Jan. ist 1526 AD.) We marched early from Kalanur. On 
the road people gave us almost certain news of GhazI Khan and 
other fugitives. Accordingly we sent, flying after those fliers, 
the commanders Muhammadi, Ahmadl,Qutliiq-qadam, Treasurer 
Wall and most of those begs who, in Kabul, had recently bent 
the knee for their begship. So far it was settled : — That it 
would be good indeed if they could overtake and capture the 
fugitives ; and that, if they were not able to do this, they were 
to keep careful watch round Milwat (Malot), so as to prevent 
those inside from getting out and away. GhazI Khan was the 
object of this watch. 

(/. Capture of Mzlwat.) 

{Jan. 2nd and jrd) After starting those begs ahead, we 
crossed the Blah-water (Beas) opposite Kanwahin 3 and dis- 
mounted. From there we marched to the foot of the valley of 
Fort Milwat, making two night-halts on the way. The begs who 

' diin, f. 260 and note. 

= These were both refugees from Harat. 

3 Sarkar of Batala, in the Bar! du-ab (A.-i-A. Jarrett, p. no). 

932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 TO OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 459 

had arrived before us, and also those of Hindustan were ordered 
to dismount in such a way as to besiege the place closely. 

A grandson of Daulat Khan, son of his eldest son 'All Khan, 
Isma'Il Khan by name, came out of Milwat to see me ; he took 
back promise mingled with threat, kindness with menace. 

i^Jan. Sth) On Friday (Rabf I. 21st) I moved camp forward 
to within a mile of the fort, went myself to examine the place, 
posted right, left and centre, then returned to camp. 

Daulat Khan sent to represent to me that GhazI Khan had Fol. 258^. 
fled into the hills, and that, if his own faults were pardoned, he 
would take service with me and surrender Milwat. Khwaja 
Mir-i-mlran was sent to chase fear from his heart and to escort 
him out ; he came, and with him his son *Ali Khan. I had 
ordered that the two swords he had girt to his waist to fight 
me with, should be hung from his neck. Was such a rustic 
blockhead possible ! With things as they were, he still made 
pretensions ! When he was brought a little forward, I ordered 
the swords to be removed from his neck. At the time of our 
seeing one another' he hesitated to kneel ; I ordered them to 
pull his leg and make him do so. I had him seated quite in 
front, and ordered a person well acquainted with Hindustani to 
interpret my words to him, one after another. Said I, " Thus 
speak : — I called thee Father. I shewed thee more honour and 
respect than thou couldst have asked. Thee and thy sons 
I saved from door-to-door life amongst the Baluchls.^ Thy 
family and thy haram I freed from Ibrahim's prison-house.3 
Three krors I gave thee on Tatar Khan's lands.-^ What ill 
sayest thou I have done thee, that thus thou shouldst hang a 
sword on thy either side,5 lead an army out, fall on lands of 
ours,^ and stir strife and trouble ? " Dumbfounded, the old man 

' kilrushur waqt (Index s.7i. kiirush). 

- Babur's phrasing suggests beggary. 

3 This might refer to the time when Ibrahim's commander Bihar (Bahadur) Khan 
Nuhanl \.oo\i Labor (Translator's Note in loco p. 441). 

'^ They were his father's. Erskine estimated the 3 krors at ;i{^75,ooo. 

s shiqq, what hangs on either side, perhaps a satirical reference to the ass' burden. 

^ As illustrating Babur's claim to rule as a Timurid in Hindustan, it may be noted 
that in 814 ah. (141 1 ad.), Khizr Khan who is allowed by the date to have been 
a Sayyid ruler in Dihll, sent an embassy to Shahrukh Mirza the then Timurid ruler 
of Samarkand to acknowledge his suzerainty (Maila^ti' s-sa^dain, Quatremere, N. et 
Ex. xiv, 196). 


Fol. 259. stuttered a few words, but he gave no answer, nor indeed could 
answer be given to words so silencing. He was ordered to 
remain with Khwaja Mir-i-mlran. 

{Ja7t. 6tJi) On Saturday the 22nd of the first Rabi', I went 
myself to safeguard the exit of the families and harains ^ from 
the fort, dismounting on a rise opposite the Gate. To me there 
came 'All Khan and made offering of a few ashrafis. People 
began to bring out the families just before the Other Prayer. 
Though Ghazi Khan was reported to have got away, there were 
who said they had seen him in the fort. For this reason several 
of the household and braves^ were posted at the Gate, in order 
to prevent his escape by a ruse, for to get away was his full 
intention.3 Moreover if jewels and other valuables were being 
taken away by stealth, they were to be confiscated. I spent 
that night in a tent pitched on the rise in front of the Gate. 

{Jan. yth) Early next morning, Muhammad!, Ahmadi, SI. 
Junaid, 'Abdu'l-'azlz, Muhammad 'All Jang-jang and Qutluq- 
qadam were ordered to enter the fort and take possession of all 
Fol. 259^. effects. As there was much disturbance at the Gate, I shot off 
a few arrows by way of chastisement. Humayun's story-teller 
{qissa-klnvdti) was struck by the arrow of his destiny and at 
once surrendered his life. 

{Jan. yth and 8th) After spending two nights'^ on the rise, 
I inspected the fort. I went into GhazT Khan's book-room ;5 
some of the precious things found in it, I gave to Humayun, 
some sent to Kamran (in Qandahar). There were many books 
of learned contents,^ but not so many valuable ones as had at 
first appeared. I passed that night in the fort ; next morning 
I went back to camp. 

{Jan. ^th) It had been in our minds that GhazI Khan was in 
the fort, but he, a man devoid of nice sense of honour, had 

' Firishta says that Babur mounted for the purpose of preserving the honour of the 
Afghans and by so doing enabled the families in the fort to get out of it safely (lith. 
ed. p. 204). 

^ chuhra ; they will have been of the Corps of braves {ylglt ; Appendix H. 
section c. ). 

3 ktm kullt gharz aul aldl ', Pers. trs. ka gharz-i-kulli-i-au bud. 

* Persice, the eves of Sunday and Monday ; Anglice, Saturday and Sunday nights. 

s Ghaz! Khan was learned and a poet (Firishta ii, 42). 

^ mullaydna khiid, perhaps books of learned topic but not in choice copies. 

932 AH.— OCT. ISxH 1525 TO OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 461 

escaped to the hills, abandoning father, brethren and sisters in 

See that man without honour who never 

The face of good luck shall behold ; 

Bodily ease he chose for himself, 

In hardship he left wife and child {Gidistan cap. i, story 17). 

{Jan. lotJt) Leaving that camp on Wednesday, we moved 
towards the hills to which GhazI Khan had fled. When we 
dismounted in the valley-bottom two miles from the camp in 
the mouth of Milwat,^ Dilawar Khan came and waited on me. 
Daulat Khan, 'All Khan and Ismail Khan, with other chiefs, 
were given into Kitta Beg's charge who was to convey them to 
the Bhira fort of Milwat (Malot),^ and there keep guard over Fol. Jx>. 
them. In agreement with Dilawar Khan, blood-ransom was 
fixed for some who had been made over each to one man ; some 
gave security, some were kept prisoner. Daulat Khan died 
when Kitta Beg reached Sultanpur with the prisoners.3 

Milwat was given into the charge of Muh. ' A\\ Jang-jang who, 
pledging his own life for it, left his elder brother Arghun and 
a party of braves in it. A body of from 200 to 250 Afghans 
were told off to reinforce him. 

Khwaja Kalan had loaded several camels with Ghaznl wines. 
A party was held in his quarters overlooking the fort and the 
whole camp, some drinking 'araq, some wine. It was a varied 

{in. Jaswdn-valley.) 

Marching on, we crossed a low hill of the grazing-grounds 
{arghd-ddl-liq) of Milwat and went into the dun, as Hindustanis 

^ f. 257. It stands in 31° 50' N. and 76° E. (G. of I.). 

=" This is on the Salt-range, in 32° 42' N. and 72° 50' E. {Ayln-i-akbarl \x?,. Jarrett, 
ij 325 ; Provincial Gazetteer, Jihlam District). 

3 He died therefore in the town he himself built. Kitta Beg probably escorted 
the Afghan families from Milwat also ; Dilawar Khan's own seems to have been there 
already (f. 257), 

The Babiir-ndtna makes no mention of Daulat Khan's relations with Nanak, 
the founder of the Sikh religion, nor does it mention Nanak himself. A tradition 
exists that Nanak, when on his travels, made exposition of his doctrines to an 
attentive Babur and that he was partly instrumental in bringing Babur against the 
Afghans. He was 12 years older than Babur and survived him nine. (Cf. Dabistan 
lith. ed. p. 270 ; and, for Jahanglr Padshah's notice of Daulat Khan, Tiizuk-i- 
jahangirl, Rogers and Beveridge, p. 87). 



are understood to call a dale ^julgci)} In this dale is a running- 
water^ of Hindustan ; along its sides are many villages ; and it 
is said to be the pargana of the Jaswal, that is to say, of 
Dilawar Khan's maternal uncles. It lies there shut-in, with 
meadows along its torrent, rice cultivated here and there, a three 
or four mill-stream flowing in its trough, its width from two to 
Fol. 26o(^. four miles, six even in places, villages on the skirts of its hills — 
hillocks they are rather — where there are no villages, peacocks, 
monkeys, and many fowls which, except that they are mostly of 
one colour, are exactly like house-fowls. 

As no reliable news was had of Ghazi Khan, we arranged for 
Tardlka to go with Blrlm Deo Malinhds and capture him 
wherever he might be found. 

In the hills of this dale stand thoroughly strong forts ; one on 
the north-east, named Kutila, has sides 70 to 80 yards {qdrt) 
of straight fall, the side where the great gate is being perhaps 
7 or 8 yards.3 The width of the place where the draw-bridge 
is made, may be 10 to 12 yards. Across this they have made 
a bridge of two tall trees^ by which horses and herds are taken 
over. This was one of the local forts GhazI Khan had 
strengthened ; his man will have been in it now. Our raiders 
{chdpqunchi) assaulted it and had almost taken it when night 
came on. The garrison abandoned this difficult place and went 
off. Near this dale is also the stronghold of Ginguta ; it is girt 

' I translate dun by dale because, as its equivalent, Babur uses jtilga by which he 
describes a more pastoral valley than one he calls a dara. 

^ bir aqar-su. Babur's earlier uses of this term \g.v. index] connect it with the 
swift flow of water in irrigation channels ; this may be so here but also the term may 
make distinction between the rapid mountain-stream and the slow movement of rivers 
across plains. 

3 There are two readings of this sentence ; Erskine's implies that the neck of land 
connecting the fort-rock with its adjacent hill measures 7-8 qari (yards) from side to 
side ; de Courteille's that where the great gate was, the perpendicular fall surrounding 
the fort shallowed to 7-8 yards. The Turk! might be read, I think, to mean which- 
ever alternative was the fact. Erskine's reading best bears out Babur's account of 
the strength of the fort, since it allows of a cleft between the hill and the fort some 
140-160 feet deep, as against the 21-24 of de Courteille's. Erskine may have been in 
possession of information [in 1826] by which he guided his translation (p. 300), "At 
its chief gate, for the space of 7 or 8 gez {qart), there is a place that admits of a draw- 
bridge being thrown across ; it may be 10 or \2gez wide." If de Courteille's reading 
be correct in taking 7-8 qarl only to be the depth of the cleft, that cleft may be 

^ yighdch, which also means wood. 


m round by 

i:)2 AH.— OCT, 18th 1525 to OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 463 

by precipices as Kutila is, but is not so strong as Kutila. 
As has been mentioned 'Alam Khan went into it.^ Fol. 261. 

(n. Bdbur advances against Ibrahim?) 

After despatching the light troop against GhazI Khan, I put 
my foot in the stirrup of resolution, set my hand on the rein of 
trust in God, and moved forward against Sultan Ibrahim, son of 
Sultan Sikandar, son of Buhlul Ludi Afghan, in possession of 
whose throne at that time were the Dihll capital and the 
dominions of Hindustan, whose standing-army was called a lak 
(100,000), whose elephants and whose begs' elephants were 
about 1000. 

At the end of our first stage, I bestowed Dibalpur on BaqI 
shaghdwal^ and sent him to help Balkh^ ; sent also gifts, taken 
in the success of Milwat, for (my) younger children and various 
train in Kabul. 

When we had made one or two marches down the (Jaswan) 
dun. Shah 'Imad ^/^fr^^-i" arrived from Araish Khan and Mulla 
Muhammad Mazhab,^ bringing letters that conveyed their good 
wishes for the complete success of our campaign and indicated 
their effort and endeavour towards this. In response, we sent, 
by a foot-man, royal letters expressing our favour. We then 
marched on. 

' f. 257. 

^ chief scribe (f. 13 n. to 'Abdu'l-wahhab). Shaw's Vocabulary explains the word 
as meaning also a " high official of Central Asian sovereigns, who is supreme over all 
qazis and viullds. 

3 Babur's persistent interest in Balkh attracts attention, especially at this time so 
shortly before he does not include it as part of his own territories (f. 270). 

Since I wrote of Balkh s.a. 923 ah. (15 17 AD.), I have obtained the following 
particulars about it in that year ; they are summarized from the Hablbu^ s-siyar (lith. 
ed. iii, 371). In 923 ah. Khwand-amir was in retirement at Pasht in Ghurjistan where 
also was Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza. The two went in company to Balkh where the 
Mirza besieged Babur's man Ibrahim chapuk (Slash-face), and treacherously murdered 
one Aurdu-shah, an envoy sent out to parley with him. Information of what was 
happening was sent to Babur in Kabul. Babur reached Balkh when it had been 
besieged a month. His presence caused the Mirza to retire and led him to go into 
the Dara-i-gaz (Tamarind-valley). Babur, placing in Balkh Faqir-i-'all, one of those 
just come up with him, followed the Mirza but turned back at Aq-gumbaz (White- 
dome) which lies between Chach-charan in the Heri-rud valley and the Ghurjistan 
border, going no further because the Ghurjistanls favoured the Mirza. Babur went 
back to Kabul by the Firuz-koh, Yaka-aulang (cf. f. 195) and Ghur ; the Mirza was 
followed up by others, captured and conveyed to Kabul. 

■♦ Both were amirs of Hind. I understand the cognomen Mazhab to imply that 
its bearer occupied himself with the Muhammadan Faith in its exposition by divines 
of Islam {Hughes' Dictionary of Islam). 


(0. ^ A lain Khan takes refuge with Bdbu7\) 

The light troop we had sent out from Milwat (Malot), took 
Hurur, Kahlur and all the hill-forts of the neighbourhood — 
places to which because of their strength, no-one seemed to have 
gone for a long time — and came back to me after plundering 
a little. Came also 'Alam Khan, on foot, ruined, stripped bare. 
We sent some of the begs to give him honourable meeting, 
sent horses too, and he waited {inaldzamat qildi) in that 
Fol. 261^. neighbourhood.^ 

Raiders of ours went into the hills and valleys round-about, 
but after a few nights' absence, came back without anything to 
count. Shah Mir Husain, Jan Beg and a few of the braves 
asked leave and went off for a raid. 

{p. Incidents of the march for Pdm-pat.) 

While we were in the (Jaswan) dun, dutiful letters had come 
more than once from Isma'Il fihvdni and Biban ; we replied to 
them from this place by royal letters such as their hearts 
desired. After we got out of the dale to Rupar, it rained very 
much and became so cold that a mass of starved and naked 
Hindustanis died. 

When we had left Rupar and were dismounted at Karal,^ 
opposite Sihrind, a Hindustani coming said, " I am SI. Ibrahim's 
envoy," and though he had no letter or credentials, asked for an 
envoy from us. We responded at once by sending one or two 
SawadI night-guards {tunqitdr).'^ These humble persons Ibrahim 
put in prison ; they made their escape and came back to us on 
the very day we beat him. 

After having halted one night on the way, we dismounted on 
the bank of the torrent^ of Banur and Sanur. Great rivers 

* These incidents are included in the summary of *Alam Khan's affairs in section / 
(f. 255^). It will be observed that Babur's wording implies the " waiting" by one 
of lower rank on a superior. 

^ Elph. MS. Karnal, obviously a clerical error. 

3 Shaikh Sulaiman Effendi (Kunos) describes a ttmqitar as the guardian in war of 
a prince's tent ; a night-guard ; and as one who repeats a prayer aloud while a prince 
is mounting. 

4 rud, which, inappropriate for the lower course of the Ghaggar, may be due to 
Babur's visit to its upper course described immediately below. As has been noted, 
however, he uses the word riid to describe the empty bed of a mountain-stream as 
well as the swift water sometimes filling that bed. The account, here-following, of 
his visit to the upper course of the Ghaggar is somewhat difficult to translate. 


932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 to OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 465 

apart, one running water there is in Hindustan, is this^ ; they 
call it the water of Kakar (Ghaggar). Chitr also is on its bank. 
We rode up it for an excursion. The rising-place {ziJt) of the 
water of this torrent {rud) is 3 or 4 ku7'ohs {6-Z m.) above Chitr. 
Going up the (Kakar) torrent, we came to where a 4 or 5 mill- 
stream issues from a broad (side-)valley {dara), up which there Fol. 262. 
are very pleasant places, healthy and convenient. I ordered 
a Char-bagh to be made at the mouth of the broad valley of 
this (tributary) water, which falls into the (Kakar-) torrent after 
flowing for one or two kurohs through level ground. From its 
infall to the springs of the Kakar the distance may be 
3 to 4 kurohs (6-8 m.). When it comes down in flood during the 
rains and joins the Kakar, they go together to Samana and 

In this camp we heard that SI. Ibrahim had been on our side 
of Dihll and had moved on from that station, also that Hamid 
Khan khdsa-khail,^ the military-collector {shiqddr) of Hisar- 
iflruza, had left that place with its army and with the army of its 
neighbourhood, and had advanced 10 or 15 kurohs (20-30 m.). 
Kitta Beg was sent for news to Ibrahim's camp, and Mumin 
Ataka to the Hisar-firuza camp. 

( q. Humdyun moves against Hainid Khan?) 

{Feb. 2^th) Marching from Ambala, we dismounted by the 
side of a lake. There Mumin Ataka and Kitta Beg rejoined 
us, both on the same day, Sunday the 13th of the first Jumada. 

We appointed Humayun to act against HamId Khan, and 
joined the whole of the right (wing) to him, that is to say, 
Khwaja Kalan, SI. Muhammad Dillddt, Treasurer Wall, and 
also some of the begs whose posts were in Hindustan, namely, 
Khusrau, Hindu Beg, 'Abdu'l-'azlz and Muhammad 'Ah Jang- 
jang, with also, from the household and braves of the centre. 
Shah Mansur Barlds, Kitta Beg and Muhibb-i 'all. Foi. 262.5. 

' Hindustdnda darydldrdln bdshqa, blr agdr-su kivi bar {dur, is added by the 
Elph. MS.), bu dur. Perhaps the meaning is that the one (chief?) irrigation stream, 
apart from great rivers, is the Ghaggar. The bed of the Ghaggar is undefined and 
the water is consumed for irrigation (G. of I. xx, 33 ; Index s.n. agdr-su). 

^ in Patiala. Maps show what may be Baburs strong millstream joining the 

3 Presumably he was of Ibrahim's own family, the Sahu-khail. His defeat was 
opportune because he was on his way to join the main army. 


Biban waited on me in this camp. These Afghans remain 
very rustic and tactless ! This person asked to sit although 
Dilawar Khan, his superior in following and in rank, did not sit, 
and although the sons of 'Alam Khan, who are of royal birth, 
did not sit. Little ear was lent to his unreason ! 

{Feb. 26th) At dawn on Monday the 14th Humayun moved 
out against Hamld Khan. After advancing for some distance, 
he sent between 100 and 150 braves scouting ahead, who went 
close up to the enemy and at once got to grips. But when 
after a few encounters, the dark mass of HumayQn's troops 
shewed in the rear, the enemy ran right away. Humayun's men 
unhorsed from 100 to 200, struck the heads off one half and 
brought the other half in, together with 7 or 8 elephants. 

{March 2nd) On Friday the i8th of the month. Beg Mirak 
Mughal brought news of Humayun's victory to the camp. He 
(Humayun ?) was there and then given a special head-to-foot 
and a special horse from the royal stable, besides promise of 
guerdon {jiildu). 

{March ^th) On Monday the 25th of the month, Humayun 
arrived to wait on me, bringing with him as many as 100 
prisoners and 7 or ^ elephants. Ustad 'All-qull and the 
Fol. 263. matchlockmen were ordered to shoot all the prisoners, by way 
of example. This had been Humayun's first affair, his first 
experience of battle ; it was an excellent omen ! 

Our men who had gone in pursuit of the fugitives, took 
Hisar-flruza at once on arrival, plundered it, and returned to us. 
It was given in guerdon to Humayun, with all its dependencies 
and appurtenances, with it also a kror of money. 

We marched from that camp to Shahabad. After we had 
despatched a news-gatherer {til-tutdr kisht) to SI. Ibrahim's 
camp, we stayed a few days on that ground. Rahmat the 
foot-man was sent with the letters of victory to Kabul. 

(;'. News of Ibrahim.) 

{March ijth) On Monday the 28th of the first Jumada,' we 
being in that same camp, the Sun entered the Sign of the Ram. 

^ At this place the Elphinstone Codex has preserved, interpolated in its text, a note 
of Humayun's on his first use of the razor. Part of it is written as by Babur : — 


m News hai 

932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 to OCT. 8th 152G AD. 467 

News had come again and again from Ibrahim's camp, " He is 
coming, marching two miles " or " four miles ", " stopping in 
each camp two days," or " three days ". We for our part 
advanced from Shahabad and after halting on two nights, 
reached the bank of the Jun-river (Jumna) and encamped 
opposite Sarsawa. From that ground Khw^aja Kalan's servant 
Haidar-qull was sent to get news (/f/ tfitd). 

Having crossed the Jun-river at a ford, I visited Sarsawa. 
That day also we ate mdjiin. Sarsawa^ has a source {chasJmia) 
from which a smallish stream issues, not a bad place ! Tardi 
Beg kJidksdr praising it, I said, " Let it be thine ! " so just Fol. 263*. 
because he praised it, Sarsawa was given to him ! 

I had a platform fixed in a boat and used to go for 
excursions on the river, sometimes too made the marches down 
it. Two marches along its bank had been made when, of those 
sent to gather news, Haidar-qull brought word that Ibrahim had 
sent Daud Khan {Ludi) and Hatim Khan {Lildi) across the 
river into the Mlan-du-ab (Tween-waters) with 5 or 6000 men, 
and that these lay encamped some 6 or 7 miles from his own. 

{s. A successful encounter.) 

{April 1st) On Sunday the 18th of the second Jumada, 
we sent, to ride light against this force, Chln-tlmur Sultan,^ 

"Today in this same camp the razor or scissors was appHed to Humayun's face." 
Part is signed by Humayun : — " As the honoured dead, earlier in these Acts {wdgi^dt) 
mentions the first application of the razor to his own face (f. 120), so in imitation of 
him I mention this. I was then at the age of 18 ; now I am at the age of 48, I who 
am the sub-signed Muhaminad Humayun." A scribe's note attests that this is 
" copied from the hand- writing of that honoured one ". As Humayun's 48th (lunar) 
birthday occurred a month before he left Kabul, to attempt the re-conquest of 
Hindustan, in November 1554 AD. (in the last month of 961 AH.), he was still 48 
(lunar) years old on the day he re-entered Dihll on July 23rd 1555 ad. (Ramzan 1st 
962 AH.), so that this " shaving passage " will have been entered within those dates. 
That he should study his Father's book at that time is natural ; his grandson Jahanglr 
did the same when going to Kabul ; so doubtless would do its author's more remote 
descendants, the sons of Shah-jahan who reconquered Transoxiana. 

(Concerning the " shaving passage " vide the notes on the Elphinstone Codex in 
JRAS. 1900 p. 443, 451 ; 1902 p. 653 ; 1905 p. 754; and 1907 p. 131-) 

' This ancient town of the Saharanpur district is associated with a saint revered by 
Hindiis and Muhammadans. Cf. W. Crooke's Popular Religion of Northern India 
P" 133- Ifs chashvia may be inferred (from Babur's uses of the word q.v. Index) as 
a water-head, a pool, a gathering place of springs. 

^ He was the eighth son of Babur's maternal-uncle SI. Ahmad Khan Chaghatdl -a-nA 
had fled to Babur, other brothers following him, from the service of their eldest 
brother Mansur, Khaqan of the Mughuls {Tarlkh-i-rashldl Xx?,. p. 161). 


Mahdl Khwaja, Muhammad SI. Mirza, *Adil Sultan, and the 
whole of the left, namely, SI. Junaid, Shah Mir Husain, Qutluq- 
qadam, and with them also sent *Abdu'l-lah and Kitta Beg (of 
the centre). They crossed from our side of the water at the 
Mid-day Prayer, and between the Afternoon and the Evening 
Prayers bestirred themselves from the other bank. Biban 
having crossed the water on pretext of this movement, ran away. 
{April 2nd) At day-break they came upon the etiemy ; ^ he 
made as if coming out in a sort of array, but our men closed 
with his at once, overcame them, hustled them off, pursued and 
unhorsed them till they were opposite Ibrahim's own camp. 
Hatim Khan was one of those unhorsed, who was Daud Khan 
{Ltidtys elder brother and one of his commanders. Our men 
brought him in when they waited on me. They brought also 
Fol. 264. 60-70 prisoners and 6 or 7 elephants. Most of the prisoners, 
by way of warning, were made to reach their death-doom. 

(/. Preparations for battle.) 

While we were marching on in array of right, left and centre, 
the army was numbered ; ^ it did not count up to what had 
been estimated. 

At our next camp it was ordered that every man in the army 
should collect carts, each one according to his circumstances. 
Seven hundred carts {ardba) were brought 3 in. The order given 

' /arz-wagit, when there is light enough to distinguish one object from another. 

^ dim kuruldi (Index s.n. dim). Here the L. & E. Memoirs inserts an explanatory 
passage in Persian about the dim. It will have been in one of the IVagi^dt-i-bdburi 
A/SS. Erskine used ; it is in Muh. ShirazVs lithograph copy of the Udaipur Codex 
(p- J 73)- It is not in the TurkI text or in all the MSS. of the Persian translation. 
Manifestly, it was entered at a time when Babur's term dim kuruldi requires explana- 
tion in Hindustan. The writer of it himself does not make details clear ; he says only, 
"It is manifest that people declare (the number) after counting the mounted army in 
the way agreed upon amongst them, with a whip or a bow held in the hand." This 
explanation suggests that in the march-past the troops were measured off as so many 
bow- or whip-lengths (Index s.n. dim). 

3 These ardba may have been the baggage-carts of the army and also carts procured 
on the spot. Erskine omits ^Memoii-s p. 304) the words which show how many carts 
were collected and from whom. Doubtless it would be through not having these 
circumstances in his mind that he took the ardba for gun-carriages. His incomplete 
translation, again, led Stanley Lane-Poole to write an interesting note in his Bdbur 
(p. 161) to support Erskine against de Courteille (with whose rendering mine agrees) 
by quoting the circumstance that Humayun had 700 guns at Qanauj in 1540 ad. It 
must be said in opposition to his support of Erskine's " gun-carriages " that there is 
no textual or circumstantial warrant for supposing Babur to have had guns, even if 


§ to Ustad 

932AH.-OCT. 18th 1525 TO OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 469 

to Ustad 'Ali-qull was that these carts should be joined together 
in Ottoman ^ fashion, but using ropes of raw hide instead of 
chains, and that between every two carts 5 or 6 mantelets should 
be fixed, behind which the matchlockmen were to stand to fire. 
To allow of collecting all appliances, we delayed 5 or 6 days in 
that camp. When everything was ready, all the begs with such 
braves as had had experience in military affairs were summoned 
to a General Council where opinion found decision at this : — 
Pani-pat^ is there with its crowded houses and suburbs. It 
would be on one side of us ; our other sides must be protected 
by carts and mantelets behind which our foot and matchlockmen 
would stand. With so much settled we marched forward, halted 
one night on the way, and reached Panl-pat on Thursday the 
last day (29th) of the second Jumada (April 12th). 

(u. The opposed forces?) 

On our right was the town of Pani-pat with its suburbs ; in 
front of us were the carts and mantelets we had prepared ; on 
our left and elsewhere were ditch and branch. At distances of Fol. 264^. 
an arrow's flights sally-places were left for from 100 to 200 

Some in the army were very anxious and full of fear. Nothing 
recommends anxiety and fear. For why ? Because what God 
has fixed in eternity cannot be changed. But though this is so, 
it was no reproach to be afraid and anxious. For why ? Because 
those thus anxious and afraid were there with a two or three 
months' journey between them and their homes ; our affair was 

made in parts, in such number as to demand 700 gun-carriages for their transport. 
What guns Babur had at Panl-pat will have been brought from his Kabul base ; if he 
had acquired any, say from Labor, he would hardly omit to mention such an important 
reinforcement of his armament ; if he had brought many guns on carts from Kabul, he 
must have met with transit-difiiculties harassing enough to chronicle, while he was 
making that long journey from Kabul to Pani-pat, over passes, through skirt-hills and 
many fords. The elephants he had in Bigram may have been his transport for what 
guns he had ; he does not mention his number at Pani-pat ; he makes his victory a 
bow-man's success ; he can be read as indicating that he had two guns only. 

' These Ottoman (text, Kutnl, Roman) defences Ustad 'Ali-quli may have seen at 
the battle of Chaldiran fought some 40 leagues from Tabriz between SI. SalTm Riimi 
and Shah Isma'il Safawl on Rajab 1st 920 ah. (Aug. 22nd 1514 ad. ). Of this battle 
Khwand-amir gives a long account, dwelling on the effective use made in it of chained 
carts and palisades {Habibii's-siyar iii, part 4, p. 78 ; Akbar-ndma trs. i, 241). 

=" Is this the village of the Pani Afghans ? 

3 Index s. n. arrow. 


with a foreign tribe and people ; none knew their tongue, nor 
did they know ours : — 

A wandering band, with mind awander ; 

In the grip of a tribe, a tribe unfamiliar. ^ 

People estimated the army opposing us at 100,000 men ; 
Ibrahim's elephants and those of his amirs were said to be about 
1000. In his hands was the treasure of two forbears.^ In 
Hindustan, when work such as this has to be done, it is 
customary to pay out money to hired retainers who are known 
as b:d-hindi? If it had occurred to Ibrahim to do this, he might 
have had another lak or two of troops. God brought it right ! 
Ibrahim could neither content his braves, nor share out his 
treasure. How should he content his braves when he was ruled 
by avarice and had a craving insatiable to pile coin on coin ? 
He was an unproved brave 4 ; he provided nothing for his 
Fol. 265. military operations, he perfected nothing, nor stand, nor move, 
nor fight. 

In the interval at Panl-pat during which the army was 
preparing defence on our every side with cart, ditch and branch, 
Darwish-i-muhammad Sdrbdn had once said to me, "With such 
precautions taken, how is it possible for him to come ? " Said 
I, " Are you likening him to the Auzbeg khans and sultans ? 

^ rareshan jamH II jam''i pareshan ; 
Giriftdr qaiiml ti qatiinl ''aja'ib. 
These two lines do not translate easily without the context of their original place of 
occurrence. I have not found their source. 

= i.e. of his father and grandfather, Sikandar and Buhlul, 

3 As to the form of this word the authoritative MSS. of the TurkI text agree and 
with them also numerous good ones of the Persian translation. I have made careful 
examination of the word because it is replaced or explained here and there in MSS. 
by s:hb:ndi, the origin of which is said to be obscure. The sense of b:d-hindl and 
oi s:hh:ndl is the same, i.e. irregular levy. The word as Babur wrote it must have 
been understood by earlier Indian scribes of both the TurkI and Persian texts of the 
Bdbur-ndma. Some light on its correctness may be thought given by Hobson Jobson 
(Crooke's ed. p. 136) s.n. Byde or Bede Horse, where the word Byde is said to be an 
equivalent of pinddri, liltl, and gdzzdg, raider, plunderer, so that Babur's word 
b:d-hindl may mean gdzzdg of Hind. Wherever I have referred to the word in many 
MSS. it is pointed to read b:d, and not p:d, thus affording no warrant for under- 
standing /<a^, foot, foot-man, infantry, and also negativing the spelling bid, i.e. with 
a long vowel as in Byde. 

It may be noted here that Muh. Shlrdzl (p. 174) substituted s:hb:ndi for Babur's 
word and that this led our friend the late William Irvine to attribute mistake to 
de Courteille who follows the Turki text {Army of the MughUls p. 66 and Mimoires 
ii, 163). 

'^ bl tajarba ytgft aldt of which the sqnse may be that Babur ranked Ibrahim, as 
a soldier, with a brave who has not yet proved himself deserving of the rank of beg. 
It cannot mean that he was a youth {ylglt) without experience of battle. 

932AH.-OCT. 18th 1525 TO OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 471 

In what of movement under arms or of planned operations is 
he to be compared with them ? " God brought it right ! Things 
fell out just as I said ! 

{Author'' s note on the Ailzbeg chiefs.) When I reached Hisar in the year 
I left Samarkand (918 AH.-1512 AD.), and all the Auzbeg khans and sultans 
gathered and came against us, we brought the families and the goods of the 
Mughuls and soldiers into the Hisar suburbs and fortified these by closing the 
lanes. As those khans and sultans were experienced in equipment, in planned 
operations, and in resolute resistance, they saw from our fortification of Hisar 
that we were determined on life or death within it, saw they could not count 
on taking it by assault and, therefore, retired at once from near Nundak of 

{y. Preliminary encounters?) 

During the 7 or 8 days we lay in Panl-pat, our men used to 
go, a few together, close up to Ibrahim's camp, rain arrows down 
on his massed troops, cut off and bring in heads. Still he made Fol. 2653. 
no move ; nor did his troops sally out. At length, we acted on 
the advice of several Hindustani well-wishers and sent out 4 or 
5000 men to deliver a night-attack on his camp, the leaders of 
it being Mahdl Khwaja, Muhammad SI. Mirza, 'Adil Sultan, 
Khusrau, Shah Mir Husain, SI. Junaid Barlds, 'Abdu'l-'azlz the 
Master of the Horse, Muh. 'All Jafig-Jang, Qutluq-qadam, 
Treasurer Wall, Khahfa's Muhibb-i-'all, Pay-master Muhammad, 
Jan Beg and Qara-quzl. It being dark, they were not able to 
act together well, and, having scattered, could effect nothing on 
arrival. They stayed near Ibrahim's camp till dawn, when the 
nagarets sounded and troops of his came out in array with 
elephants. Though our men did not do their work, they got 
off safe and sound ; not a man of them was killed, though they 
were in touch with such a mass of foes. One arrow pierced 
Muh. 'All Jang-jang's leg ; though the wound was not mortal, 
he was good-for-nothing on the day of battle. 

On hearing of this affair, I sent off Humayun and his troops 
to go 2 or 3 miles to meet them, and followed him myself with 
the rest of the army in battle-array. The party of the night- 
attack joined him and came back with him. The enemy making 
no further advance, we returned to camp and dismounted. That 
night a false alarm fell on the camp ; for some 20 minutes (one 
gari) there were uproar and call-to-arms ; the disturbance died 
down after a time. Fol. 266. 


(w. Battle of Pdni-pat}) 

{April 20th) On Friday the 8th of Rajab,^ news came, when 
it was light enough to distinguish one thing from another {farz- 
waqti) that the enemy was advancing in fighting-array. We 
at once put on mail,3 armed and mounted.^ Our right was 
Humayun, Khwaja Kalan, Sultan Muhammad Dulddi, Hindu 
Beg, Treasurer Wall and Pir-qull Sistdni\ our left was 
Muhammad SI. Mirza, Mahdl Khwaja, *Adil Sultan, Shah Mir 
Husain, SI. Junaid Barlds, Qutluq-qadam, Jan Beg, Pay-master 
Muhammad, and Shah Husain (of) YaragI Mughid Ghdnchi{})^ 
The right hand of the centre ^ was Chln-tlmur Sultan, Sulaiman 
Mirza,7 MuhammadI Kukuldash, Shah Mansur Barlds, Yunas-i- 
*alT, Darwish-i-muhammad Sdrbdn and 'Abdu'1-lah the librarian. 
The left of the centre was Khalifa, Khwaja Mir-i-miran, 
Secretary Ahmadi, Tardi Beg (brother) of Quj Beg, Khalifa's 
Muhibb-i-*all and Mirza Beg Tarkhan. The advance was 
Khusrau Kukuldash and Muh. *Ah Jang-jang. 'Abdu'l-'azlz 

' Well-known are the three decisive historical battles fought near the town of 
Pani-pat, viz. those of Babur and Ibrahim in 1526, of Akbar and Himu in 1556, and 
of Ahmad Abddll with the Mahratta Confederacy in 1761. The following lesser 
particulars about the battle-field are not so frequently mentioned : — {i) that the scene 
of Babur's victory was long held to be haunted, Badayuni himself, passing it at dawn 
some 62 years later, heard with dismay the din of conflict and the shouts of the com- 
l)atants ; (//) that Babur built a (perhaps commemorative) mosque one mile to the 
n.e. of the town ; (///) that one of the unaccomplished desires of Sher Shah Sfa; the 
conqueror of Babur's son Humayun, was to raise two monuments on the battle-field 
of Pani-pat, one to Ibrahim, the other to those Chaghatai sultans whose martyrdom 
he himself had brought about ; {iv) that in 1910 ad. the British Government placed 
a monument to mark the scene of Shah AbdalVs victory of 1 761 ad. This monument 
would appear, from Sayyid Ghulam-i-'ali's Nigar-navia-i-hhid, to stand close to the 
scene of Babur's victory also, since the Mahrattas were entrenched as he was outside 
the town of Pani-pat. (Cf. E. & D. viii, 401.) 

=" This important date is omitted from the L. & E. Memoirs. 

3 This wording will cover armour of man and horse. 

< atlandfik, Pers. trs. suwar shudtm. Some later oriental writers locate Babur's 
l)att e at two or more miles from the town of Pani-pat, and Babur's word afldnduk 
might imply that his cavalry rode forth and arrayed outside his defences, but his 
narrative allows of his delivering attack, through the wide sally-ports, after arraving 
behind the carts and mantelets which checked his adversary's swift advance. The 
Mahrattas, who may have occupied the same ground as Babur, fortified themselves 
"IzL^-S'"^^]-'' *^^" ^^ '^"^' *-^ ^^'''"g powerful artillery against them. Ahmad Shah 
^bdali s defence against them was an ordinary ditch and abbatiis, [Babur's ditch and 
branch,] mostly oi dhiU- trees {Buteafrondosa), a local product Babur also is likely to 
have used. 

5 The preceding three words seem to distinguish this Shah Husain from several 
others of his name and n^ay imply that he was the son of Ydra^i Mtighiil Ghdnchi 
(Index and I.O. 217 f. 184/^ 1. 7). "^^ ^ 

^ For Babur's terms vide f. 209^5. 

7 This is Mirza Khan's son, i.e. Wais Miran-shahV s. 


932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 to OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 473 

the Master of the Horse was posted as the reserve. For the 
turning-party {tnlghuma) at the point of the right wing,^ we 
fixed on Red Wah and MaHk Qasim (brother) of Baba Qashqa, 
with their Mughuls ; for the turning-party at the point of the 
left wing, we arrayed Qara-quzi, Abu'l-muhammad the lance- 
player, Shaikh Jamal Bdi^m's Shaikh 'All, Mahndi(?) and 
Tingrl-blrdi Bashaghi {}) MugJnil\ these two parties, directly 
the enemy got near, were to turn his rear, one from the right, 
the other from the left. Fol. 2663. 

When the dark mass of the enemy first came in sight, he 
seemed to incline towards our right ; 'Abdu'l-'azlz, who was the 
right-reserve, was sent therefore to reinforce the right. From 
the time that SI. Ibrahim's blackness first appeared, he moved 
swiftly, straight for us, without a check, until he saw the dark 
mass of our men, when his pulled up and, observing our formation 
and array ,^ made as if asking, " To stand or not ? To advance 
or not ? " They could not stand ; nor could they make their 
former swift advance. 

Our orders were for the turning-parties to wheel from right 
and left to the enemy's rear, to discharge arrows and to engage 
in the fight ; and for the right and left (wings) to advance and 
join battle with him. The turning-parties wheeled round and 
began to rain arrows down. Mahdl Khwaja was the first of the 
left to engage ; he was faced by a troop having an elephant with 
it ; his men's flights of arrows forced it to retire. To reinforce 
the left I sent Secretary Ahmad! and also Quj Beg's Tardi Beg 
and Khahfa's Muhibb-i-'ali. On the right also there was some 
stubborn fighting. Orders were given for Muhammadi Kukuldash, 
Shah Mansur Barlds, Yunas-i-*all and 'Abdu'1-lah to engage 
those facing them in front of the centre. From that same 
position Ustad 'All-qull made good discharge oi firingi ^\vo\.s ;3 

' A dispute for this right-hand post of honour is recorded on f. \QOb, as also in 
accounts of CuUoden. 

^ tartlb tc yasal, which may include, as Erskine took it to do, the carts and 
mantelets ; of these however, Ibrahim can hardly have failed to hear before he rode 
out of camp. 

3 f. '2.\']h and note ; Irvine's Army of the Indian Mugkuls "p. 133. Here Erskine 
notes {Alems. p. 306) " The size of these artillery at this time is very uncertain. The 
•word firingi is now (1826 ad.) used in the Deccan for a swivel. At the present day, 
zarb-zan in common usage is a small species of swivel. Both words in Babur's time 


Mustafa the commissary for his part made excellent discharge 
Foi. 267. of zarb'San shots from the left hand of the centre. Our right, 
left, centre and turning-parties having surrounded the enemy, 
rained arrows down on him and fought ungrudgingly. He 
made one or two small charges on our right and left but under 
our men's arrows, fell back on his own centre. His right and 
left hands {qui) were massed in such a crowd that they could 
neither move forward against us nor force a way for flight. 

When the incitement to battle had come, the Sun was spear- 
high ; till mid-day fighting had been in full force ; noon passed, 
the foe was crushed in defeat, our friends rejoicing and gay. 
By God's mercy and kindness, this difficult affair was made easy 
for us ! In one half-day, that armed mass was laid upon the 
earth. Five or six thousand men were killed in one place close 
to Ibrahim. Our estimate of the other dead, lying all over the 
field, was 1 5 to 1 6,000, but it came to be known, later in Agra 
from the statements of Hindustanis, that 40 or 50,000 may have 
died in that battle.^ 

The foe defeated, pursuit and unhorsing of fugitives began. 
Our men brought in amirs of all ranks and the chiefs they 
captured ; mahauts made offering of herd after herd of elephants. 

Ibrahim was thought to have fled ; therefore, while pursuing 
Kol. 267*^. the enemy, we told off Qismatal Mirza, Baba chuhra and Bujka 
of the khasa-tdbln ^ to lead swift pursuit to Agra and try to 
take him. We passed through his camp, looked into his own 
enclosure {sardcha) and quarters, and dismounted on the bank 
of .standing-water {qard-su). 

appear to have Iwen used for field-cannon." _ (For an account of guns, intermediate 
in date Iwtween Babur and Erskine, see the Ayln-i-akbari. Cf. f. 264 n. on the carts 
{arCiha). ) 

• Although the authority of the Tarikh-i-salatln-i-afaghdna is not weighty its 
reproduction of Afghan opinion is worth consideration. It says that astrologers fore- 
told Ibrahim's defeat ; that his men, though greatly outnumbering Babur's, were 
out-of-heart through his ill-treatment of them, and his amirs in displeasure against 
him, but that never-the-less, the conflict at Pani-pat was more desperate than had 
ever Iwen seen. It states that Ibrahim fell where his tomb now is {i.e. in circa 
ic»2 AM.-1594 AD.) ; that Babur went to the spot and, prompted by his tender 
heart, lifted up the head of his dead adversary, and said, "Honour to your courage !", 
ordered brocade and sweetmeats made ready, enjoined Dilawar Khan and Khalifa to 
bathe the corpse and to bury it where it lay (E. & D. v, 2). Naturally, part of the 
reverence shewn to the dead would be the burial together of head and trunk. 

=" f. 209A and App, H. section c. Baba chuhra would be one of the corps of braves. 

932 AEL— OCT. 18th 152.3 TO OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 475 

It was the Afternoon Prayer when Khahfa's younger brother- 
in-law Tahir TibrI ^ who had found Ibrahim's body in a heap of 
dead, brought in his head. 

(x. Detachments sent to occupy Dihli and Agra?) 

On that very same day we appointed Humayun Mirza ^ to 
ride fast and Hght to Agra with Khwaja Kalan, Muhammadi, 
Shah Man.sur Barlds, Yunas-i-'ah, 'Abdu'1-lah and Treasurer 
Wah, to get the place into their hands and to mount guard over 
the treasure. We fixed on Mahdi Khwaja, with Muhammad 
SI. Mirza, 'Adil Sultan, SI. Junaid Barlds and Qutliiq-qadam to 
leave their baggage, make sudden incursion on Dihll, and keep 
watch on the treasuries.3 

{April 2ist) We marched on next day and when we had gone 
2 miles, dismounted, for the sake of the horses, on the bank of 
the Jun (Jumna). 

{April 24th) On Tuesday (Rajab 12th), after we had halted 
on two nights and had made the circuit of Shaikh Nizamu'd-din 
Auliyd's tomb-^ we dismounted on the bank of the Jun over 
against DihlT.5 That same night, being Wednesday-eve, we made 
an excursion into the fort of Dihll and there spent the night 

{April 2^ th) Next day (Wednesday Rajab 13th) I made the 
circuit of Khwaja Qutbu'd-dln's ^ tomb and visited the tombs 
and residences of SI. Ghiyasu'd-din Balban 7 and SI. 'Alau'u'd-dln 

' He was a brother of Muhibb-i- 'all's mother. 

- To give Humayun the title Mirza may be a scribe's lapse, but might also be 
a nuance of Babur's, made to shew, with other minutiae, that Humayun was in chief 
command. The other minute matters are that instead of Humayun's name being the 
first of a simple series of commanders' names with the enclitic accusative appended 
to the last one (here Wall), as is usual, Humayun's name has its own enclitic ni ; 
and, again, the phrase is ^ Humayfm tvith''' such and such begs, a turn of expression 
differentiating him from the rest. The same unusual variations occur again, just below, 
perhaps with the same intention of shewing chief command, there of Mahdl Khwaja. 

3 A small matter of wording attracts attention in the preceding two sentences. 
Babur, who does not always avoid verbal repetition, here constructs two sentences 
which, except for the place-names Dihll and Agra, convey information of precisely 
the same action in entirely different words. 

■* d. 1325 AD. The places Babur visited near Dihll are described in the Reports 
of the Indian Archaeological Survey, in Sayyid Ahmad's Asar Sanddldy^. 74-85, in 
Keene's Hand-book to Dihll and Murray's Hand-book to Bengal etc. The last two 
quote much from the writings of Cunningham and Fergusson. 

5 and on the same side of the river. 

^ d. 1235 AD. He was a native of Aiish [Ush] in Farghana. 

7 d. 1286 AD. He was a Slave ruler of Dihll. 


Fol. 268. Khilji,^ his Minar, and the Hauz-shamsl, Hauz-i-khas and the 
tombs and gardens of SI. Buhlul and SI. Sikandar {Ludi). 
Having done this, we dismounted at the camp, went on a boat, 
and there 'ai'aq was drunk. 

We bestowed the Military Collectorate {shiqddrlighi) of Dihll 
on Red Wall, made Dost Dlwan in the Dihll district, sealed the 
treasuries, and made them over to their charge. 

{April 26th) On Thursday we dismounted on the bank of the 
Jun, over against Tughluqabad.^ 

(j'. The khutba read for Bdbur in Dihli.) 

{April 2'jtJi) On Friday (Rajab 15th) while we remained on 
the same ground, Maulana Mahmud and Shaikh Zain went with 
a few others into Dihll for the Congregational Prayer, read the 
khutba in my name, distributed a portion of money to the poor 
and needy,3 and returned to camp. 

{April 28tli) Leaving that ground on Saturday (Rajab i6th), 
we advanced march by march for Agra. I made an excursion 
to Tughluqabad and rejoined the camp. 

{May ph) On Friday (Rajab 22nd), we dismounted at the 
mansion {manzil) of Sulaiman Farmulim a suburb of Agra, but 
as the place was far from the fort, moved on the following day 
to Jalal Y^\v2i\-i Jig:hafs house. 

On Humayun's arrival at Agra, ahead of us, the garrison had 
made excuses and false pretexts (about surrender). He and his 
noticing the want of discipline there was, said, " The long hand 
may be laid on the Treasury " ! and so sat down to watch the 
roads out of Agra till we should come. 

' *Alau'u'd-din Muh. Shah Khiljl Turk d. 13 16 ad. It is curious that Babur 
should specify visiting his Minar (mindri, Pers. trs. I.O. 217 f. l85<6, mmdr-i-au) and 
not mention the Qutb Minar. Possibly he confused the two. The 'Ala! Minar 
remains unfinished ; the Qutb is judged by Cunningham to have been founded by 
Qutbu'd-din Albak Turk, circa 1200 ad. and to have been completed by SI. Shamsu'd- 
din Altamsh (AUtimish ?) Turk, circa 1220 ad. Of the two tanks Babur visited, the 
Royal-tank (ffciuz-i-khdz) was made by 'Alau'u'd-dln in 1 293 ad. 

" The familiar Turk! word Tughluq would reinforce much else met with in Dihli 
to strengthen Babur's opinion that, as a Turk, he had a right to rule there. Many, 
if not all, of the Slave dynasty were Turks ; these were followed by the Khilj! Turks, 
these again by the Tughluqs. Moreover the Panj-ab he had himself taken, and lands 
on both sides of the Indus further south had been ruled by Ghaznawid Turks. His 
latest conquests were "where the Turk had ruled" (f. 22bb) long, wide, and with 
interludes only of non-Turk! sway. 

3 Perhaps this charity was the Khavis (Fifth) due from a victor. 


^^■r 932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 TO OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 477 

P (z. The great diamond?) 

In Sultan Ibrahim's defeat the Raja of Guallar Bikramajit the 
Hindu had gone to hell.^ Fol. 268^. 

{^Author's note on Bikramajit.) The ancestors of Bikramajit had ruled in 
Gualiar for more than a hundred years. ^ Sikandar {Ludt) had sat down in 
Agra for several years in order to take the fort ; later on, in Ibrahim's time, 
'Azim Humayiin Sarwani^hzA completely invested it for some while ; following 
this, it was taken on terms under which Shamsabad was given in exchange 
for it.-* 

Bikramajit's children and family were in Agra at the time of 
Ibrahim's defeat. When Humayiin reached Agra, they must 
have been planning to flee, but his postings of men (to watch 
the roads) prevented this and guard was kept over them. 
Humayiin himself did not let them go {bdrghdlt qmmds). They 
made him a voluntary offering of a mass of jewels and valuables 
amongst which was the famous diamond which *Alau'u'd-dln 
must have brought.5 Its reputation is that every appraiser has 
estimated its value at two and a half days' food for the whole 
world. Apparently it weighs 8 tnisqals^ Humayun offered it 
to me when I arrived at Agra ; I just gave it him back. 

{aa. Ibrahim's mother and entourage.) 

Amongst men of mark who were in the fort, there were Malik 
Dad Kardm, Mill! Surduk and Firuz Khan Miwdti. They, 
being convicted of false dealing, were ordered out for capital 
punishment. Several persons interceded for Malik Dad Kardni 
and four or five days passed in comings and goings before the 

' Bikramajit was a Tunur Rajput. Babur's unhesitating statement of the Hindu's 
destination at death may be called a fruit of conviction, rather than of what modern 
opinion calls intolerance. 

2 120 years (Cunningham's Report of the Archaeological Survey ii, 330 et seq.). 

3 The Tdi'lkh-i-sher-shahi tells a good deal about the man who bore this title, and 
also about others who found themselves now in difficulty between Ibrahim's tyranny 
and Babur's advance (E. & D. iv, 301). 

"* Gualiar was taken from Bikramajit in 15 18 ad. 

s i.e. from the Deccan of which 'Alau'u'd-din is said to have been the first Mu- 
^ammadan invader. An account of this diamond, identified as the Koh-i-nur, is given 
in Hobson Jobson but its full history is not told by Yule or by Streeter's Great 
Diamonds of the World, neither mentioning the presentation of the diamond by 
Humayun to Tahmasp of which Abu'1-fazl writes, dwelling on its overplus of payment 
for all that Humayun in exile received from his Persian host {Akbar-ndma trs. i, 349 
and note; Astatic Quarterly Review, April 1899 H. Beveridge's art. Bdbur' s diamond ; 
was it the Koh-i-nfir?). 

^320 ratis (Erskine). The rati is 2. 171 Troy grains, or in picturesque primitive 
equivalents, is 8 grains of rice, or 64 mustard seeds, or 512 poppy-seeds, — uncertain 
weights which Akbar fixed in cat's-eye stones. 




matter was arranged. We then shewed to them (all?) kindness 
and favour in agreement with the petition made for them, and 
we restored them all their goods. ^ A pm-gana worth 7 laks ^ 
was bestowed on Ibrahim's mother ; parganas were given also 
to these begs of his.3 She was sent out of the fort with her old 
servants and given encamping-ground {yilrt) two miles below 
Fol. 269. Agra. 

{May lotli) I entered Agra at the Afternoon Prayer of 
Thursday (Rajab 28th) and dismounted at the mansion {manzit) 
of SI. Ibrahim. 


{a. Bdbur's Jive attempts on Hindustan.) 

From the date 910 at which the country of Kabul was con- 
quered, down to now (932 AH.) (my) desire for Hindustan had 
been constant, but owing sometimes to the feeble counsels of 
begs, sometimes to the non-accompaniment of elder and younger 
brethren,'^ a move on Hindustan had not been practicable and its 
territories had remained unsubdued. At length no such obstacles 
were left ; no beg, great or small {beg begat) of lower birth,5 could 
speak an opposing word. In 925 ah. ( i 5 19 AD.) we led an army 
out and, after taking Bajaur by storm in 2-3^^^/(44-66 minutes), 
and making a general massacre of its people, went on into Bhira. 
Bhira we neither over-ran nor plundered ; we imposed a ransom 
on its people, taking from them in money and goods to the value 

' Babur's plurals allow the supposition that the three men's lives were spared. 
Malik Dad served him thenceforth. 

" Erskine estimated these as dams and worth about ;^i 750, but this may be an 
underestimate {H. of I. i, App. E.). 

3 " These begs of his " (or hers) may be the three written of above. 
These will include cousins and his half-brothers Jahanglr and Nasir as opposing 
before he took action in 925 ah. (1519 ad. ). The time between 910 ah. and 925 ah. 
at which he would most desire Hindustan is after 920 ah. in which year he returned 
defeated from Transoxiana. 

5 kichik karim, which here seems to make contrast between the ruling birth of 
members of his own family and the lower birth of even great begs still with him. 
Where the phrase occurs on f. 295, Erskine renders it by "down to the dregs", and 
de CourteiUe (u, 235) by "aSf ioutes les hotiches'' but neither translation appears to 
me to suit Babur's uses of the term, inasmuch as both seem to go too low (cf. f. 270^). 

932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 to OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 479 

of 4 laks of shdhrukhis and having shared this out to the army 
and auxiliaries, returned to Kabul. From then till now we 
laboriously held tight ^ to Hindustan, five times leading an army 
into it.^ The fifth time, God the Most High, by his own mercy 
and favour, made such a foe as SI. Ibrahim the vanquished and 
loser, such a realm as Hindustan our conquest and possession. 

{b. Three invaders from Trainontana.) 

From the time of the revered Prophet down till now 3 three 
men from that side 4 have conquered and ruled Hindustan. SI. 
Mahmud Ghdzl^ was the first, who and whose descendants sat 
long on the seat of government in Hindustan. SI. Shihabu'd-din FoL 269^. 
of Ghur was the second,^ whose slaves and dependants royally 
shepherded 7 this realm for many years. I am the third. 

But my task was not like the task of those other rulers. For 
why ? Because SI. Mahmud, when he conquered Hindustan, had 
the throne of Khurasan subject to his rule, vassal and obedient to 
him were the sultans of Khwarizm and the Mdirc\\Qs{Ddru' l-ntarz), 
and under his hand was the ruler of Samarkand. Though his 
army may not have numbered 2 laks, what question is there that 
it ^ was one. Then again, rajas were his opponents ; all Hindu- 
stan was not under one supreme head {pddshdh), but each raja 
ruled independently in his own country. SI. Shihabu'd-din again, 
— though he himself had no rule in Khurasan, his elder brother 
Ghiyasu'd-din had it. The Tabaqdt-i-ndsiri^ brings it forward 

^ aiiirushub, Pers. trs. chaspida, stuck to. 

^ The first expedition is fixed by the preceding passage as in 925 ah. which was 
indeed the first time a passage of the Indus is recorded. Three others are found 
recorded, those of 926, 930 and 932 AH. Perhaps the fifth was not led by Babur in 
person, and may be that of his troops accompanying ' Alam Khan in 93 1 AH. But 
he may count into the set of five, the one made in 910 ah. which he himself meant 
to cross the Indus. Various opinions are found expressed by European writers as to 
the dates of the five. 

3 Muhammad died 632 ad. (il AH.). 

■♦ Tramontana, n. of Hindu-kush. For particulars about the dynasties mentioned 
by Babur see Stanley Lane- Poole's Muhammadan Dynasties. 

s Mahmud of Ghazni, a Turk by race, d. 1030 ad. (421 AH.). 

* known as Muh. Ghiiri, d. 1206 ad. (602 ah.). 

7 suruhturldr, lit. drove them like sheep (cf. f. 154^). 

^ khud, itself, not Babur's only Hibernianism. 

^ "This is an excellent history of the Musalman world down to the time of SI. Nasir 
of Dihll A.D. 1252. It was written by Abu 'Umar Minhaj al Jurjanl. See Stewart's 
catalogue of Tipoo's Library, p. 7 " (Erskine). It has been translated by Raverty. 


that he once led into Hindustan an army of 120,000 men and 
horse in mail.^ His opponents also were rals and rajas ; one 
man did not hold all Hindustan. 

That time we came to Bhira, we had at most some 1500 to 
2000 men. We had made no previous move on Hindustan with 
an army equal to that which came the fifth time, when we beat 
SI. Ibrahim and conquered the realm of Hindustan, the total 
written down for which, taking one retainer with another, and 
Fol. 270. with traders and servants, was 12,000. Dependent on me were 
the countries of Badakhshan, Qunduz, Kabul and Qandahar, but 
no reckonable profit came from them, rather it was necessary to 
reinforce them fully because several lie close to an enemy. Then 
again, all Mawara'u'n-nahr was in the power of the Auzbeg khans 
and sultans, an ancient foe whose armies counted up to 100,000. 
Moreover Hindustan, from Bhira to Bihar, was in the power of 
the Afghans and in it SI. Ibrahim was supreme. In proportion 
to his territory his army ought to have been 5 laks, but at that 
time the Eastern amirs were in hostility to him. His army was 
estimated at 100,000 and people said his elephants and those of 
his amirs were 1000. 

Under such conditions, in this strength, and having in my rear 
100,000 old enemies such as are the Auzbegs, we put trust in God 
and faced the ruler of such a dense army and of domains so wide. 
As our trust was in Him, the most high God did not make our 
labour and hardships vain, but defeated that powerful foe and 
conquered that broad realm. Not as due to strength and effort 
of our own do we look upon this good fortune, but as had solely 
through God's pleasure and kindness. We know that this 
happiness was not the fruit of our own ambition and resolve, but 
that it was purely from His mercy and favour. 


{a. Hindustan^ 

The country of Hindustan is extensive, full of men, and full 

Fol. ^^ob. of produce. On the east, south, and even on the west, it ends at 

its great enclosing ocean {muhit daryd-st-gha). On the north 

' bargustwan-iuar ; Erskine, cataphract horse. 

932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 to OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 481 

it has mountains which connect with those of Hindu-kush, 
Kafiristan and Kashmir. North-west of it He Kabul, Ghaznl 
and Qandahar. Dihh is held {airhnisJt) to be the capital of the 
whole of Hindustan. From the death of Shihabu'd-din Ghuri 
(d. 602 AH. — 1206 AD.) to the latter part of the reign of SI. Firiiz 
Shah {Tughluq Turk d. 790 AH. — 1388 AD.), the greater part of 
Hindustan must have been under the rule of the sultans of Dihll. 

{b. Rulers contemporary with Bdbur's conquest.) 

At the date of my conquest of Hindustan it was governed by 
five Musalman rulers {pddshdhy and two Pagans {kdjir). These 
were the respected and independent rulers, but there were also, 
in the hills and jungles, many rals and rajas, held in little esteem 
{kichik karini). 

First, there were the Afghans who had possession of Dihll, the 
capital, and held the country from Bhira to Bihar. Junpur, before 
their time, had been in possession of SI. Husain 5/^^r^f (Eastern)^ 
whose dynasty Hindustanis call PurabI (Eastern). His ancestors 
will have been cup-bearers in the presence of SI. Firuz Shah 
and those (Tughluq) sultans ; they became supreme in Junpur 
after his death.3 At that time Dihli was in the hands of 
SI. 'Alau'u'd-dln ('Alam Khan) of the Sayyid dynasty to whose 
ancestor Timur Beg had given it when, after having captured it, 
he went away.^ SI. Buhlul Ludi and his son (Sikandar) got 
possession of the capital Junpur and the capital Dihll, and 
brought both under one government (881 ah. — 147^ AD.). 

Secondly, there was SI. Muhammad Muzaffer in Gujrat ; he 
departed from the world a few days before the defeat of 
SI. Ibrahim. He was skilled in the Law, a ruler {pddshdh) seeking Fol. 271. 
after knowledge, and a constant copyist of the Holy Book. His 
dynasty people call Tank.5 His ancestors also will have been 

^ The numerous instances of the word pddshdh in this part of the Bdbur-ndma 
imply no such distinction as attaches to the title Emperor by which it is frequently 
translated (Index s.n. pddshdh). 

=* d. 1500 AD. (905 AH.). 

3 d. 1388 AD. (790 AH.). 

*■ The ancestor mentioned appears to be Nasrat Shah, a grandson of Firuz Shah 
Tughluq (S. L. -Poole p. 300 and Beale, 298). 

s His family belonged to the Rajput sept of Tank, and had become Muhammadan 
in the person of Sadharan the first ruler of Gujrat (Crooke's Tribes and Castes; 
Mirdt-i-sikandari, Bayley p. 67 and n. ). 


wine-servers to SI. Firuz Shah and those (Tughluq) sultans ; they 
became possessed of Gujrat after his death. 

Thirdly, there were the Bahmanis of the Dakkan (Deccan, i.e. 
South), but at the present time no independent authority is left 
them ; their great begs have laid hands on the whole country, 
and must be asked for whatever is needed.^ 

Fourthly, there was SI. Mahmud in the country of Malwa, 
which people call also Mandau.^ His dynasty they call Khillj 
{Turk). Rana Sanga had defeated SI. Mahmud and taken 
possession of most of his country. This dynasty also has 
become feeble. SI. Mahmud's ancestors also must have been 
cherished by SI. Firuz Shah ; they became possessed of the 
Malwa country after his death.3 

Fifthly, there was Nasrat Shah 4 in the country of Bengal. 
His father (Husain Shah), a sayyid styled 'Alau'u'd-dln, had 
ruled in Bengal and Nasrat Shah attained to rule by inheritance. 
A surprising custom in Bengal is that hereditary succession is 
rare. The royal office is permanent and there are permanent 
offices of amirs, wazTrs and mansab-dars (officials). It is the 
office that Bengalis regard with respect. Attached to each 
office is a body of obedient, subordinate retainers and servants. 
If the royal heart demand that a person should be dismissed 
Fol. 271/5. and another be appointed to sit in his place, the whole body of 
subordinates attached to that office become the (new) office- 
holder's. There is indeed this peculiarity of the royal office 
itself that any person who kills the ruler {pddshdk) and seats 
himself on the throne, becomes ruler himself; amirs, wazirs, 
soldiers and peasants submit to him at once, obey him, and 
recognize him for the rightful ruler his predecessor in office had 
been.-^ Bengalis say, " We are faithful to the throne ; we loyally 

' S. L. -Poole p. 316-7. 

' Mandau (Mandu) was the capital of Malwa. 

3 Stanley Lane-Poole shews (p. 311) a dynasty of three Ghuris interposed between 
the death of Firuz Shah in 790 AH. and the accession in 839 AH. of the first Khilji 
ruler of Gujrat Mahmud Shah. 

* He reigned from 1518 to 1532 ad. (925 to 939 ah. S.L.-P. p. 308) and had to 
wife a daughter of Ibrahim Ludi {Riyazu! s-saldtln). His dynasty was known as the 
Husain-shahi, after his father. 

s " Strange as this custom may seem, a similar one prevailed down to a very late 
period in Malabar. There was a jubilee every 12 years in the Samorin's country, and 
any-one who succeeded in forcing his way through the Samorin's guards and slew 

932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 to OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 483 

obey whoever occupies it." As for instance, before the reign of 
Nasrat Shah's father 'Alau'u'd-dln, an Abyssinian {Habshz, 
named Muzaffar Shah) had killed his sovereign (Mahmud 
Shah Ilyds), mounted the throne and ruled for some time. 
*Alau'u'd-din killed that Abyssinian, seated himself on the throne 
and became ruler. When he died, his son (Nasrat) became 
ruler by inheritance. Another Bengali custom is to regard it 
as a disgraceful fault in a new ruler if he expend and consume 
the treasure of his predecessors. On coming to rule he must 
gather treasure of his own. To amass treasure Bengalis regard 
as a glorious distinction. Another custom in Bengal is that 
from ancient times pai'ganas have been assigned to meet the 
charges of the treasury, stables, and all royal expenditure and 
to defray these charges no impost is laid on other lands. 

These five, mentioned above, were the great Musalman rulers, 
honoured in Hindustan, many-legioned, and broad-landed. Of 
the Pagans the greater both in territory and army, is the Raja 
of Bljanagar.^ Fol. 272. 

The second is Rana Sanga who in these latter days had 
grown great by his own valour and sword. His original country 
was Chitur ; in the downfall from power of the Mandau sultans, 
he became possessed of many of their dependencies such as 
Rantanbur, SarangpOr, Bhllsan and ChandlrT. Chandlrl I stormed 
in 934 AH. (1 528 A.D.)^ and, by God's pleasure, took it in a few 
hours ; in it was Rana Sanga's great and trusted man Midnl 

him, reigned in his stead. ' A jubilee is proclaimed throughout his dominions at the 
end of 12 years, and a tent is pitched for him in a spacious plain, and a great feast 
is celebrated for 10 or 12 days with mirth and jollity, guns firing night and day, so, 
at the end of the feast, any four of the guests that have a mind to gain a throne by 
a desperate action in fighting their way through 30 or 40,000 of his guards, and kill 
the Samorin in his tent, he that kills him, succeeds him in his empire.' See Hamilton's 
New Account of the East Indies vol. i. p. 309. The attempt was made in 1695, ^^"d 
again a very few years ago, but without success" (Erskine p. 311). 

The custom Babur writes of — it is one dealt with at length in Frazer's Golden 
Bough — would appear from Blochmann's Geography and History of Bengal (JASB 
1873 P- 286) to have been practised by the Habsh! rulers of Bengal of whom he 
quotes Faria y Souza as saying, " They observe no rule of inheritance from father to 
son, but even slaves sometimes obtain it by killing their master, and whoever holds 
it three days, they look upon as established by divine providence. Thus it fell out 
that in 40 years space they had 13 kings successively," 

' No doubt this represents Vijayanagar in the Deccan. 

^ This date places the composition of the Description of Hindustan in agreement 
with Shaikh Zain's statement that it was in writing in 935 AH. 


Rao ; we made general massacre of the Pagans in it and, as will 
be narrated, converted what for many years had been a mansion 
of hostility, into a mansion of Islam. 

There are very many rals and rajas on all sides and quarters 
of Hindiistan, some obedient to Islam, some, because of their 
remoteness or because their places are fastnesses, not subject to 
Musalman rule. 

{c. Of Hindustan.) 

Hindustan is of the first climate, the second climate, and 
the third climate ; of the fourth climate it has none. It is 
a wonderful country. Compared with our countries it is a 
different world ; its mountains, rivers, jungles and deserts, its 
towns, its cultivated lands, its animals and plants, its peoples 
and their tongues, its rains, and its winds, are all different. In 
some respects the hot-country {garm-sit) that depends on Kabul, 
is like Hindustan, but in others, it is different. Once the water 
of Sind is crossed, everything is in the Hindustan way {tariq) 
Fol. 272^. land, water, tree, rock, people and horde, opinion and custom. 

{d. Of the northern mountains?) 

After crossing the Sind-river (eastwards), there are countries, 
in the northern mountains mentioned above, appertaining to 
Kashmir and once included in it, although most of them, as for 
example, PaklT and Shahmang (?), do not now obey it. Beyond 
Kashmir there are countless peoples and hordes, parganas and 
cultivated lands, in the mountains. As far as Bengal, as far 
indeed as the shore of the great ocean, the peoples are without 
break. About this procession of men no-one has been able 
to give authentic information in reply to our enquiries and 
investigations. So far people have been saying that they call 
these hill-men Kas} It has struck me that as a Hindustani 
pronounces shin as sin {i.e. sh as s), and as Kashmir is the one 
respectable town in these mountains, no other indeed being 
heard of, Hindustanis might pronounce it Kasmlr.^' These 

' Are they the Khas of Nepal and Sikkim ? (G. of I.). 

» Here Erskine notes that the Persian (trs.) adds, " mlr signifying a hill, and kas 
being the name of the natives of the hill-country." This may not support the name 
kas as correct but may be merely an explanation of Babur's meaning. It is not in 
I.O. 217 f. 189 or in Muh. ShirazV% hthographed WaqVat-i-baburi ^. 190. 

932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 TO OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 485 

people trade in musk-bags, b:hri-qutds,^ saffron, lead and 

Hindis call these mountains Sawalak-parbat. In the Hindi 
tongue sawdi-lak means one lak and a quarter, that is, 125,000, 
?ind par bat means a hill, which makes 125,000 hills.^ The snow 
on these mountains never lessens ; it is seen white from many 
districts of Hind, as, for example, Lahor, Sihrind and Sambal. 
The range, which in Kabul is known as HindO-kush, comes from 
Kabul eastwards into Hindustan, with slight inclination to the 
south. The Hindustanat^ are to the south of it. Tibet lies to 
the north of it and of that unknown horde called Kas. Fol. 273. 

{e. Of rivers.) 

Many rivers rise in these mountains and flow through Hindu- 
stan. Six rise north of Sihrind, namely Sind, Bahat (Jilam), 
Chan-ab [_stc\ Rawl, Blah, and Sutluj 4 ; all meet near Multan, 
flow westwards under the name of Sind, pass through the Tatta 
country and fall into the *Uman(-sea). 

Besides these six there are others, such as Jun (Jumna), Gang 
(Ganges), Rahap (RaptI?),GumtI,Gagar (Ghaggar),Siru,Gandak, 
and many more ; all unite with the Gang-darya, flow east under 
its name, pass through the Bengal country, and are poured into 
the great ocean. They all rise in the Sawalak-parbat. 

Many rivers rise in the Hindustan hills, as, for instance, 
Charnbal, Banas, Bitwl, and Siin (Son). There is no snow what- 
ever on these mountains. Their waters also join the Gang-darya. 

(/ Of the Ardvain.) 

Another Hindiistan range runs north and south. It begins in 
the Dihll country at a small rocky hill on which is Firuz Shah's 
residence, called Jahan-nama,5 and, going on from there, appears 
near Dihll in detached, very low, scattered here and there, rocky 

^ Either yak or the tassels of the yak. See Appendix M. 

' My husband tells me that Babur's authority for this interpretation of Sawalak 
may be the Zafar-ndma (Bib. Ind. ed. ii, 149). 

3 i.e. the countries of Hindustan. 

* so pointed, carefully, in the Hai. MS. Mr. Erskine notes of these rivers that 
they are the Indus, Hydaspes, Ascesines, Hydraotes, Hesudrus and Hyphasis. 

s Ayin-i-akbari, Jarrett 279. 


Fol. 273<5. little hills/ Beyond Mlwat, it enters the Biana country. The 
hills of Slkrl, Barl and Dulpur are also part of this same including 
(/«/i) range. The hills of Guallar — they write it Gallur — although 
they do not connect with it, are off-sets of this range ; so are the 
hills of Rantanbur, Chitur, Chandlrl, and Mandau. They are cut 
off from it in some places by 7 to 8 kurohs (14 to 16 m.). These 
hills are very low, rough, rocky and jungly. No snow whatever 
falls on them. They are the makers, in Hindustan, of several 

(^. Irrigation?) 

The greater part of the Hindustan country is situated on level 
land. Many though its towns and cultivated lands are, it nowhere 
has running waters.^ Rivers and, in some places, standing- waters 
are its "running- waters" {aqdr-sTildr^. Even where, as for some 
towns, it is practicable to convey water by digging channels {ariq)^ 
this is not done. For not doing it there may be several reasons, 
one being that water is not at all a necessity in cultivating crops 
and orchards. Autumn crops grow by the downpour of the rains 
themselves ; and strange it is that spring crops grow even when 
no rain falls. To young trees water is made to flow by means of 
buckets or a wheel. They are given water constantly during two 
or three years ; after which they need no more. Some vegetables 
are watered constantly. 

In Labor, Dibalpur and those parts, people water by means 
of a wheel. They make two circles of ropes long enough to 
suit the depth of the well, fix strips of wood between them, and 
on these fasten pitchers. The ropes with the wood and attached 
Fol. 274. pitchers are put over the well-wheel. At one end of the wheel- 
axle a second wheel is fixed, and close {qdsh) to it another on 
an upright axle. This last wheel the bullock turns ; its teeth 
catch in the teeth of the second, and thus the wheel with the 
pitchers is turned. A trough is set where the water empties from 
the pitchers and from this the water is conveyed everywhere. 

» pdrcha parcha, kichlkrak klchlkrdk, anda mundd, tdshltq taqghina. The 
Gazetteer of India (1907 i, i) puts into scientific words, what Babur here describes, 
the ruin of a great former range. 

» Here aqar-suldr might safely be replaced by " irrigation channels" (Index s.n.). 


W In Ai 

932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 TO OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 487 

In Agra, Chandwar, Blana and those parts, again, people 
water with a bucket ; this is a laborious and filthy way. At the 
well-edge they set up a fork of wood, having a roller adjusted 
between the forks, tie a rope to a large bucket, put the rope 
over the roller, and tie its other end to the bullock. One person 
must drive the bullock, another empty the bucket. Every time 
the bullock turns after having drawn the bucket out of the well, 
that rope lies on the bullock-track, in pollution of urine and 
dung, before it descends again into the well. To some crops 
needing water, men and women carry it by repeated efforts in 

(k. Other particulars about Hindustan?) 

The towns and country of Hindustan are greatly wanting in 
charm. Its towns and lands are all of one sort ; there are no 
walls to the orchards {bdghdt), and most places are on the dead 
level plain. Under the monsoon-rains the banks of some of its 
rivers and torrents are worn into deep channels, difficult and Fol. 2T\b. 
troublesome to pass through anywhere. In many parts of the 
plains thorny jungle grows, behind the good defence of which 
the people of the pargana become stubbornly rebellious and pay 
no taxes. 

Except for the rivers and here and there standing-waters, 
there is little "running- water". So much so is this that towns 
and countries subsist on the water of wells or on such as collects 
in tanks during the rains. 

In Hindiistan hamlets and villages, towns indeed, are 
depopulated and set up in a moment ! If the people of a large 
town, one inhabited for years even, flee from it, they do it in 
such a way that not a sign or trace of them remains in a day or 
a day and a half ^ On the other hand, if they fix their eyes on 

' The verb here is tashmaq ; it also expresses to carry like ants (f. 220), presumably 
from each person's carrying a pitcher or a stone at a time, and repeatedly. 

^ "This" notes Erskine (p. 315) "is the wulsa or walsa, so well described by 
Colonel Wilks in his Historical Sketches vol. i. p. 309, note ' On the approach of 
an hostile army, the unfortunate inhabitants of India bury under ground their most 
cumbrous effects, and each individual, man, woman, and child above six years of age 
(the infant children being carried by their mothers), with a load of grain proportioned 
to their strength, issue from their beloved homes, and take the direction of a country 
(if such can be found,) exempt from the miseries of war ; sometimes of a strong 
fortress, but more generally of the most unfrequented hills and woods, where they 
prolong a miserable existence until the departure of the enemy, and if this should be 


a place in which to settle, they need not dig water-courses or 
construct dams because their crops are all rain-grown,^ and as 
the population of Hindustan is unlimited, it swarms in. They 
make a tank or dig a well ; they need not build houses or set 
up walls — >^//^w-grass {Andropogon muricatum) abounds, wood 
is unlimited, huts are made, and straightway there is a village 
or a town ! 

{i. Fauna of Hindustan : — Mammals^ 

The elephant, which Hindustanis call hdt{h)i, is one of the 
wild animals peculiar to Hindustan. It inhabits the (western ?) 
borders of the KalpI country, and becomes more numerous in 
its wild state the further east one goes (in Kalp! ?). From this 
tract it is that captured elephants are brought ; in Karrah and 
Fol. 275. Manikpur elephant-catching is the work of 30 or 40 villages.^ 
People answer {jawdb birurldr) for them direct to the exchequer.3 
The elephant is an immense animal and very sagacious. If 
people speak to it, it understands ; if they command anything 
from it, it does it. Its value is according to its size ; it is sold 
by measure {qdrildb) ; the larger it is, the higher its price. People 

protracted beyond the time for which they have provided food, a large portion 
necessarily dies of hunger. ' See the note itself. The Historical Sketches should be 
read by every-one who desires to have an accurate idea of the South of India. It is 
to be regretted that we do not possess the history of any other part of India, written 
with the same knowledge or research." 

" The word wulsa or walsa is Dravidian. Telugu has valasa, ' emigration, flight, 
or removing from home for fear of a hostile army. ' Kanarese has valas^, dlase^ and 
dlisH, * flight, a removing from home for fear of a hostile army.' Tamil has valasei, 
'flying for fear, removing hastily.' The word is an interesting one. I feel pretty 
sure it is not Aryan, but Dravidian ; and yet it stands alone in Dravidian, with 
nothing that I can find in the way of a root or affinities to explain its etymology. 
Possibly it may be a borrowed word in Dravidian. Malayalam has no corresponding 
word. Can it have been borrowed from Kolarian or other primitive Indian speech ? " 
(Letter to H. Beveridge from Mr. F. E. Pargiter, 8th August, 1914.) 

Wulsa seems to be a derivative from Sanscrit ulvash, and to answer to Persian 
wairani and Turk! buziighlughl. 

' lalml, which in Afghani (Pushtu) signifies grown without irrigation. 

' "The improvement of Hindustan since Babur's time must be prodigious. The 
wild elephant is now confined to the forests under Hemala, and to the Ghats of 
Malabar. A wild elephant near Karrah, Manikpur, or Kalpi, is a thing, at the 
present day (1826 ad.), totally unknown. May not their familiar existence in these 
countries down to Babur's days, be considered rather hostile to the accounts given of 
the superabundant population of Hindustan in remote times ?" (Erskine). 

3 diwan. I.O. 217 f. igoii, dar diwanfil jawab niigulnd', Mems. p. 316. They 
account to the government for the elephants they take ; Mints, ii, 188, Les habitants 
payent rimpdt avec h produit de leur ckasse. Though de Courteille's reading probably 
states the fact, Erskine's includes de C. 's and more, inasmuch as it covers all captures 
and these might reach to a surplusage over the imposts. 

■ rumour t 

932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 TO OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 489 


rumour that it is heard of in some islands as 10 qdri^ high, but 
in this tract it ^ is not seen above 4 or 5. It eats and drinks 
entirely with its trunk ; if it lose the trunk, it cannot live. It 
has two great teeth (tusks) in its upper jaw, one on each side of 
its trunk ; by setting these against walls and trees, it brings 
them down ; with these it fights and does whatever hard tasks 
fall to it. People call these ivory ('4/, v^.r.ghdj) ; they are highly 
valued by Hindustanis. The elephant has no hair.3 It is much 
relied on by Hindustanis, accompanying every troop of their 
armies. It has some useful qualities : — it crosses great rivers 
with ease, carrying a mass of baggage, and three or four have 
gone dragging without trouble the cart of the mortar {qazdn) it 
takes four or five hundred men to haul.4 But its stomach is 
large ; one elephant eats the corn {bughiiz) of two strings {qitdr) 
of camels.5 

The rhinoceros is another. This also is a large animal, equal Fol. 275^. 
in bulk to perhaps three buffaloes. The opinion current in those 
countries (Tramontana) that it can lift an elephant on its horn, 
seems mistaken. It has a single horn on its nose, more than 
nine inches {qdrish) long ; one of two qdrlsh is not seen.^ Out 
of one large horn were made a drinking-vessel 7 and a dice-box, 
leaving over [the thickness of] 3 or 4 hands.^ The rhinoceros' 

' Pers. trs. gaz^ii^ inches. // est bon de rappeler que le mot turk qari, que la 
version per sane rend par gaz, dhigne proprrement Vespace compris entre le haul de 
Vipaule jusqt^au bout des doigts (de Courteille, ii, 189 note). The qari like one of 
its equivalents, the ell (Zenker), is a variable measure ; it seems to approach more 
nearlj^ to a yard than to a gaz of 24 inches. See Memoirs of Jahdngir (R. & B. 
pp. 18, 141 and notes) for the heights of elephants, and for discussion of some 

= khad, itself 

3 i.e. pelt ; as Erskine notes, its skin is scattered with small hairs. Details such 
as this one stir the question, for whom was Babur writing ? Not for Hindustan where 
what he writes is patent ; hardly for Kabul ; perhaps for Transoxania. 

■♦ Shaikh Zain's wording shows this reference to be to a special piece of artillery, 
perhaps that of i. 302. 

s A string of camels contains from five to seven, or, in poetry, even more 
(Vullers, ii, 728, sermone poetico series decern camelorum). The item of food 
compared is corn only {bUghiiz) and takes no account therefore of the elephant's 
green food. 

^ The Ency. Br. states that the horn seldom exceeds a foot in length ; there is one 
in the B. M. measuring 18 inches. 

7 db-khwura kishti, water-drinker's boat, in which name kishti may be used with 
reference to shape as boat is in sauce-boat. Erskine notes that rhinoceros-horn is 
supposed to sweat on approach of poison. 

^ aillk, Pers. trs. angushty finger, each seemingly representing about one inch, 
a hand's thickness, a finger's breadth. 


hide is very thick ; an arrow shot from a stiff bow, drawn with 
full strength right up to the arm-pit, if it pierce at all, might 
penetrate 4 inches {allik, hands). From the sides {qdsh) of its 
fore and hind legs,^ folds hang which from a distance look like 
housings thrown over it. It resembles the horse more than it 
does any other animal.^ As the horse has a small stomach 
(appetite ?), so has the rhinoceros ; as in the horse a piece of 
bone (pastern ?) grows in place of small bones (T. dshuq, Fr. 
osselets (Zenker), knuckles), so one grows in the rhinoceros ; as 
in the horse's hand {ailik, Pers. dast) there is kumiik (or gilmuk, 
a tibia, or marrow), so there is in the rhinoceros.3 It is more 
ferocious than the elephant and cannot be made obedient and 
submissive. There are masses of it in the Parashawar and 
Hashnagar jungles, so too between the Sind-river and the jungles 
of the Bhira country. Masses there are also on the banks of 
Fol. 276. the Saru-river in HindQstan. Some were killed in the Parashawar 
and Hashnagar jungles in our moves on Hindustan. It strikes 
powerfully with its horn ; men and horses enough have been 
horned in those hunts.4 In one of them the horse of a chuhra 
(brave) named Maqsud was tossed a spear's-length, for which 
reason the man was nick-named the rhino's aim (jnaqsHd-i-karg). 

The wild-buffalo 5 is another. It is much larger than the 
(domestic) buffalo and its horns do not turn back in the same 
way.^ It is a mightily destructive and ferocious animal. 

The nila-gdU (blue-bull) 7 is another. It may stand as high 
as a horse but is somewhat lighter in build. The male is bluish- 
gray, hence, seemingly, people call it nila-gdH. It has two 
rather small horns. On its throat is a tuft of hair, nine inches 
long ; (in this) it resembles the yak.^ Its hoof is cleft {atri) 

' lit. hand {qui) and leg {but). 

"^ The anatomical details by which Babur supports this statement are difficult to 
translate, but his grouping of the two animals is in agreement with the modern 
classification of them as two of the three Ungulata vera, the third being the tapir 
(Fauna of British India :— Mammals, Blanford 467 and, illustration, 468). 

3 De Courteille (ii, 190) reads kumiik, osseuse ; Erskine VGSids giimuk, marrow. 

* Index s.n. rhinoceros. 

5 Bos bubalus. 

^ "so as to grow into the flesh" (Erskine, p. 317), 

7 sic in text. It may be noted that the name nil-gdt, common in general European 
writings, is that of the cow ; nil-gdu, that of the bull (Blanford). 

8 b:h\ri qutas ; see Appendix M. 

932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 to OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 491 

like the hoof of cattle. The doe is of the colour of the bughu- 
mardl^ ; she, for her part, has no horns and is plumper than 
the male. 

The hog-deer {kotah-pdichd) is another.^ It may be of the 
size of the white deer {aq kiyik^. It has short legs, hence its 
name, little-legged. Its horns are like a bughu's but smaller ; 
like the bilghu it casts them every year. Being rather a poor 
runner, it does not leave the jungle. 

Another is a deer ikiyik) after the fashion of the male deer 
{airkdki hunci) o{ the j'lrdn.^ Its back is black, its belly white, its 
horns longer than the hunds, but more crooked. A Hindustani Foi. 2763. 
calls it kalahara,^ a word which may have been originally kdld 
-haran, black-buck, and which has been softened in pronunciation 
to kalahara. The doe is light-coloured. By means of this 
kalahara people catch deer ; they fasten a noose (Jialqa) on its 
horns, hang a stone as large as a ball 5 on one of its feet, so as 
to keep it from getting far away after it has brought about the 
capture of a deer, and set it opposite wild deer when these 
are seen. As these {kalahara) deer are singularly combative, 
advance to fight is made at once. The two deer strike with 
their horns and push one another backwards and forwards, 
during which the wild one's horns become entangled in the net 
that is fast to the tame one's. If the wild one would run away, 
the tame one does not go ; it is impeded also by the stone on 
its foot. People take many deer in this way ; after capture they 
tame them and use them in their turn to take others ; ^ they 
also set them to fight at home ; the deer fight very well. 

There is a smaller deer {kiyik) on the Hindustan hill-skirts, 
as large may-be as the one year's lamb of the arqdrghalcha 
{Ovis poll). 

' The doe is brown (Blanford, p. 5 18). The word bugku (stag) is used alone 
just below and seems likely to represent the bull of the Asiatic wapiti (f. 4 n. on 
bughii-mardl. ) 

^ Axis porcinus (Jerdon, Cervus porcinus). 

3 Saiga tartarica (Shaw). Turki hiina is used, like English deer, for male, female, 
and both. Here it seems defined by airkdki to mean stag or buck. 

* Antelope cervicapra, black-buck, so called from the dark hue of its back (Yule's 
H.J. s.7t. Black-buck). 

s tHyiiq, underlined in the Elph. MS. by kura, cannon-ball ; Erskine, foot-ball, 
de Courteille, pierre plus grosse que la cheville {tiiydq). 

^ This mode of catching antelopes is described in the Ayin-i-akbari, and is noted 
by Erskine as common in his day. 


The gini-zovf ^ is another, a very small one, perhaps as large 
as the quchqdr (ram) of those countries (Tramontana). Its flesh 
is very tender and savoury. 

The monkey {matmun) is another — a Hindustani calls it 
bandar. Of this too there are many kinds, one being what people 
Fol. 277. take to those countries. The jugglers {liili) teach them tricks. 
This kind is in the mountains of Nur-dara, in the skirt-hills of 
Safid-koh neighbouring on Khaibar, and from there downwards 
all through Hindustan. It is not found higher up. Its hair is 
yellow, its face white, its tail not very long. — Another kind, not 
found in Bajaur, Sawad and those parts, is much larger than the 
one taken to those countries (Tramontana). Its tail is very 
long, its hair whitish, its face quite black. It is in the mountains 
and jungles of Hindustan.^ — Yet another kind is distinguished 
{bald dur), quite black in hair, face and limbs.3 

The nawal {niil) ^ is another. It may be somewhat smaller 
than the kish. It climbs trees. Some call it the mush-i-khurma 
(palm-rat). It is thought lucky. 

A mouse (T. sichqdn) people call galdhri (squirrel) is another. 
It is just always in trees, running up and down with amazing 
alertness and speed.5 

* H. gaina. It is 3 feet high (Yule's H.J. s.n. Gynee). Cf. A. A. Blochmann, 
p. 149. The ram with which it is compared may be that of Ovis amnion (Vign^'s 
Kashmir etc. ii, 278). 

' Here the Pers. trs. adds : — They call this kind of monkey langur (baboon, I. O. 
217 f. 192). 

3 Here the Pers. trs, adds what Erskine mistakenly attributes to Babur : — People 
bring it from several islands. — They bring yet another kind from several islands, 
yellowish -grey in colour like a piistin tin (leather coat of ? ; Erskine, skin of the 
fig. iin). Its head is broader and its body much larger than those of other monkeys. 
It is very fierce and destructive. It is singular quod penis ejus semper sit erectus, et 
nunquam non ad coitum idoneus [Erskine]. 

♦ This name is explained on the margin of the Elph. MS. as ^^ rdsu, which is the 
weasel of Tartary" (Erskine). Rasti is an Indian name for the s(\mrtQ\ Sciurus 
indicus. The kish, with which Babur's nUl is compared, is explained by de C. as 
helette^ weasel, and by Steingass as a fur-bearing animal ; the fur-bearing weasel is 
{Mustelidae) putorius ermina, the ermine- weasel (Blanford, p. 165), which thus 
seems to be Bahnx's kish. The alternative name Babur gives for his ««/, i.e. miish- 
i-khHrma, IS, in India, that oi Sciurus paltnarum, the palm-squirrel (G. of I. i, 227) ; 
this then, it seems that Babur's niil is. (Erskine took niil here to be the mongoose 
(Herpestes mungiis) (p. 318) ; and Blanford, perhaps partly on Erskine's warrant, 
gives mUsh-i-khurma as a name of the lesser mungiis of Bengal. I gather that the 
name nawal is not exclusively confined even now to the mungiis. ) 

s If this t)e a tree-mouse and not a squirrel, it may be Vandeleuria oleracea (G. of 
1. 1, 228). 

932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 TO OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 493 

(y. Fauna of Hindustan : — Btrds.y 

The peacock (Ar. tails) is one. It is a beautifully coloured and 
splendid animal. Its form {anddvi) is not equal to its colouring 
and beauty. Its body may be as large as the crane's {tHrna) 
but it IS not so tall. On the head of both cock and hen are 20 
to 30 feathers rising some 2 or 3 inches high. The hen has 
neither colour nor beauty. The head of the cock has an 
iridescent collar {tauq sUsani) ; its neck is of a beautiful blue ; FoI. 277^. 
below the neck, its back is painted in yellow, parrot-green, blue 
and violet colours. The flowers^ on its back are much the 
smaller ; below the back as far as the tail-tips are [larger] flowers 
painted in the same colours. The tail of some peacocks grows 
to the length of a man's extended arms.3 It has a small tail 
under its flowered feathers, like the tail of other birds ; this 
ordinary tail and its primaries ^ are red. It is in Bajaur and 
Sawad and below them ; it is not in Kunur [Kuniir] and the 
Lamghanat or any place above them. Its flight is feebler than 
the pheasant's {qirghdwal) ; it cannot do more than make one 
or two short flights.5 On account of its feeble flight, it frequents 
the hills or jungles, which is curious, since jackals abound in the 
jungles it frequents. What damage might these jackals not do 
to birds that trail from jungle to jungle, tails as long as a man's 
stretch {quldck) ! Hindustanis call the peacock mor. Its flesh 
is lawful food, according to the doctrine of Imam Abu Hanlfa ; 
it is like that of the partridge and not unsavoury, but is eaten 
with instinctive aversion, in the way camel-flesh is. 

The parrot (H. tilti) is another. This also is in Bajaur 
and countries lower down. It comes into Ningnahar and the 

' The notes to this section are restricted to what serves to identify the birds Babur 
mentions, though temptation is great to add something to this from the mass of 
interesting circumstance scattered in the many writings of observers and lovers of 
birds. I have thought it useful to indicate to what language a bird's name belongs. 

^ Persian, gtil ; English, eyes. 

3 gulach (Zenker, p. 720) ; Pers. trs. (217 f. i<)2b) yak qad-i-adm ; de Courteille, 
brasse (fathom). These three are expressions of the measure from finger-tip to 
finger-tip of a man's extended arms, which should be his height, a fathom (6 feet). 

* qanat, of which here "primaries" appears to be the correct rendering, since 
Jerdon says (ii, 506) of the bird that its "wings are striated black and white, 
primaries and tail deep chestnut ". 

s The qirghdwal^ which is of the pheasant species, when pursued, will take several 
flights immediately after each other, though none long ; peacocks, it seems, soon get 
tired and take to running (Erskine). 



Lamghanat in the heats when mulberries ripen ; it is not there 
at other times. It is of many, many kinds. One sort is that 
which people carry into those (Tramontane) countries. They 

Fol. 278. make it speak words. — Another sort is smaller ; this also they 
make speak words. They call it the jungle-parrot. It is 
numerous in Bajaur, Sawad and that neighbourhood, so much 
so that 5 or 6oco fly in one flock {khait). Between it and the 
one first-named the difference is in bulk ; in colouring they are 
just one and the same. — Another sort is still smaller than the 
jungle-parrot. Its head is quite red, the top of its wings {i.e. the 
primaries) is red also ; the tip of its tail for two hands'-thickness 
is lustrous.^ The head of some parrots of this kind is iridescent 
{susam). It does not become a talker. People call it the 
Kashmir parrot. — Another sort is rather smaller than the jungle- 
parrot ; its beak is black ; round its neck is a wide black collar ; 
its primaries are red. It is an excellent learner of words. — We 
used to think that whatever a parrot or a shdrak {mma) might say 
of words people had taught it, it could not speak of any matter 
out of its own head. At this juncture ^ one of my immediate 
servants Abu'l-qasim Jaldir^ reported a singular thing to me. 
A parrot of this sort whose cage must have been covered up, 
said, " Uncover my face ; I am stifling." And another time 
when palkl bearers sat down to take breath, this parrot, 
presumably on hearing wayfarers pass by, said, " Men are going 
past, are you not going on ? " Let credit rest with the narrator,3 
but never-the-less, so long as a person has not heard with his 
own ears, he may not believe ! — Another kind is of a beautiful 

Fol. 278^. full red ; it has other colours also, but, as nothing is distinctly 
remembered about them, no description is made. It is a very 
beautiful bird, both in colour and form. People are understood 
to make this also speak words.4 Its defect is a most unpleasant, 
sharp voice, like the drawing of broken china on a copper plate.5 

' Ar. barraq, as on f. 278^ last line where the Elph. MS. has barraq, marked 
with the tashdid. 

' This was, presumably, just when Babur was writing the passage. 

3 This sentence is in Arabic. 

* A Persian note, partially expunged from the text of the Elph. MS. is to the 
effect that 4 or 5 other kinds of parrot are heard of which the revered author did 
not see. 

s Erskine suggests that this may be the loory {Loriculus vernalis, Indian loriquet). 

932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 to OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 495 

The (P.) shdrak ^ is another. It is numerous in the Lamghanat 
and abounds lower down, all over Hindustan. Like the parrot, 
it is of many kinds. — The kind that is numerous in the Lam- 
ghanat has a black head ; its primaries {qdndt) are spotted, its 
body rather larger and thicker^ than that of the (T.) chughur- 
chUq.^ People teach it to speak words. — Another kind they 
call p'.nddzvali^ ; they bring it from Bengal ; it is black all 
over and of much greater bulk than the shdrak (here, house- 
mlnd). Its bill and foot are yellow and on each ear are 
yellow wattles which hang down and have a bad appearance.5 
It learns to speak well and clearly. — Another kind of shdrak 
is slenderer than the last and is red round the eyes. It 
does not learn to speak. People call it the v^oodi-shdrak^ 
Again, at the time when (934 AH.) I had made a bridge over 
Gang (Ganges), crossed it, and put my adversaries to flight, 
a kind of shdrak was seen, in the neighbourhood of Laknau 
and Aud (Oude), for the first time, which had a white breast, 
piebald head, and black back. This kind does not learn to 

^ The birds Babur classes under the name shdrak seem to include what Gates and 
Blanford (whom I follow as they give the results of earlier workers) class under 
Sturnus, Eulabes and Calorftis, starling, grackle and mina, and tree-stare {Fauna 
of British India, Gates, vols, i and ii, Blanford, vols, iii and iv). 

^ Turk!, qabd ; Ilminsky, p. 361, tang {tund}). 

3 E. D. Ross's Polyglot List of Birds, p. 314, Chighlr-chlq, Northern swallow ; 
Elph. MS. f. 230^ interlined >7 (Steingass lark). The description of the bird allows 
it to be Sturnus humii, the Himalayan starling (Gates, i, 520). 

4 Elph. and Hai. MSS. (Sans, and Bengali) p:ndiii ; two good MSS. of the 
Pers. trs, (I.G. 217 and 218) p:nddwali ; Ilminsky (p. 361) mind-, Erskine 
{Mems. p. ^ig) pinddwelr, but without his customary translation of an Indian name. 
The three forms shewn above can all mean "having protuberance or lump" {pinda) 
and refer to the bird's wattle. But the word of the presumably well-informed 
scribes of I.G. 217 and 218 can refer to the bird's sagacity in speech and he pandd- 
wali, possessed of wisdom. With the same spelling, the word can translate into 
the epithet religiosa, given to the wattled t?nnd by Linnaeus. This epithet 
Mr. Leonard Wray informs me has been explained to him as due to the frequenting 
of temples by the birds ; and that in Malaya they are found living in cotes near 
Chinese temples. — An alternative name (one also connecting with religiosa) allowed 
by the form of the word is blndd-wall. H. bindd is a mark on the forehead, made 
as a preparative to devotion by Hindus, or in Sans, and Bengali, is the spot of paint 
made on an elephant's trunk; the meaning would thus be "having a mark". 
Cf. Jerdon and Gates s. n. Eulabes religiosa. 

s Eulabes intermedia, the Indian grackle or hill-mina. Here the Pers. trs. adds 
that people call it mina. 

^ Calornis chalybeius, the glossy starling or tree-stare, which never descends to the 

7 Sturnopastor contra, the pied mina. 


The luja^ is another. This bird they call (Ar.) bu-qalamun 
(chameleon) because, between head and tail, it has five or six 
changing colours, resplendent ibarrdq) like a pigeon's throat. 
Fol. 279. It is about as large as the kabg-i-dari'^ and seems to be the 
kabg-i-dari of Hindustan. As the kabg-i-dari moves {yiirur) 
on the heads {kulah) of mountains, so does this. It is in the 
Nijr-au mountains of the countries of Kabul, and in the 
mountains lower down but it is not found higher up. People 
tell this wonderful thing about it : — When the birds, at the 
onset of winter, descend to the hill-skirts, if they come over 
a vineyard, they can fly no further and are taken. God knows 
the truth ! The flesh of this bird is very savoury. 

The partridge {durrdj) 3 is another. This is not peculiar to 
Hindustan but is also in the Garm-si?^ countries'^ ; as however 
some kinds are only in Hindustan, particulars of them are given 
here. The durrdj {^Frmtcolinus vulgaris) may be of the same 
bulk as the kiklik 5 ; the cock's back is the colour of the hen- 
pheasant {qtrghdwal-ning mdda-si) ; its throat and breast are 
black, with quite white spots.^ A red line comes down on both 
sides of both eyes.7 It is named from its cry ^ which is some- 
thing like Shir ddrani shakrak^ It pronounces shir short ; 
ddram shakrak it says distinctly. Astarabad partridges are said 
to cry Bdt mini tiitildr (Quick ! they have caught me). The 
partridge of Arabia and those parts is understood to cry, Bi'l 

' Part of the following passage about the luja (var. lukha, liicha) is verbatim with 
part of that on f. 135 ; both were written about 934-5 AH. as is shewn by Shaikh 
Zain (Index s.n.) and by inference from references in the text (Index j.w. B.N. date 
of composition). See Appendix N. 

^ Lit. mountain-partridge. There is ground for understanding that one of the 
birds known in the region as monals is meant. See Appendix N. 

3 Sans, chakora ; Ar. durrdj ; P. kabg ; T. klkllk. 

* Here, probably, southern Afghanistan. 

5 Caccabis chukur (Scully, Shaw's Vocabulary) or C. pallescens (Hume, quoted 
under No. 126 E. D. Ross' Polyglot List). 

^ " In some parts of the country {i.e. India before 1841 ad.), tippets used to be 
made of the beautiful black, white-spotted feathers of the lower plumage (of the 
durrdj), and were in much request, but they are rarely procurable now " {Bengal 
Sporting Magazine for 1841, quoted by Jerdon, ii, 561). 

f A broad collar of red passes round the whole neck (Jerdon, ii, 558). 

* Ar. durrdj means one who repeats what he hears, a tell-tale. 

9 Various translations have been made of this passage, " I have milk and sugar" 
(Erskine), ''J"ai du lait, un pen de sucre" (de Courteille), but with short sh:r, it 
might be read m more than one way ignoring milk and sugar. See Jerdon, ii, 558 
and Hobson Jobson s.n. Black-partridge. 


■ shakar ti 

932AH.-OCT. 18th 1525 TO OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 497 

tadawni al ni'ani (with sugar pleasure endures) ! The 
hen-bird has the colour of the young pheasant. These birds 
are found below Nijr-au. — Another kind is called kanjdl. Its 
bulk may be that of the one already described. Its voice is 
very like that of the kiklik but much shriller. There is little Fol. 279(J. 
difference in colour between the cock and hen. It is found in 
Parashawar, Hashnagar and countries lower down, but not 
higher up. 

T\\& p{Ji)iil-p(iikdr^ is another. Its size may be that of the 
kabg-i-dari ; its shape is that of the house-cock, its colour that 
of the hen. From forehead {tilmdgh) to throat it is of a beautiful 
colour, quite red. It is in the Hindustan mountains. 

The wild-fowl {sahrdi-tdugJi)^ is another. It flies like a 
pheasant, and is not of all colours as house-fowl are. It is in 
the mountains of Bajaur and lower down, but not higher up. 

The chilsi {or jllsi)'^ is another. In bulk it equals th^. p{h)ul- 
paikdr but the latter has the finer colouring. It is in the 
mountains of Bajaur. 

The shdm ^ is another. It is about as large as a house-fowl ; 
its colour is unique {ghair mukarrar).^ It also is in the mountains 
of Bajaur. 

The quail (P. budand) is another. It is not peculiar to Hindiistan 
but four or five kinds are so. — One is that which goes to our 
countries (Tramontana), larger and more spreading than the 
(Hindustan) quail.^ — Another kind 7 is smaller than the one first 
named. Its primaries and tail are reddish. It flies in flocks 
like the chir {Phasianus Wallichii). — Another kind is smaller 
than that which goes to our countries and is darker on throat 

^ Flower-faced, Trapogon melanocepkala, the horned (sing) -monal. It is described 
by Jahangir {Memoirs, R. and B., ii, 220) under the names [H. and Y .'\ phiil-paikar 
and Kashmiri, sonlit. 

^ Gallus sonneratii, the grey jungle-fowl. 

3 Perhaps Bambusicola fytchii, the western bambu- partridge. For chll see E. D. 
Ross, I.e. No. 127. 

^ Jahangir {I.e.) describes, under the Kashmiri name put, what may be this bird. 
It seems to be Gallus ferrugineus, the red jungle-fowl (Blanford, iv, 75). 

s Jahangir helps to identify the bird by mentioning its elongated tail-feathers, — 
seasonal only. 

^ The migrant quail will be Coturnix communis, the grey quail, 8 inches long ; 
what it is compared with seems likely to be the bush-quail, which is non-migrant and 

' Perhaps Perdieula argunda, the rock bush-quail, which flies in small coveys. 


Foi. 280. and breast.^ — Another kind goes in small numbers to Kabul ; 
it is very small, perhaps a little larger than the yellow wag-tail 
{qdrcha) ^ ; they call it qurdtu in Kabul. 

The Indian bustard (P. kharchdt)^ is another. It is about as 
large a.sthe(T.)tu£^Mdq (Otis tarda, the great bustard), and seems 
to be the tughddq of Hindustan.^ Its flesh is delicious ; of some 
birds the leg is good, of others, the wing ; of the bustard all the 
meat is delicious and excellent. 

The florican (P. charz) 5 is another. It is rather less than the 
tfighdiri ijioubara) ^ ; the cock's back is like the tughdh'Vs, and 
its breast is black. The hen is of one colour. 

The Hindustan sand-grouse (T. bdghri-qard) 7 is another. It is 
smaller and slenderer than the bdghri-qard \_Pterocles arenarms] 
of those countries (Tramontana). Also its cry is sharper. 

Of the birds that frequent water and the banks of rivers, one 
is the ding^ an animal of great bulk, each wing measuring 
a qiildch (fathom). It has no plumage {tilqi) on head or neck ; 
a thing like a bag hangs from its neck ; its back is black ; its 
breast is white. It goes sometimes to Kabul ; one year people 
brought one they had caught. It became very tame ; if meat 

' Perhaps Coturnix corovia?tdeltca, the black-breasted or rain quail, 7 inches long. 

* Perhaps Motacilla ciireola, a yellow wag-tail which summers in Central Asia 
(Oates, ii, 298). If so, its Kabul name may refer to its flashing colour. Cf. E. D. 
Ross, I.e. No. 301 ; de Courteille's Dictionary which gives gdrcka, wag- tail, and 
Zenker's which fixes the colour. 

3 Eupodotis edwardsii ; Turki, tUghdar or tughdlri. 

* Erskine noting (Mems. p. 321), that the bustard is common in the Dakkan where 
it is bigger than a turkey, says it is called tnghdar and suggests that this is a corruption 
of tUghdaq. The uses of both words are shewn by Babur, here, and in the next 
following, account of the charz. Cf. G. of I. i, 260 and E. D. Ross I.e. Nos. 36, 40. 

s Sy^heotis bengalensis and S. aurita, which are both smaller than Otis houbara 
{tiighdiri). In Hindustan S. aurita is known as likh which name is the nearest 
approach I have found to Babur's [//<;a] Itikha. 

^ Jerdon mentions (ii, 615) that this bird is common in Afghanistan and there 
called dugdnor {tughdar, tiighdiri). 

' Cf. Appendix B, since I wrote which, further information has made it fairly safe 
to say that the Hindustan baghrl-qara is Pterocles extistus, the common sand- 
grouse and that the one of f. 49<5 is Pterocles arenarius, the larger or black-bellied 
sand -grouse. P. exusius is said by Yule (H. J. s.n. Rock -pigeon) to have been 
miscalled rock-pigeon by Anglo-Indians, perhaps because its flight resembles the 
pigeon's. This accounts for Erskine's rendering (p. 321) bdghri-qard here by rock- 

* Leptoptilus dtibius, Hind, hargild. Hindustanis call \t pir-i-ding (Erskine) and 
peda dhauk (Blanford), both names referring, perhaps, to its pouch. It is the 
adjutant of Anglo-India. Cf. f. 235. 

932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 to OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 499 

were thrown to it, it never failed to catch it in its bill. Once it 
swallowed a six-nailed shoe, another time a whole fowl, wings Fol. 280*. 
and feathers, all right down. 

The sdras {^Grus antigone) is another. Turks in Hindustan 
call it tiwa-turnd (camel-crane). It may be smaller than the 
dmg but its neck is rather longer. Its head is quite red.^ People 
keep this bird at their houses ; it becomes very tame. 

The mdnek'^ is another. In stature it approaches the sdras^ 
but its bulk is less. It resembles the lag-lag {Czconia alba, the 
white stork) but is much larger ; its bill is larger and is black. 
Its head is iridescent, its neck white, its wings partly-coloured ; 
the tips and border-feathers and under parts of the wings are 
white, their middle black. 

Another stork {lag- lag) has a white neck and all other parts 
black. It goes to those countries (Tramontana). It is rather 
smaller than the lag-lag {Czconia alba). A Hindustani calls it 
yak-rang (one colour ?). 

Another stork in colour and shape is exactly like the storks 
that go to those countries. Its bill is blacker and its bulk much 
less than the lag-lag's {Ciconia alba).'^ 

Another bird resembles the grey heron {auqdr) and the lag- 
lag ; but its bill is longer than the heron's and its body smaller 
than the white stork's {lag-lag). 

Another is the large buzak'^ (black ibis). In bulk it may 
equal the buzzard (Turk!, sdr). The back of its wings is white. 
It has a loud cry. 

The white buzak 5 is another. Its head and bill are black. 

* only when young (Blanford, ii, 188). 

^ Elph. MS. 7tiank:sa or 7nankld ; Hai. MS. m:nk. Haughton's Bengali 
Dictionary gives two forms of the name mdnek-jur and vidnak-yoi. It is Dissura 
episcopus, the white-necked stork (Blanford iv, 370, who gives ?nanik-jor amongst its 
Indian names). Jerdon classes it (ii, 737) as Ciconia leucocephala. It is the beef- 
steak bird of Anglo-India. 

3 Ciconia nigra (Blanford, iv, 369). 

'' Under the Hindustani form, biiza, of Persian biizak the birds Babur mentions as 
buzak can be identified. The large one is htocotis papillostis, bUza, kdla baza, black 
curlew, king-curlew. The bird it equals in size is a buzzard, Turk! sdr (not Persian 
sdr, starling). The king-curlew has a large white patch on the inner lesser and 
marginal coverts of its wings (Blanford, iv, 3(23). This agrees with Babur's statement 
about the wings of the large buzak. Its length is 27 inches, while the starling's is 
9j inches. 

s Ibis melanocephala, the white ibis, Pers. safed buzak, Bengali sabut bUza. It is 
30 inches long. 



Foi. 281. It is much larger than the one that goes to those countries,^ but 
smaller than the Hindustan buzak^ 

T\\& gharm-pdi ^ (spotted-billed duck) is another. It is larger 
than the siina bi'irchln^ (mallard). The drake and duck are of 
one colour. It is in Hashnagar at all seasons, sometimes it goes 
into the Lamghanat. Its flesh is very savoury. 

The shdh-murgh {Sarddzornis melanonotus, comb duck or nukta) 
is another. It may be a little smaller than a goose. It has a 
swelling on its bill ; its back is black ; its flesh is excellent eating. 

The zumniaj is another. It is about as large as the burgut 
{Aquila chrysaetus, the golden eagle). 

The (T.) dld-qdrgha of Hindustan is another {Corvus comix, 
the pied crow). This is slenderer and smaller than the dld- 
qdrgha of those countries (Tramontana). Its neck is partly 

Another Hindustan bird resembles the crow (T. qdrcha, 
C. splendens) and the magpie (Ar. 'aqqd). In the Lamghanat 
people call it the jungle-bird (P. murgh-i-jangat).^ Its head 
and breast are black ; its wings and tail reddish ; its eye quite 
red. Having a feeble flight, it does not come out of the jungle, 
whence its name. 

The great bat {? . shapard)^ is another. People call it (Hindi) 
chumgddur. It is about as large as the owl (T. ydpdldq, Otus 
brachyotus\ and has a head like a puppy's. When it is thinking 
of lodging for the night on a tree, it takes hold of a branch, turns 
head-downwards, and so remains. It has much singularity. 

The magpie (Ar. 'aqqd) is another. People call it (H. ?) niatd 
{Dendrocitta rufa, the Indian tree-pie). It may be somewhat 

* Perhaps, Plegadis falcinellus, the glossy ibis, which in most parts of India is 
a winter visitor. Its length is 25 inches. 

» Erskine suggests that this is Platalea leucorodta, the chamach-buza, spoon-bill. 
It is 33 inches long. 

3 Anas poecilorhyncha. The Hai. MS. writes gharm-pai, and this is the Indian 
name given by Blanford (iv, 437). 

* Anas boschas. Dr. Ross notes (No. 147), from the Sangldkh, that suna is the 
drake, burchln, the duck and that it is common in China to call a certain variety of 
bird by the combined sex-names. Something like this is shewn by the uses of biighd 
and moral q.v. Index, 

s Centropus rufipennis, the common coucal (Yule's H.J. s.n. Crow-pheasant); 
H. makokha, Cuculus castaneus (Buchanan, quoted by Forbes). 

« Pteropus edwardstt, the flying-fox. The inclusion of the bat here amongst birds, 
may be a clerical accident, since on f. 136 a flying-fox is not written of as a bird. 

932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 TO OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 501 

less than the ^aqqa {Pica rusticd), which moreover is pied black 
and white, while the matd is pied brown and black. ^ 

Another is a small bird, perhaps of the size oiXh^i^^sdnduldch? Fol. 2%\b. 
It is of a beautiful red with a little black on its wings. 

The karcha 3 is another ; it is after the fashion of a swallow 
(T. qdrlughdch), but much larger and quite black. 

The kuil"^ {Eudynamys orientalis, the koel) is another. It may 
be as large as the crow (P. zdg) but is much slenderer. It has 
a kind of song and is understood to be the bulbul of Hindustan. 
Its honour with Hindustanis is as great as is the bulbul's. It 
always stays in closely-wooded gardens. 

Another bird is after the fashion of the (Ar.) shiqarrdk {Cissa 
chinensis, the green-magpie). It clings to trees, is perhaps as 
large as the green-magpie, and is parrot-green {Gecinus striolatus, 
the little green-woodpecker ?). 

{k. Fauna of Hindu stdn : — Aquatic animals^ 

One is the water-tiger (P. shir-dbi, Crocodilus palustris).^ This 
is in the standing-waters. It is like a lizard (T. gilds). ^ People 
say it carries off men and even buffaloes. 

' Babur here uses what is both the Kabul and Andijan name for the magpie, 
Ar. ^agga (Gates, i, 31 and Scully's Voc. ), instead of T. sdghizghdn or P. dam-sicha 

^ The Pers. trs. writes sdnduldch mamuld, fnamuld being Arabic for wag-tail. 
De Courteille's Dictionary describes the sdnduldch as small and having a long tail, 
the cock-bird green, the hen, yellow. The wag-tail suiting this in colouring is 
Motacilla borealis (Gates, ii, 294 ; syn. Biidytes viridis, the green wag-tail) ; this, as 
a migrant, serves to compare with the Indian " little bird", which seems likely to be 
a red-start. 

3 This word may represent Scully's kirich and be the Turki name for a swift, 
perhaps Cypselus ajffinis. 

^ This name is taken from its cry during the breeding season (Yule's H.J. 
s.n. Koel). 

5 Babur's distinction between the three crocodiles he mentions seems to be that 
of names he heard, shir-dbi, siydh-sdr, and gharidl. 

^ In this passage my husband finds the explanation of two somewhat vague 
statements of later date, one made by Abu'1-fazl (A. A. Blochmann, p. 65) that 
Akbar called the kllds (cherry) the shdh-dlu (king-plum), the other by Jahanglr that 
this change was made because kilds means lizard {/ahdngir's Memoirs, R. & B. i, 116). 
What Akbar did is shewn by Babur ; it was to reject the Persian name kllds, cherry, 
because it closely resembled Turki gilds, lizard. There is a lizard Stellio Lehmanni 
of Transoxiana with which Babur may well have compared the crocodile's appearance 
(Schuyler's Ttirkistdn, i, 383). Akbar in Hindustan may have had Varanus salvator 
(6 ft. long) in mind, if indeed he had not the great lizard, al lagarto, the alligator 
itself in his thought. The name kilds evidently was banished only from the Court 
circle, since it is still current in Kashmir (Blochmann I.e. p. 616) ; and Speede 
(p. 201) gives keeras, cherry, as used in India. 


The (P.) siydh-sdr (black-head) is another. This also is like 
a lizard. It is in all rivers of Hindustan. One that was taken 
and brought in was about 4-5 qdrl {cir. 13 feet) long and as 
thick perhaps as a sheep. It is said to grow still larger. Its 
snout is over half a yard long. It has rows of small teeth in its 
upper and lower jaws. It comes out of the water and sinks into 
the mud {bdtd). 

The (Sans.) g\^k'\arml {Gavialus gangeticus) is another.^ It is 
said to grow large ; many in the army saw it in the Saru (Gogra) 
river. It is said to take people ; while we were on that river's 
banks (934-935 A.H.), it took one or two slave-women {dddiik), 
and it took three or four camp-followers between Ghazlpur and 
Banaras. In that neighbourhood I saw one but from a distance 
only and not quite clearly. 

The water-hog (P. khuk-dbt, Platanista gangetica, the porpoise) 
is another. This also is in all Hindustan rivers. It comes up 
suddenly out of the water ; its head appears and disappears ; it 
Fol. 282. dives again and stays below, shewing its tail. Its snout is as 
long as the siydh-sdr' s and it has the same rows of small teeth. 
Its head and the rest of its body are fish-like. When at play in 
the water, it looks like a water-carrier's bag {inashak). Water- 
hogs, playing in the Saru, leap right out of the water ; like fish, 
they never leave it. 

Again there is the kalah (or galaJi)-'^s\v \bdligJi\?' Two bones 

' This name as now used, is that of the purely fish-eating crocodile. [In the 
Turk! text Babur's account of the gharlal {o\\o^% that of the porpoise ; but it is grouped 
here with those of the two other crocodiles.] 

=" As the Hai. MS. and also I.O. 216 f. 137 (Pers. trs.) write kalah [^alah)-^%\ 
this may be a large cray-fish. One called by a name approximating to galah-^^ is 
found in Malayan waters, viz. the ^a/a-4-prawn {hudang) (cf. Bengali gula-chingri, 
gu/a-pra.vfn, Haughton). Ga/ak and gii/a may express lament made when the fish is 
caught (Haughton pp. 931, 933, 952) ; or \i kalah be read, this may express scolding. 
Two good MSS. of the Wdqi''dt-i-baburl (Pers. trs.) write kaka ; and their word 
cannot but have weight. Erskine reproduces kaka but offers no explanation of it, 
a failure betokening difficulty in his obtaining one. My husband suggests that kaka 
may represent a stuttering sound, doing so on the analogy of VuUers' explanation of 
the word, — Vir ridiculus et facetus qui simul balbtttiat ; and also he inclines to take 
the fish to be a crab ^kakra). Possibly kaka is a popular or vulgar name for a cray- 
fish or a crab. Whether the sound is lament, scolding, or stuttering the fisherman 
knows ! Shaikh Zain enlarges Babur's notice of this fish ; he says the bones are 
prolonged {bar awarda) from the ears, that these it agitates at time of capture, making 
a noise like the word kaka by which it is known, that it is two wajab{,i'^ in.) long, its 
flesh surprisingly tasty, and that it is very active, leaping a gaz {cir. a yard) out of the 
water when the fisherman's net is set to take it. For information about the Malayan 
fish, I am indebted to Mr. Cecil Wray. 

932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 to OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 503 

each about 3 inches {ailik) long, come out in a line with its ears ; 
these it shakes when taken, producing an extraordinary noise, 
whence, seemingly, people have called it kalah [or galaJt\. 

The flesh of Hindustan fishes is very savoury ; they have no 
odour {aid) or tiresomeness.^ They are surprisingly active. On 
one occasion when people coming, had flung a net across a stream, 
leaving its two edges half a yard above the water, most fish passed 
by leaping a yard above it. In many rivers are little fish which 
fling themselves a yard or more out of the water if there be harsh Foi. 282/5. 
noise or sound of feet. 

The frogs of Hindustan, though otherwise like those others 
(Tramontane), run 6 or 7 yards on the face of the water.^ 

(/. Vegetable products of Hindustan : Fruits?) 

The mango (P. anbah) is one of the fruits peculiar to Hindustan. 
Hindustanis pronounce the b in its name as though no vowel 
followed it {i.e. Sans, anb) ; 3 this being awkward to utter, some 
people call the fruit [P.] naghzak^ as Khwaja Khusrau does : — 

Naghzak-i ma [var. khwasK\ naghz-kun-i bilstdn, 
Naghztarin niewa [var. na^}nat\-i- Hindustan.^ 

Mangoes when good, are very good, but, many as are eaten, it^N 
are first-rate. They are usually plucked unripe and ripened in 
the house. Unripe, they make excellent condiments {qdtzq), are 
good also preserved in syrup.^ Taking it altogether, the mango 
is the best fruit of Hindustan. Some so praise it as to give it 
preference over all fruits except the musk-melon (T. qdwtin), but 

' T. giyunlighr, presumably referring to spines or difficult bones ; T. gtn, however, 
means a scabbard [Shaw]. 

^ One of the common frogs is a small one which, when alarmed, jumps along the 
surface of the water (G. of I. i, 273). 

3 Anb and anbah (pronounced a?nb and ambah) are now less commonly used names 
than am. It is an interesting comment on Babur's words that Abii'l-fazl spells anb, 
letter by letter, and says that the b is quiescent {Ayln 28 ; for the origin of the word 
mango, vide Yule's H.J. s.n.). 

'• A corresponding diminutive would be fairling. 

5 The variants, entered in parenthesis, are found in the Bib. Ind. ed. of the 
Ayin-i-akbarl p. 75 and in a (bazar) copy of the QuraniH s-sd''dain in my husband's 
possession. As Amir Khusrau was a poet of Hindustan, either khwash {khwesh) [our 
own] or nid [our] would suit his meaning. The couplet is, literally : — 
Our fairling, \i.e. mango] beauty-maker of the garden, 
Fairest fruit of Hindustan. 

^ Daulat Khan Yusuf-khail Ludi in 929 ah. sent Babur a gift of mangoes preserved 
in honey {in loco p. 440). 


such praise outmatches it. It resembles the kdrdl peach. ^ It 
ripens in the rains. It is eaten in two ways : one is to squeeze 
it to a pulp, make a hole in it, and suck out the juice, — the other, 
to peel and eat it like the y^^r^i" peach. Its tree grows very large=^ 
and has a leaf somewhat resembling the peach-tree's. The 
trunk is ill-looking and ill-shaped, but in Bengal and Gujrat is 
heard of as growing handsome {khiib).'^ 

The plantain (Sans, keld, Musa sapientum) is another.^ An 
Fol. 283. 'Arab calls it mauzJ> Its tree is not very tall, indeed is not to 
be called a tree, since it is something between a grass and a tree. 
Its leaf is a little like that of the amdn-qard^ but grows about 
2 yards {qdri) long and nearly one broad. Out of the middle of 
its leaves rises, heart-like, a bud which resembles a sheep's heart. 
As each leaf (petal) of this bud expands, there grows at its base 
a row of 6 or 7 flowers which become the plantains. These 
flowers become visible with the lengthening of the heart-like 
shoot and the opening of the petals of the bud. The tree is 
understood to flower once only.7 The fruit has two pleasant 
qualities, one that it peels easily, the other that it has neither stone 
nor fibre.^ It is rather longer and thinner than the egg-plant 
(P. bddanjdn ; Solanuni melongend). It is not very sweet ; the 
Bengal plantain {i.e. chini-champd) is, however, said to be very 

* I have learned nothing more definite about the word kardl than that it is the 
name of a superior kind of peach (GhiyasuU-lughat). 

^ The preceding sentence is out of place in the Turkl text ; it may therefore be 
a marginal note, perhaps not made by Babur. 

3 This sentence suggests that Babur, writing in Agra or Fathpur did not there see 
fine mango-trees. 

* See Yule's H.J. on the plantain, the banana of the West. 

5 This word is a descendant of Sanscrit mocha, and parent of musa the botanical 
name of the fruit (Yule). 

^ Shaikh Effendi (Kunos), Zenker and de Courteille say of this only that it is the 
name of a tree. Shaw gives a name that approaches it, arman, a grass, a weed ; 
Scully explains this as Artemisia vulgaris, wormwood, but Roxburgh gives no 
Artemisia having a leaf resembling the plantain's. Scully has ardmaddn, unexplained, 
which, like aman-qard, may refer to comfort in shade. Babur's comparison will be 
with something known in Transoxiana. Maize has general resemblance with the 
plantain. So too have the names of the plants, since mocha and mauz stand for the 
plantain and (Hindi) mukd'i for maize. These incidental resemblances bear, however 
lightly, on the question considered in the Ency. Br. (art. maize) whether maize was 
early in Asia or not ; some writers hold that it was ; if Babur's amdn-qard were 
maize, maize will have been familiar in Transoxiana in his day. 

7 Abu'1-fazl mentions that the plantain-tree bears no second crop unless cut down 
to the stump. 

* Babur was fortunate not to have met with a seed -bearing plantain. 

932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 TO OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 505 

sweet. The plantain is a very good-looking tree, its broad, 
broad, leaves of beautiful green having an excellent appearance. 

The anbli (H. imlt^ Tamarindus indica, the tamarind) is 
another. By this name {anblt) people call the khunnd-i-hind 
(Indian date-tree).^ It has finely-cut leaves (leaflets), precisely, 
like those of the (T.) bfdd, except that they are not so finely-cut.^ 
It is a very good-looking tree, giving dense shade. It grows wild 
in masses too. 

The (Beng.) mahuwd {Bassia latifolid) is another.3 People 
call it also (V .) gul-chikdn (or chigdn, distilling-flower). This also 
is a very large tree. Most of the wood in the houses of Hindu- Fol. 283*. 
stanis is from it. Spirit i^araq) is distilled from its flowers,^ not 
only so, but they are dried and eaten like raisins, and from them 
thus dried, spirit is also extracted. The dried flowers taste just 
like kishinish ; 5 they have an ill-flavour. The flowers are not bad 
in their natural state ^ ; they are eatable. The mahuwd grows 
wild also. Its fruit is tasteless, has rather a large seed with a 
thin husk, and from this seed, again,7 oil is extracted. 

The mimusops (Sans, khzi'm, Mimiisops kauki) is another. Its 
tree, though not very large, is not small. The fruit is yellow and 

' The ripe "dates" are called P. tamar-i Hind, whence our tamarind, and 
Tamaritidus Indica. 

^ Sophora alopecuroides, a leguminous plant (Scully). 

3 Abu'1-fazl g\\Q?> galatmdd as the name of the "fruit" \jnewd\, — Forbes, as that 
of the fallen flower. Cf. Brandis p. 426 and Yule's H.J. s.n. Mohwa. 

'* Babur seems to say that spirit is extracted from both the fresh and the dried 
flowers. The fresh ones are favourite food with deer and jackals ; they have a sweet 
spirituous taste. Erskine notes that the spirit made from them was well-known in 
Bombay by the name of Moura, or of Parsi-brandy, and that the farm of ft was 
a considerable article of revenue (p. 325 n. ). Roxburgh describes it as strong and 
intoxicating (p. 411). 

5 This is the name of a green, stoneless grape which when dried, results in a raisin 
resembling the sultanas of Europe (Jakdngir' s Memoirs and Yule's H.J. s.n. ; Griffiths' 
Journal of Travel pp. 359, 388). 

^ Aul, lit. the aul of the flower. The Persian translation renders aid by bii which 
may allow both words to be understood in their (root) sense o{ being, i.e. natural 
state. De Courteille translates by quand la fieur est fraiche (ii, 210) ; Erskine took 
bu, to mean smell {Memoirs p. 325), but the aul it translates, does not seem to have 
this meaning. For reading aiil as " the natural state ", there is circumstantial 
support in the flower's being eaten raw (Roxburgh). The annotator of the Elphin- 
stone MS. [whose defacement of that Codex has been often mentioned], has added 
points and (ashdid to the aiil-t {i.e. its aiil), so as to produce awwali (first, f. 235). 
Against this there are the obvious objections that the Persian translation does not 
reproduce, and that its btl does not render awwali ; also that aiil-t is a noun with its 
enclitic genitive j;/a {i). 

7 This word seems to be meant to draw attention to the various merits of the 
mahuwd tree. 


thinner than the red jujube (T. chlkdd, Elceagnus angustifolid) . 
It has just the grape's flavour, but a rather bad after-taste ; it 
is not bad, however, and is eatable. The husk of its stone 
is thin. 

The {^2Xis^ jdman {Eugenia jamboland) ^ is another. Its leaf, 
except for being thicker and greener, is quite like the willow's 
(T. tdC). The tree does not want for beauty. Its fruit is like 
a black grape, is sourish, and not very good. 

The (H.) kamrak (Beng. kamrunga, Averrhoa carambold) is 
another. Its fruit is five-sided, about as large as the ^ain-dlil^ 
and some 3 inches long. It ripens to yellow ; gathered unripe, 
it is very bitter ; gathered ripe, its bitterness has become sub- 
acid, not bad, not wanting in pleasantness.^ 

The jack-fruit (H. kadhil, B. kanthal, Artocarpus integrifolia) 
is another.4 This is a fruit of singular form and flavour ; it looks 
Fol. 284. like a sheep's stomach stuffed and made into a haggis {gtpci) ; ^ 
and it is sickeningly-sweet. Inside it are filbert-like stones ^ 
which, on the whole, resemble dates, but are round, not long, 
and have softer substance ; these are eaten. The jack-fruit is 
very adhesive ; for this reason people are said to oil mouth and 
hands before eating of it. It is heard of also as growing, not 
only on the branches of its tree, but on trunk and root too.7 One 
would say that the tree was all hung round with haggises.^ 

The monkey -jack (H. badhal, B. bwhul, Artocarpus lacoocha) 
is another. The fruit may be of the size of a quince (van apple). 

' Erskine notes that this is not to be confounded with E. jdmbu, the rose-apple 
{Memoirs p. 325 n.). Cf. Yule's H.J. s.n. Jattibu. 

" var. ghat-dlu, ghab-dlu, ghain-dlii, shafi-dlu. Scully enters ''ain-dlii (true-plum?) 
unexplained. The kamrak fruit is 3 in. long (Brandis) and of the size of a lemon 
(FMrminger) ; dimensions which make Babur's 4 alllk (hand's-thickness) a slight excess 
only, and which thus allow alllk^ with its Persion translation, anguskt, to be approxi- 
mately an inch. 

3 Speede, giving the fruit its Sanscrit name kamarunga, says it is acid, rather 
pleasant, something like an insipid apple ; also that its pretty pink blossoms grow on 
the trunk and main branches (i, 2ii). 

* Cf. Yule's H.J. s.n. jack-fruit. In a Calcutta nurseryman's catalogue of 19 14 AD. 
three kinds of jack -tree are offered for sale, viz. "Crispy or Khaja, Soft or Neo, 
Rose-scented " (Seth, Feronia Nursery). 

5 The gipa is a sheep's stomach stuffed with rice, minced meat, and spices, and 
boiled as a pudding. The resemblance of the jack, as il hangs on the tree, to the 
haggis, is wonderfully complete (Erskine). 

^ These when roasted have the taste of chestnuts. 

1 Firminger (p. 186) describes an ingenious method of training. 

^ For a note of Humayim's on the jack-fruit see Appendix O. 


^■P 932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 TO OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 507 

f Its smell is not bad.^ Unripe it is a singularly tasteless and 
empty^ thing ; when ripe, it is not so bad. It ripens soft, can 
be pulled to pieces and eaten anywhere, tastes very much like 
a rotten quince, and has an excellent little austere flavour. 

The lote-fruit (Sans, l^er, Zizyphus jujubci) is another. Its 
Persian name is understood to be kandr.^ It is of several kinds : 
of one the fruit is larger than the plum {alilchd) 4 ; another is 
shaped like the Husaini grape. Most of them are not very good ; 
we saw one in Bandir (Guallar) that was really good. The lote- 
tree sheds its leaves under the Signs Saur and Jauzd (Bull and 
Twins), burgeons under Saratdn and Asad(Cra.h and Lion) which 
are the true rainy-season, — then becoming fresh and green, and 
it ripens its fruit under Da/u and Naut (Bucket z.e. Aquarius, and 

The (Sans.) karaundd {Carzssa carandas,the corinda)is another. 
It grows in bushes after the fashion of the (T.) cMka of our 
country,^ but the cMka grows on mountains, the karaundd on the Fol. 284^^. 
plains. In flavour it is like the rhubarb itself,^ but is sweeter and 
less juicy. 

The (Sans.) pdniydld {Flacourtia cataphractd) 7 is another. It 
is larger than the plum {alucha) and like the red-apple unripe.^ 
It is a little austere and is good. The tree is taller than the 
pomegranate's ; its leaf is like that of the almond-tree but 

' ald-t-yamdn ainias. It is somewhat curious that Babur makes no comment on 
the odour of the jack itself. 

^ biish, English bosh (Shaw). The Persian translation inserts no more about this 

3 Steingass applies this name to the plantain. 

* Erskine notes that " this is the buUace-plum, small, not more than twice as large 
as the sloe and not so high-flavoured ; it is generally yellow, sometimes red." Like 
Babur, Brandis enumerates several varieties and mentions the seasonal changes of the 
tree (p. 170). 

5 This will be Kabul, probably, because Transoxiana is written of by Babur 
usually, if not invariably, as "that country", and because he mentions the chikda 
{i.e. chtka}), under its Persian name sinjid, in his Description of Kabul (f. I29<5). 

* P. viar matijan, which I take to refer to the riwajldr of Kabul. (Cf. f. I2gl>, 
where, however, (note 5) are corrigenda of Masson's rawash for rtwdj, and his third 
to second volume. ) Kehr's Codex contains an extra passage about the karaHn da, 
viz. that from it is made a tasty fritter-like dish, resembling a rhubarb-fritter 
(Ilminsky, p. 369). 

"> People call it {?.) pdlasa also (Elph. MS. f. 236, marginal note). 
^ Perhaps the red-apple of Kabul, where two sorts are common, both rosy, one 
very much so, but much inferior to the other {Griffith' s Journal of Travel p. 388). 


i:\\Q{\l.)gular{Ficusgloinerata,t\iG clustered fig) ^ is another. 
The fruit grows out of the tree-trunk, resembles the fig (P. anjtr\ 
but is singularly tasteless. 

The (Sans.) amid {Phyllanthus emblica, the myrobalan-tree) is 
another. This also is a five-sided fruit.^ It looks like the un- 
blown cotton-pod. It is an astringent and ill-flavoured thing, 
but confiture made of it is not bad. It is a wholesome fruit. Its 
tree is of excellent form and has very minute leaves. 

The (H.) chirunji {Buchanama iatifolia)^ is another. This 
tree had been understood to grow in the hills, but I knew later 
about it, because there were three or four clumps of it in our 
gardens. It is much like the mahuwd. Its kernel is not bad, 
a thing between the walnut and the almond, not bad ! rather 
smaller than the pistachio and round ; people put it in custards 
{y.pdludd) and sweetmeats (Ar. halwd). 

The date-palm (P. khurmd, Phoenix dactyliferd) is another. 
This is not peculiar to Hindustan, but is here described because 
it is not in those countries (Tramontana). It grows in Lamghan 
also.4 Its branches {i.e. leaves) grow from just one place at its 
top ; its leaves {i.e. leaflets) grow on both sides of the branches 
(midribs) from neck {bUm) to tip ; its trunk is rough and ill- 
Foi. 285. coloured ; its fruit is like a bunch of grapes, but much larger. 
People say that the date-palm amongst vegetables resembles an 
animal in two respects : one is that, as, if an animal's head be 
cut off, its life is taken, so it is with the date-palm, if its head is 
cut off, it dries off ; the other is that, as the offspring of animals 
is not produced without the male, so too with the date-palm, it 
gives no good fruit unless a branch of the male-tree be brought 
into touch with the female-tree. The truth of this last matter 
is not known (to me). The above-mentioned head of the date- 
palm is called its cheese. The tree so grows that where its leaves 
come out is cheese-white, the leaves becoming green as they 
lengthen. This white part, the so-called cheese, is tolerable 
eating, not bad, much like the walnut. People make a wound in 

' Its downy fruit grows in bundles from the trunk and large branches (Roxburgh). 
" The reference by "also" {ham) will be to the kamrak (f. 2^lb), but both 
Roxburgh and Brandis say the amla is six striated. 

3 The Sanscrit and Bengali name for the chirunji-tree \s, plyala (Roxburgh p. 363). 
* Cf. f. 2503. 

932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 TO OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 509 

the cheese, and into this wound insert a leaf(let), in such a way 

that all liquid flowing from the wound runs down it.^ The tip 

of the leaflet is set over the mouth of a pot suspended to the tree 

in such a way that it collects whatever liquor is yielded by the 

wound. This liquor is rather pleasant if drunk at once; if drunk 

after two or three days, people say it is quite exhilarating 

{kaifiyat). Once when I had gone to visit Barl,^ and made an Fol. 2%^h. 

excursion to the villages on the bank of the Chambal-river, we 

met in with people collecting this date-liquor in the valley-bottom. 

A good deal was drunk ; no hilarity was felt ; much must be 

drunk, seemingly, to produce a little cheer. 

The coco-nut palm (P. ndrgil, Cocos nucifera) is another. An 
'Arab gives it Arabic form 3 and says ndrjil ; Hindustan people 
say ndltr, seemingly by popular error.4 Its fruit is the Hindi- 
nut from which black spoons {qard qdshuq) are made and the 
larger ones of which serve for guitar-bodies. The coco-palm has 
general resemblance to the date-palm, but has more, and more 
glistening leaves. Like the walnut, the coco-nut has a green 
outer husk ; but its husk is of fibre on fibre. All ropes for ships 
and boats and also cord for sewing boat-seams are heard of as 
made from these husks. The nut, when stripped of its husk, near 
one end shews a triangle of hollows, two of which are solid, the 
third a nothing {bush), easily pierced. Before the kernel forms, 
there is fluid inside ; people pierce the soft hollow and drink 
this ; it tastes like date-palm cheese in solution, and is not bad. 

The (Sans.) tar {Borassus flabelliformis, the Palmyra-palm) is 
another. Its branches {i.e. leaves) also are quite at its top. Just as Fol. 286. 
with the date-palm, people hang a pot on it, take its juice and 
drink it. They call this liquor tdri ; 5 it is said to be more ex- 
hilarating than date liquor. For about a yard along its branches 

^ The leaflet is rigid enough to serve as a runlet, but soon wears out ; for this 
reason, the usual practice is to use one of split bamboo. 

^ This is a famous hunting-ground between Biana and Dhulpur, Rajpiitana, visited 
in 933 AH. (f. 330(J). Babur's great-great-grandson Shah-jahan built a hunting-lodge 
there (G. of I.). 

3 Hai. MS. mu^a?-rab, but the Elph. MS. maghrib, [occidentalizing]. The Hai. 
MS. when writing of the orange {infra) also has maghrib. A distinction of locality 
may be drawn by maghrib. 

* Babur's " Hindustan people" {atl) are those neither Turks nor Afghans. 

5 This name, with its usual form tddi (toddy), is used for the fermented sap of the 
date, coco, and mhdr palms also (cf. Yale's H.J. toddy). 



{i.e. leaf-stems) ' there are no leaves ; above this, at the tip of 
the branch (stem), 30 or 40 open out like the spread palm of the 
hand, all from one place. These leaves approach a yard in length. 
People often write Hindi characters on them after the fashion of 
account rolls {daftar yiisunluq). 

The orange (Ar. ndranj. Citrus aurantiuni) and orange-like 
fruits are others of Hindustan.^ Oranges grow well in the 
Lamghanat, Bajaur and Sawad. The Lamghanat one is smallish, 
has a navel,3 is very agreeable, fragile and juicy. It is not at all 
like the orange of Khurasan and those parts, being so fragile 
that many spoil before reaching Kabul from the Lamghanat 
which may be \'i^-\\ yighdch (65-70 miles), while the Astarabad 
orange, by reason of its thick skin and scant juice, carries with 
Fol. 286^. less damage from there to Samarkand, some 2^0-2^0 ytghdch.'^ 
The Bajaur orange is about as large as a quince, very juicy and 
more acid than other oranges. Khwaja Kalan once said to me, 
" We counted the oranges gathered from a single tree of this sort 
in Bajaur and it mounted up to 7,000." It had been always in 
my mind that the word ndranj was an Arabic form ; 5 it would 
seem to be really so, since every-one in Bajaur and Sawad says 
(P.) ndrang.^ 

* Babur writes of the long leaf-stalk as a branch {shdkk) ; he also seems to have 
taken each spike of the fan-leaf to represent a separate leaf. [For two omissions 
from my trs. see Appendix O.] 

" Most of the fruits Babur describes as orange-like are named in the following 
classified list, taken from Watts' Economic Products of India : — " Citrus aurantium, 
narangi, sangtara, amrit-phal ; C. decumana, ptimelo, shaddock, forbidden-fruit, 
sada-phal ; C. medica proper, iurunj, limu ; C. medica limonum, jambhira, 
karna-nebii." Under C. aurantium Brandis enters both the sweet and the Seville 
oranges (ndrangi) ; this Babur appears to do also. 

3 kindlklik, explained in the Elph. Codex by ndfwar{i. 238). This detail is omitted 
by the Persian translation. Firminger's description (p. 221) of Aurangabad oranges 
suggests that they also are navel -oranges. At the present time one of the best 
oranges had in England is the navel one of California. 

*. '^?^'^"^ addition is made to earlier notes on the variability of the yighach, a 
variability depending on time taken to cover the ground, by the following passage 
from Henderson and \{\xm€% Lahor to Yari'and {p. 120), which shews that even in 
the last century the farsang (the P. word used in the Persian translation of the 
Babur-nama for T. ylghdch) was computed by time. "All the way from Kargallik 
(Qarghallq) to Yarkand, there were tall wooden mile-posts along the roads, at intervals 
of about 5 miles, or rather one hour's journey, apart. On a board at the top of each 
post, or/arj<z«^ as it is called, the distances were very legibly written in Turki." 

s tna'rib, Elph. MS. viagharrib ; (cf. f. 285^^ note). 

* i.e. narang (Sans, ndrangd) has been changed to ndranj in the 'Arab mouth. 
What is probably one of Humayun's notes preserved by the Elph. Codex (f. 238), 
appears to say— it is mutilated— that ndrang has been corrupted into ndranj. 


932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 to OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 51 

The lime (B. /i";;/?/, C. acidci) is another. It is very plentiful, 
about the size of a hen's ^%%, and of the same shape. If a person 
poisoned drink the water in which its fibres have been boiled, 
danger is averted.^ 

The citron (P. turunj^ C. medico) is another of the fruits 
resembling the orange. Bajauris and Sawadis call it bdlang and 
hence give the name bdlang-marabbd to its marmalade {marabbd) 
confiture. In Hindustan people call the turunj bajauri.'^ There 
are two kinds oi turunj : one is sweet, flavourless and nauseating, 
of no use for eating but with peel that may be good for mar- 
malade ; it has the same sickening sweetness as the Lamghanat 
turunj \ the other, that of Hindustan and Bajaur, is acid, quite 
deliciously acid, and makes excellent sherbet, well-flavoured, and 
wholesome drinking. Its size may be that of the Khusrawi melon ; 
it has a thick skin, wrinkled and uneven, with one end thinner and 
beaked. It is of a deeper yellow than the orange (ndranj). Its 
tree has no trunk, is rather low, grows in bushes, and has a larger Fol. 287. 
leaf than the orange. 

The sangtdra 4 is another fruit resembling the orange indranj). 

^ The Elph. Codex has a note — mutilated in early binding — which is attested by 
its scribe as copied from Humayun's hand-writing, and is to the effect that once on 
his way from the Hot-bath, he saw people who had taken poison and restored them 
by giving lime-juice. 

Erskine here notes that the same antidotal quality is ascribed to the citron by 
Virgil :— 

Media fert tristes succos. tardumque saporem 
Felicis mali, quo non praesentius ullum, 
Pocula si quando saevae infecere novercae, 
Miscueruntque herbas et non innoxia verba, 
Auxilium venit, ac membris agit atra venena. 

Georgics H. v. 126. 
Vide Heyne's note i, 438. 

^ P. turunj, wrinkled, puckered ; Sans, vljapiira and H. bijaurd {Aytn 28), seed- 

3 Babur may have confused this with H. bijaurd ; so too appears to have done the 
writer (Humayun?) of a [now mutilated] note in the Elph. Codex (f. 238), which 
seems to say that the fruit or its name went from Bajaur to Hindustan. Is the 
country of Bajaur so-named from its indigenous orange {vtjdpiira, whence bijaurd) ? 
The name occurs also north of Kangra. 

* Of this name variants are numerous, santra, santhara, sa?)itara, etc. Watts 
classes it as a C. aurantium ; Erskine makes it the common sweet orange ; Firminger, 
quoting Ross (p. 221) writes that, as grown in the Nagpur gardens it is one of the finest 
Indian oranges, with rind thin, smooth and close. The Emperor Muhammad Shah 
is said to have altered its name to rang-tdra because of its fine colour {rang) (Forbes). 
Speede (ii, 109) gives both names. As to the meaning and origin of the name santara 
ox santra, so suggestive of Cintra, the Portuguese home of a similar orange, it maybe 
said that it looks like a hill-name used in N. E. India, for there is a village in the 


It is like the citron {turunj) in colour and form, but has both 
ends of its skin level ; ^ also it is not rough and is somewhat the 
smaller fruit. Its tree is large, as large as the apricot {auruq\ 
with a leaf like the orange's. It is a deliciously acid fruit, making 
a very pleasant and wholesome sherbet. Like the lime it is a 
powerful stomachic, but not weakening like the orange {ndranj). 

The large lime which they call (H.) gal-gal"^ in Hindustan is 
another fruit resembling the orange. It has the shape of a goose's 
^%%> but unlike that ^^'g^ does not taper to the ends. Its skin is 
smooth like the sangtdrds ; it is remarkably juicy. 

The {\\.)jdnbtri lime^ is another orange-like fruit. It is orange- 
shaped and, though yellow, not orange-yellow. It smells like the 
citron {turunf) ; it too is deliciously acid. 

The (Sans.) sadd-fal {phal) 4 is another orange-like fruit. This 
is pear-shaped, colours like the quince, ripens sweet, but not to 
the sickly-sweetness of the orange {ndranj). 

The amrd-fal (sic. Hai. MS. — Sans, arnrit-phal)^ is another 
orange-like fruit. 

The lemon (H. karnd, C. limofium) is another fruit resembling 
the orange (ndranj) ; it may be as large as the gal-gal and is also 

The (Sans.) amal-bid^ is another fruit resembling the orange. 

Bhutan Hills, (Western Duars) known from its orange groves as Santra-barl, Abode 
of the orange. To this (mentioned already as my husband's suggestion in Mr. Crooke's 
ed. of Yule's H.J. ) support is given by the item "Suntura, famous Nipal variety ", 
entered in Seth's Nursery-list of 19 14 (Feronia Nurseries, Calcutta). Light on the 
question of origin could be thrown, no doubt, by those acquainted with the dialects 
of the hill-tract concerned. 

' This refers, presumably, to the absence of the beak characteristic of all citrons. 

' melter, from the Sans, root gal, which provides the names of several lemons by 
reason of their solvent quality, specified by Babur [infra) of the amal-bld, Erskine 
notes that in his day the gal-gal was known as kilmek (galmak ?). 

3 Sans, jambira, H. jamblr, classed by Abu'1-fazl as one of the somewhat sour 
fruits and by Watts as Citrus medica limonum. 

♦ Watts, C. decumana, the shaddock or pumelo ; Firminger (p. 223) has C. decumana 
pyriformis suiting Babur's " pear-shaped ". What Babur compared it with will be 
the Transoxanian pear and quince {P. atnrud 2.x\fS. biht) and not the Indian guava and 
Bengal quince (/'. a»/r«</and H. bael). 

5 The Turki text writes amrd. Watts classes the amrit-phal as a C. aurantium. 
This supports Erskine's suggestion that it is the mandarin-orange. Humayun 
describes it in a note which is written pell-mell in the text of the Elph. Codex and 
contains also descriptions of the kdviila and santara oranges ; it can be seen translated 
in Appendix O. 

* So spelled in the Turk! text and also in two good MSS. of the Pers. trs. I.O. 
217 and 218, but by Abu'1-fazl amal-blt. Both P. bid and P. bit mean willow and 
cane (ratan), so that amal-bid (bit) can mean acid-willow and acid-cane. But as 

932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 TO OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 513 

After three years (in Hindustan), it was first seen to-day.^ They 
say a needle melts away if put inside it,^ either from its acidity Foi. 287*5. 
or some other property. It is as acid, perhaps, as the citron and 
lemon {tiirunj and limu).'^ 

{in. Vegetable products of Hindustan : — Flowers^ 

In Hindustan there is great variety of flowers. One is the (D.) 
jdsiin (^Hibiscus rosa sinensis)^ which some Hindustanis call 
{\Av[\^\) gazhal.'^ *It is not a grass {giydh) ; its tree (is in stems 
like the bush of the red-rose ; it) is rather taller than the bush 
of the red -rose. 5* The flower of the /(^.fz/^ is fuller in colour than 
that of the pomegranate, and may be of the size of the red-rose, 
but, the red-rose, when its bud has grown, opens simply, whereas, 
when th^jasun-hud opens, a stem on which other petals grow, 
is seen like a heart amongst its expanded petals. Though the 
two are parts of the one flower, yet the outcome of the lengthening 
and thinning of that stem-like heart of the first-opened petals 
gives the semblance of two flowers.^ It is not a common matter. 
The beautifully coloured flowers look very well on the tree, but 

Babur is writing of a fruit like an orange, the cane that bears an acid fruit, Calamus 
rotang, can be left aside in favour of Citrus medica acidissima. Of this fruit the 
solvent property Babur mentions, as well as the commonly-known service in cleansing 
metal, link it, by these uses, with the willow and suggest a ground for understanding, 
as Erskine did, that ama/-did meant acid-willow ; for willow-wood is used to rub rust 
off metal. 

' This statement shows that Babur was writing the Description of Hindustan in 
935 AH. (1528-9 AD.), which is the date given for it by Shaikh Zain. 

^ This story of the needle is believed in India of all the citron kind, which are hence 
called sui-gal (needle-melter) in the Dakhin (Erskine). Cf. Forbes, p. 489 s.n. 

3 Erskine here quotes information from Abu'1-fazl {Ayln 28) about Akbar's 
encouragement of the cultivation of fruits. 

* Hindustani (Urdu) garhal. Many varieties of Hibiscus (syn. Althea) grow in 
India ; some thrive in Surrey gardens ; the jdsiin by name and colour can be taken 
as what is known in Malayan, Tamil, etc., as the shoe-flower, from its use in darkening 
leather (Yule's H.J. ). 

5 I surmise that what I have placed between asterisks here belongs to the next- 
following plant, the oleander. For though the branches of Xhejasitn grow vertically, 
the bush is a dense mass upon one stout trunk, or stout short stem. The words placed 
in parenthesis above are not with the Haidarabad but are with the Elphinstone Codex. 
There would seem to have been a scribe's skip from one " rose " to the other. As 
has been shewn repeatedly, this part of the Babur-nama has been much annotated ; in 
the Elph. Codex, where only most of the notes are preserved, some are entered by 
the scribe pell-mell into Babur's text. The present instance may be a case of a 
marginal note, added to the text in a wrong place. 

* The peduncle supporting the plume of medial petals is clearly seen only when the 
flower opens first. The plumed Hibiscus is found in florists' catalogues described as 
" double ". 


they do not last long ; they fade in just one day. The jdsun 
blossoms very well through the four months of the rains ; it seems 
indeed to flower all through the year ; with this profusion, how- 
ever, it gives no perfume. 

The (H.) kanir {Nerium odoruni, the oleander) ^ is another. It 
grows both red and white. Like the peach-flower, it is five 
petalled. It is like the peach-bloom (in colour?), but opens 14 
or 15 flowers from one place, so that seen from a distance, they 
look like one great flower. The oleander-bush is taller than the 
rose-bush. The red oleander has a sort of scent, faint and agree- 
able. (Like \\\^jdsun^ it also blooms well and profusely in the 
Fol. 288. rains, and it also is had through most of the year. 

The (H.) {kiura) {Pandamis odoratissimus, the screw-pine) is 
another.^ It has a very agreeable perfume.3 Musk has the defect 
of being dry ; this may be called moist musk — a very agreeable 
perfume. The tree's singular appearance notwithstanding, it has 
flowers perhaps ij to 2 qdrlsh (13 J to 18 inches) long. It has 
long leaves having the character of the reed (P.) gharau 4 and 
having spines. Of these leaves, while pressed together bud-like, 
the outer ones are the greener and more spiny ; the inner ones 
are soft and white. In amongst these inner leaves grow things 
like what belongs to the middle of a flower, and from these 
things comes the excellent perfume. When the tree first comes 
up not yet shewing any trynk, it is like the bush {butd) of the 
male-reed,S but with wider and more spiny leaves. What serves 
it for a trunk is very shapeless, its roots remaining shewn. 

' This Anglo-Indians call also rose-bay. A Persian name appears to be zahr-giyah, 
poison -grass, which makes it the more probable that the doubtful passage in the 
previous description of the jasun belongs to the rod-like oleander, known as the 
poison-grass. The oleander is common in river-beds over much country known to 
Babur, outside India. 

' Roxburgh gives a full and interesting account of this tree. 

3 Here the Elph. Codex, only, has the (seeming) note, "An 'Arab calls it kazl'" 
(or kawl). This fills out Steingass' part-explanation of kawi, " the blossom of the 
fragrant palm-tree, armdt" (p. loi'o), and of armdt,, "a kind of date-tree with 
a fragrant blossom " (p. 39), by making armat and kawi seem to be the Fandajtus 
and its flower. 

♦ Calamus scriptorius (VuUers ii, 607. H.B.). Abu'I-fazl compares the leaves to 
jawdri, the great millet (Forbes) ; Blochmann (A. A. p. 83) translates jawdrl by 
maize {Juwdrd, Forbes). 

s T. airkak-qumnsh, a name Scully enters unexplained. Under qiimush (reed) he 
enters Arundo viadagascarensis ; Babur's comparison will be with some Transoxanian 
Arundo or Calamus, presumably. 

932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 TO OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 515 

The {V.) ydsman (jasmine) is another ; the white they call (B.) 
champ a} It is larger and more strongly scented than our 

{n. Seasons of the year?) 

Again: — whereas there are four seasons in those countries,^ 
there are three in Hindustan, namely, four months are summer ; 
four are the rains ; four are winter. The beginning of their 
months is from the welcome of the crescent-moons.3 Every 
three years they add a month to the year ; if one had been added 
to the rainy season, the next is added, three years later, to the 
winter months, the next, in the same way, to the hot months. 
This is their mode of intercalation.^ {Chait, Baisdkh, Jeth and Fol. z^U. 
Asdrh) are the hot months, corresponding with the Fish, (Ram, 
Bull and Twins ; Sdwan, Bhddoh, Ki'i,dr and Kdtik) are the 
rainy months, corresponding with the Crab, (Lion, Virgin and 
Balance ; Aghan, Piis, Mdgh and Phdlgim) are the cold months, 
corresponding with the Scorpion, (Archer, Capricorn, and Bucket 
or Aquarius). 

The people of Hind, having thus divided the year into three 
seasons of four months each, divide each of those seasons by 
taking from each, the two months of the force of the heat, rain,5 
and cold. Of the hot months the last two, i.e. Jeth and Asdrh 
are the force of the heat ; of the rainy months, the first two, i.e. 
Sdwan and Bhddoh are the force of the rains ; of the cold season, 
the middle two, i.e. PUs and Mdgh are the force of the cold. By 
this classification there are six seasons in Hindustan. 

' Champa seems to have been Babur's word (Elph. and Hai. MSS. ), but is the 
(B.) name for Michelia champaka ; the Pers. translation corrects it by (B. ) chaTnbeli, 
{yasmatiy jasmine). 

^ Here, " outside India" will be meant, where Hindu rules do not prevail. 

3 Hind aildri-iting ibtidd-sl hilal alldr-ning istiqbal-diti diir. The use here of 
istiqbdl, welcome, attracts attention ; does it allude to the universal welcome of lighter 
nights? or is it reminiscent of Muhammadan welcome to the Moon's crescent in 
Shawwal ? 

4 For an exact statement of the intercalary months vide Cunningham's Indian Eras, 
p. 91. In my next sentence (supra) the parenthesis-marks indicate blanks left on the 
page of the Hai. MS. as though waiting for information. These and other similar 
blanks make for the opinion that the Hai. Codex is a direct copy of Babur's draft 

5 The sextuple division {ritu ) of the year is referred to on f. 284, where the Signs 
Crab and Lion are called the season of the true Rains. 


(o. Days of the week.) 

To the days also they have given names : — ^ {Samchar is 
Saturday ; Rabl-bdr is Sunday ; Som-wdr is Monday ; Mangal- 
wdr is Tuesday : Budh-bdr is Wednesday ; Brihaspat-bdr is 
Thursday ; Shukr-bdr is Friday). 

{j>. Divisions of time.) 

As in our countries what is known by the (Turk!) term kicha- 
giindiiz (a day-and-night, nycthemeron) is divided into 24 parts, 
each called an hour (Ar. sd'at), and the hour is divided into 60 
parts, each called a minute (Ar. daqiqd), so that a day-and-night 

Fol. 289. {Author's note on the daqtqa. ) The daqlqa is about as long as six repetitions 

of the Fdtiha with the Bismillah, so that a day-and-night is as long as 8640 
repetitions of the Fdtiha with the Bismilldh. 

consists of 1440 minutes, — so the people of Hind divide the night- 
and-day into 60 parts, each called a (S.) ^hari,^ They also 
divide the night into four and the day into four, calling each part 
a (S.) pahr (watch) which in Persian is a pds. A watch and 
watchman {pds u pdsbdn) had been heard about (by us) in those 
countries (Transoxania), but without these particulars. Agreeing 
with the division into watches, a body of gliaridlis 3 is chosen 
and appointed in all considerable towns of Hindustan. They 
cast a broad brass (plate-) thing,4 perhaps as large as a tray 
{tabaq) and about two hands'-thickness ; this they call a ^haridl 
and hang up in a high place {bir buland yir-dd). Also they have 
a vessel perforated at the bottom like an hour-cup 5 and filling 

' Babur appears not to have entered either the Hind! or the Persian names of the 
week :— the Hai. MS. has a blank space ; the Elph. MS. had the Persian names 
only, and Hindi ones have been written in above these ; Kehr has the Persian ones 
only ; Ilminsky has added the Hindi ones. (The spelling of the Hindi names, in my 
translation, is copied from Forbes' Dictionary. ) 

= The Ilai. MS. writes garl and garldl. The word now stands for the hour of 
60 minutes. 

3 i.e. gong-men. The name is applied also to an alligator Lacertus gangeticus 

*■ There is some confusion in the text here, the Hai. MS. reading birinj-dln iishi(}) 
nima quitibtiirlar-\hG Elph. MS. (f. 2403) hiring-dln blr ydssl nima qutubturldr. 
The Persian translation, being based on the text of the Elphinstone Codex reads az 
biring yak chiz pahni rekhta and. The word tlshi of the Hai. MS. may represent 
tasht plate or yassi^ broad ; against the latter however there is the sentence that follows 
and gives the size. 

s Here again the wording of the Hai. MS. is not clear ; the sense however is 
obvious. Concerning the clepsydra vide A. A. Jarrett, ii, 15 and notes; Smith's 
Dictionary of Antiquities ; Yule's H.J. s.n. Ghurry. 


932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 to OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 517 

in one ^hari {i.e. 24 minutes). Th^g'karidlis put this into water 
and wait till it fills. For example, they will put the perforated Fol. 289^. 
cup into water at day-birth ; when it fills the first time, they strike 
the gong once with their mallets ; when a second time, twice, and 
so on till the end of the watch. They announce the end of a 
watch by several rapid blows of their mallets. After these they 
pause ; then strike once more, if the first day-watch has ended, 
twice if the second, three times if the third, and four times if the 
fourth. After the fourth day-watch, when the night-watches 
begin, these are gone through in the same way. It used to be 
the rule to beat the sign of a watch only when the watch ended ; 
so that sleepers chancing to wake in the night and hear the sound 
of a third or fourth g'hari, would not know whether it was of the 
second or third night-watch. I therefore ordered that at night 
or on a cloudy day the sign of the watch should be struck after 
that of the ^'//^r/, for example, that after striking the third g'hari 
of the first night-watch, the g'karidlis were to pause and then 
strike the sign of the watch, in order to make it known that this 
third ^'^^rf was of the first night-watch, — and that after striking 
four g' harts of the third night-watch, they should pause and then 
strike the sign of the third watch, in order to make it known that 
this fourth g'hari was of the third night-watch. It did very well ; 
anyone happening to wake in the night and hear the gong, would 
know what ^harl of what watch of night it was. 

Again, they divide the g'hari into 60 parts, each part being 
called dipal\^ by this each night-and-day will consist of ^,^00 pals. Fol. 290. 

{Author's note on the pal. ) They say the length of a pal is the shutting and 
opening of the eyelids 60 times, which in a night-and-day would be 216,000 
shuttings and openings of the eyes. Experiment shews that a pal is about 
equal to 8 repetitions of the Qul-huwa-alldh ^ and Bismillah ; this would be 
28,000 repetitions in a night-and-day. 

{q. Measures^ 

The people of Hind have also well-arranged measures : — 3 
8 ratis = i mdsha ; 4 mas ha — i tank =32 rails ; 5 ^ndsha = 
I misqdl= 40 rails ; 1 2 mdsha = i ill la = g6 rails ; 1 4 ilila = i ser. 

' The table is : — 60 bipals = i pal', 60 pals = I g'hari (24m.) ; 60 g'hari or 
2> pahr — one din-rat (nycthemeron). 

^ Qoran, cap. CXII, which is a declaration of God's unity. 

3 The (S. ) rati = 8 rice-grains (Eng. 8 barley-corns) ; the (S.) mdsha is a kidney- 
bean ; the (P. ) tank is about 2 oz. ; the (Ar. ) niisqdl is equal to 40 ratis ; the (S. ) tfild 
is about 145 oz. ; the (S. ) ser\% of various values (Wilson's Glossary ^vA Yule's H.J.). 


This is everywhere fixed : — 40 ser — i mdnbdn ; 1 2 mdnbdn = 
I mdm\ ICXD mdni they call a mindsa} 
Pearls and jewels they weigh by the tdnk. 

(r. Modes of reckoning?) 

The people of Hind have also an excellent mode of reckoning : 
100,000 they call a lak\ 100 laks^ d, krur ', lOO kriirs, an arb ; 
100 arbsy I karb; lOO karbs, i ni/ ; 100 mis, \ padani ; \oo padams, 
I sdttg. The fixing of such high reckonings as these is proof of 
the great amount of wealth in Hindustan. 

{s. Hindu inhabitants of Hindiistdn.) 

Most of the inhabitants of Hindustan are pagans ; they call 
a pagan a Hindu. Most Hindus believe in the transmigration 
of souls. All artisans, wage-earners, and officials are Hindus. In 
our countries dwellers in the wilds {i.e. nomads) get tribal names; 
Fol. 290^. here the settled people of the cultivated lands and villages get 
tribal names.^ Again : — every artisan there is follows the trade 
that has come down to him from forefather to forefather. 

(/. Defects of Hindiistdn.) 

Hindustan is a country of ^qw charms. Its people have no 
good looks ; of social intercourse, paying and receiving visits there 
is none ; of genius and capacity none ; of manners none ; in 
handicraft and work there is no form or symmetry, method or 
quality ; there are no good horses, no good dogs, no grapes, musk- 
melons or first-rate fruits, no ice or cold water, no good bread or 
cooked food in the bdzdrs, no Hot-baths, no Colleges, no candles, 
torches or candlesticks. 

In place of candle and torch they have a great dirty gang they 
call lamp-men {diwatt), who in the left hand hold a smallish 
wooden tripod to one corner of which a thing like the top of 

' There being 40 Bengal sers to the man, Babur's word fnanbdn seems to be another 
name for the man or maund. I have not found manban or mindsa. At first sight 
manbdn might be taken, in the Hai. MS. for (T.) batman, a weight of 13 or 15 lbs., 
but this does not suit. Cf. f. 167 note to bat?nan and f. iTSb (where, however, in the 
note f. 157 requires correction to f. 167). For Babur's table of measures the Pers. 
trs. has 40 sets = I man-, 12 mans = I mdtii ; 100 fndni they call mindsa (217, 
f. 20\b, 1. 8). 

" Presumably these are caste-names. 

H ^K o n' 

932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 TO OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 519 

a candlestick is fixed, having a wick in it about as thick as the 
thumb. In the right hand they hold a gourd, through a narrow- 
slit made in which, oil is let trickle in a thin thread when the 
wick needs it. Great people keep a hundred or two of these 
lamp-men. This is the Hindustan substitute for lamps and 
candlesticks ! If their rulers and begs have work at night needing 
candles, these dirty lamp-men bring these lamps, go close up and Fol. 291. 
there stand. /• 

Except their large rivers and their standing-waters which flow 
in ravines or hollows (there are no waters). There are no 
running-waters in their gardens or residences i^imdratlar)} 
These residences have no charm, air {Jiawa), regularity or 

Peasants and people of low standing go about naked. They 
tie on a thing called lutigntd^ a decency-clout which hangs two 
spans below the navel. From the tie of this pendant decency- 
clout, another clout is passed between the thighs and made fast 
behind. Women also tie on a cloth {lung), one-half of which goes 
round the waist, the other is thrown over the head. 

(«. Advantages of Hindustan^ 

Pleasant things of Hindustan are that it is a large country and 
has masses of gold and silver. Its air in the Rains is very fine. 
Sometimes it rains 10, 15 or 20 times a day ; torrents pour down 
all at once and rivers flow where no water had been. While it 
rains and through the Rains, the air is remarkably fine, not to be 
surpassed for healthiness and charm. The fault is that the air 
becomes very soft and damp. A bow of those (Transoxanian) 
countries after going through the Rains in Hindiistan, may not 
be drawn even ; it is ruined ; not only the bow, everything is Fol. 291*. 
affected, armour, book, cloth, and utensils all ; a house even does 

' The words in parenthesis appear to be omitted from the text ; to add them brings 
Babur's remark into agreement with others on what he several times makes note of, 
viz. the absence not only of irrigation-channels but of those which convey " running- 
waters " to houses and gardens. Such he writes of in Farghana ; such are a well- 
known charm e.g. in Madeira, where the swift current of clear water flowing through 
the streets, turns into private precincts by side-runlets. 

' The Hai. MS. writes lungutd-dlk, like a lunguta, which better agrees with Babur's 
usual phrasing. Ltingxs Persian for a cloth passed between the loins, is an equivalent 
of S. dhoti. Babur's use of it {infra) for the woman's (P.) chaddar or (S. ) sai'i does 
not suit the Dictionary definition of its meaning. 


not last long. Not only in the Rains but also in the cold and 
the hot seasons, the airs are excellent ; at these times, however, 
the north-west wind constantly gets up laden with dust and earth. 
It gets up in great strength every year in the heats, under the 
Bull and Twins when the Rains are near ; so strong and carrying 
so much dust and earth that there is no seeing one another. 
People call this wind Darkener of the Sky (H. dndht). The 
weather is hot under the Bull and Twins, but not intolerably 
so, not so hot as in Balkh and Qandahar and not for half 
so long. 

Another good thing in Hindustan is that it has unnumbered 
and endless workmen of every kind. There is a fixed caste {jam'i) 
for every sort of work and for every thing, which has done that 
work or that thing from father to son till now. Mulla Sharaf, 
writing in the Zafar-ndma about the building of Timur Beg's 
Stone Mosque, lays stress on the fact that on it 200 stone-cutters 
worked, from AzarbaTjan, Fars, Hindustan and other countries. 
But 680 men worked daily on my buildings in Agra and of Agra 
stone-cutters only ; while 149 1 stone-cutters worked daily on my 
buildings in Agra, Slkrl, Blana, Dulpur, Guallar and Kull. In 
Fol. 292. the same way there are numberless artisans and workmen of 
every sort in Hindiistan. 

{v. Revenues of Hindustan.) 

The revenue of the countries now held by me (935 AH.- 
1528 AD.) from Bhira to Bihar is 52 krurs,^ as will be known in 
detail from the following summary.^ Eight or nine krurs of this 

' When Erskine published the Memoirs in 1826 ad. he estimated this sum at 
i\ millions Sterling, but when he published his History of India in 1854, he had made 
further research into the problem of Indian money values, and judged then that Babur's 
revenue was ;[C4,2i2,cx)0. 

= Erskine here notes that the promised details had not been preserved, but in 
ck '^iu°" -^t ^^^ ^"""^ *^^"^ ^" ^ "paraphrase of part of Babur", manifestly in 
Shaikh Zain's work. He entered and discussed them and some matters of money- 
values m Appendices D. and E. of his History of India, vol. I. Ilminsky found 
them m Kehr's Codex (C. ii, 230). The scribe o"f the Elph. MS. has entered the 
revenues of three sarkars only, with his usual quotation marks indicating something 
extraneous or doubtful. The Hai. MS. has them in contents precisely as I have 
entered them above, but with a scattered mode of setting down. They are in Persian, 
presumably as they were rendered to Babur by some Indian official. This official 
statement will have been with Babur's own papers ; it will have been copied by 
bhaikh Zain into his own paraphrase. It differs slightly in Erskine's and again, in 
de Courteille s versions. I regret that I am incompetent to throw any light upon the 

932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 TO OCT. Sth 1526 AD. 


are from parganas of rais and rajas who, as obedient from of 
old, receive allowance and maintenance. 

Revenues of Hindustan from what has so far come under the 

VICTORIOUS standards 


Trans-sutluj :— Bhira, Lahur, Sialkut, Dibalpur, etc. 
Sihrind ......... 


The capital Dihll and Mlan-du-ab . 
Mlwat, not included in Sikandar's time . 



Mlan-wilayat (Midlands) 


KalpI and Sehonda (Seondha) .... 



Laknur and Baksar 


Aud (Oude) and Bahraj (Baraich) .... 

Junpur . 

Karra and Manikpur 




Champaran . 


Tirhut from Raja Rup-naraln's tribute, silver 

black (i.e. copper) 
Rantanbhur from Bull, Chatsu, and Malarna. 


Raja Bikramajit in Rantanbhur .... 


Raja Bir-sang-deo (or. Sang only) .... 

Raja Bikam-deo 

Raja Bikam-chand 



















































Fol. 292^. 

Fol. 293. 

^ So far as particulars and details about the land and people 
of the country of Hindustan have become definitely known, they 
have been narrated and described ; whatever matters worthy of 
record may come to view hereafter, I shall write down. 

question of its values and that I must leave some uncertain names to those more 
expert than myself. Cf. Erskine's Appendices /. c. and Thomas' Revenue resources 
of the Mughal Empire. For a few comments see App. P. 
' Here the Turkl text resumes in the Hai. MS. 



{a. Distribution of treasure in Agra^- 

{May 1 2th) On Saturday the 29th ^ of Rajab the examination 
and distribution of the treasure were begun. To Humayun 
were given 70 laks from the Treasury, and, over and above this, 
a treasure house was bestowed on him just as it was, without 
ascertaining and writing down its contents. To some begs 
10 laks were given, 8, 7, or 6 to others.3 Suitable money-gifts 
were bestowed from the Treasury on the whole army, to every 
tribe there was, Afghan, Hazara, 'Arab, Blluch etc. to each 
according to its position. Every trader and student, indeed every 
man who had come with the army, took ample portion and share 
of bounteous gift and largess. To those not with the army went 
a mass of treasure in gift and largess, as for instance, 17 laks to 
Kamran, 15 laks to Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza, while to 'Askarl, 
Hindal and indeed to the whole various train of relations and 
younger children ^ went masses of red and white (gold and silver), 
of plenishing, jewels and slaves.5 Many gifts went to the begs 
and soldiery on that side (Tramontana). Valuable gifts {saughdt) 
Fol. 294. were sent for the various relations in Samarkand, Khurasan, 
Kashghar and 'Iraq. To holy men belonging to Samarkand 
and Khurasan went offerings vowed to God {nuzUr) ; so too to 

' Elph. MS. f. 243/5 ; W. i. B. I.O. 215 has not the events of this year (as to which 
omission vide note at the beginning of 932 ah. f. 2^15) and 217 f. 203; Mems. 
P- 334 ; Ilminsky's imprint p. 380 ; M^ms. ii, 232. 

- This should be 30th if Saturday was the day of the week (Gladwin, Cunningham 
and Kabur's narrative of f. 269). Saturday appears likely to be right ; Babur entered 
Agra on Thursday 28th ; Friday would be used for the Congregational Prayer and 
preliminaries inevitable before the distribution of the treasure. The last day of 
Babur's narrative 932 AH. is Thursday Rajab 28th ; he would not be likely to mistake 
between Friday, the day of his first Congregational prayer in Agra, and Saturday. It 
must be kept in mind that the Description of Hindustan is an interpolation here, and 
that it was written in 935 ah., three years later than the incidents here recorded. 
The date Rajab 29th may not be Babur's own entry ; or if it be, may have been 
made after the interpolation of the dividing mass of the Description and made 

3 Erskine estimated these sums as "probably ^^56,700 to Humayiin ; and the 
smaller ones as ;^8, roo, ;^6,48o, ;^5,67o and 2^4,86o respectively; very large sums 
for the age '' {History of India, i. 440 n. and App. E.) 

* These will be his daughters. Gul-badan gives precise details of the gifts to the 
family circle {Humayiin-ndtna f. 10). 

s Some of these slaves were Si. Ibrahim's dancing-girls (Gul-badan, ib. ). 

932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 to DCT. 8th 1526 AD. 


Makka and Madlna. We gave one shdhrukhi for every soul 
in the country of Kabul and the valley-side ^ of Varsak, man and 
woman, bond and free, of age or non-age.^ 

{b. Disaffection to Bdbur?) 

On our first coming to Agra, there was remarkable dislike and 
hostility between its people and mine, the peasantry and soldiers 
running away in fear of our men. Delhi and Agra excepted, 
not a fortified town but strengthened its defences and neither 
was in obedience nor submitted. Oasim Sambhall was in 
Sambhal ; Nizam Khan was in Blana ; in Miwat was Hasan 
Khan MlwatI himself, impious mannikin ! who was the sole 
leader of the trouble and mischief.3 Muhammad Zaitun was in 
Dulpur ; Tatar Khan Sdrang-khdm'^ was in Gualiar; Husain 
Khan Nuhdni was in RaprI ; Qutb Khan was in Itawa (Etawa) ; 
*Alam Khan {KdlpI) was in KalpT. Qanauj and the other side 
of Gang (Ganges) was all held by Afghans in independent 
hostility ,5 such as Nasir Khan Nuhdni, Ma'ruf FannUli and a 
crowd of other amirs. These had been in rebellion for three or 
four years before Ibrahim's death and when I defeated him, 
were holding Qanauj and the whole country beyond it. At 
the present time they were lying two or three marches on our 
side of Qanauj and had made Bihar Khan the son of Darya Khan 
Nu/idni their pddshdh, under the style Sultan Muhammad. Fol. 294^^. 
Marghub the slave was in Mahawin ( J/«//r^ ?) ; he remained there, 
thus close, for some time but came no nearer. 

^ Ax. sada. Perhaps it was a station of a hundred men. Varsak is in Badakhshan, 
on the water flowing to Taliqan from the Khwaja Muhammad range. Erskine read 
(P- 335) /'^^^ Varsak as sadur rashk, incentive to emulation ; de C. (ii, 233) translates 
sada conjecturally by circonscription. Shaikh Zain has Varsak and to the recipients 
of the gifts adds the "Khwastis, people noted for their piety" (A.N. trs. H.B. 
i, 248 n. ). The gift to Varsak may well have been made in gratitude for hospitality 
received by Babur in the time of adversity after his loss of Samarkand and before his 
return to Kabul in 920 ah. 

= circa lod. or lid. Babur left himself stripped so bare by his far-flung largess 
that he was nick-named Qalandar (Firishta). 

3 Badayuni says of him (Bib. Ind. ed. i, 340) that he was kafir kalima-gu, a pagan 
making the Muhammadan Confession of Faith, and that he had heard of him, in 
Akbar's time from Bairam Khan-i-khanan, as kingly in appearance and poetic in 
temperament. He was killed fighting for Rana Sanga at Kanwaha. 

* This is his family name. 

5 i.e. not acting with Hasan Mlwati. 


(r. Discontent in Bdbur's army) 

It was the hot-season when we came to Agra. All the 
inhabitants {khaldtq) had run away in terror. Neither grain for 
ourselves nor corn for our horses was to be had. The villages, 
out of hostility and hatred to us had taken to thieving and 
highway-robbery ; there was no moving on the roads. There 
had been no chance since the treasure was distributed to send 
men in strength into the parganas and elsewhere. Moreover 
the year was a very hot one ; violent pestilential winds struck 
people down in heaps together ; masses began to die off. 

On these accounts the greater part of the begs and best braves 
became unwilling to stay in Hindustan, indeed set their faces for 
leaving it. It is no reproach to old and experienced begs if they 
speak of such matters ; even if they do so, this man (Babur) has 
enough sense and reason to get at what is honest or what is 
mutinous in their representations, to distinguish between loss 
and gain. But as this man had seen his task whole, for himself, 
when he resolved on it, what taste was there in their reiterating 
that things should be done differently? What recommends 
the expression of distasteful opinions by men of little standing 
Fol. 295. {kichik kartin) ? Here is a curious thing : — This last time of 
our riding out from Kabul, a few men of little standing had just 
been made begs ; what I looked for from them was that if I 
went through fire and water and came out again, they would 
have gone in with me unhesitatingly, and with me have come 
out, that wherever I went, there at my side would they be, — not 
that they would speak against my fixed purpose, not that they 
would turn back from any task or great affair on which, all 
counselling, all consenting, we had resolved, so long as that 
counsel was not abandoned. Badly as these new begs behaved, 
Secretary Ahmadi and Treasurer Wall behaved still worse. 
Khwaja Kalan had done well in the march out from Kabul, in 
Ibrahim's defeat and until Agra was occupied ; he had spoken 
bold words and_shewn ambitious views. But a few days after 
the capture of Agra, all his views changed, — the one zealous for 
departure at any price was Khwaja Kalan.' 

' Gul-badan says that the Khwaja several times asked leave on the ground that 
his constitution was not fitted for the climate of Hindustan ; that His Majesty was 
not at all, at all, willing for him to go, but gave way at length to his importunity. 


932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 to OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 525 

(flf. Bdbur calls a council^ 

When I knew of this unsteadiness amongst (my) people, I 
summoned all the begs and took counsel. Said I, ''There is no 
supremacy and grip on the world without means and resources; 
without lands and retainers sovereignty and commdind{p ads kdkltq 
u amzrlzq) are impossible. By the labours of several years, by 
encountering hardship, by long travel, by flinging myself and 
the army into battle, and by deadly slaughter, we, through God's Fol. 2953. 
grace, beat these masses of enemies in order that we might take 
their broad lands. And now what force compels us, what 
necessity has arisen that we should, without cause, abandon 
countries taken at such risk of life ? Was it for us to remain in 
Kabul, the sport of harsh poverty ? Henceforth, let no well- 
wisher of mine speak of such things ! But let not those turn 
back from going who, weak in strong persistence, have set their 
faces to depart ! " By these words, which recalled just and 
reasonable views to their minds, I made them, willy-nilly, quit 
their fears. 

{e. Khwdja Kaldn decides to leave Hindilstdn.) 

As Khwaja Kalan had no heart to stay in Hindustan, matters 

were settled in this way : — As he had many retainers, he was to 

convoy the gifts, and, as there were few men in Kabul and 

Ghaznl, was to keep these places guarded and victualled. 

I bestowed on him Ghaznl, Girdiz and the Sultan Mas'udi Hazara, 

gave also the Hindustan pargana of G'huram,^ worth 3 or 

4 laks. It was settled for Khwaja Mir-i-mlran also to go to 

Kabul ; the gifts were put into his immediate charge, under the 

custody of Mulla Hasan the banker {sarrdf) and Tuka^ Hindu. 

Loathing Hindustan, Khwaja Kalan, when on his way, had 

the following couplet inscribed on the wall of his residence Fol. 296. 

{'imdrati) in Dihll : — 

If safe and sound I cross the Sind, 
Blacken my face ere I wish for Hind ! 

It was ill-mannered in him to compose and write up this partly- 
jesting verse while I still stayed in Hind. If his departure 

^ in Patiala, about 25 miles s.w. of Ambala. 

' Shaikh Zain, Gul-badan and Erskine write Nau-kar. It was now that Khwaja 
Kalan conveyed money for the repair of the great dam at Ghaznl (f. 139). 



caused me one vexation, such a jest doubled it/ I composed 
the following off-hand verse, wrote it down and sent it to him : — 

Give a hundred thanks, Babur, that the generous Pardoner 
Has given thee Sind and Hind and many a kingdom. 
If thou {i.e. the Khwaja) have not the strength for their heats. 
If thou say, " Let me see the cold side (j'uz)," Ghaznl is there.' 

(/. Accretions to Babur's force.) 

At this juncture, Mulla Apaq was sent into Kiil with royal 
letters of favour for the soldiers and quiver-wearers {tarkash- 
band) of that neighbourhood. Shaikh Guran (G'huran)3 came 

{Author's note on Mulla Apdq.) Formerly he had been in a very low 
position indeed, but two or three years before this time, had gathered his 
elder and younger brethren into a compact body and had brought them in 
(to me), together with the Aiiruq-zai and other Afghans of the banks of the 

trustfully and loyally to do obeisance, bringing with him from 
2 to 3,000 soldiers and quiver-wearers from Between-two- 
waters {Midn-dii-db). 

Yunas-i-*ah when on his way from Dihh to Agra 4 had lost 
his way a little and got separated from Humayijn ; he then met 
in with 'All Khan Farmuli's sons and train,s had a small affair 
with them, took them prisoners and brought them in. Taking 
advantage of this, one of the sons thus captured was sent to his 
Fol. 2963. father in company with Daulat-qadam Turk's son Mirza Mughul 
who conveyed royal letters of favour to *Ali Khan. At this 
time of break-up, *Ali Khan had gone to Mlwat ; he came to 

* The friends did not meet again ; that their friendship weathered this storm is 
shewn by Babur's letter off. 359. The Abushqa says the couplet was inscribed on 
a marble tablet near the Hauz-i-khas at the time the Khwaja was in Dihli after 
bidding Babur farewell in Agra. 

^ This quatrain is in the Rampiir Dlwdn {q.v. index). The Abushqa quotes the 
following as Khwaja Kalan's reply, but without mentioning where the original was 
found. Cf. de Courteille, Diet. s.n. taskarl. An English version is given in my 
husband's article Some verses by the Emperor Babur (A.Q. R. January, 191 1). 

You shew your gaiety and your wit. 

In each word there lie acres of charm. 

Were not all things of Hind upside-down. 

How could you in the heat be so pleasant on cold ? 
It is an old remark of travellers that everything in India is the opposite of what one 
sees elsewhere. Timur is said to have remarked it and to have told his soldiers not 
to be afraid of the elephants of India, "For," said he, "their trunks are empty 
sleeves, and they carry their tails in front ; in Hindustan everything is reversed " 
(H. Beveridge ibid.). Cf. App. Q. 

3 BadayunI i, 337 speaks of him as unrivalled in music. 

4 f. 2673. 

5 aiirfiq, which here no doubt represents the women of the family. 

932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 to OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 527 

me when Mirza Mughul returned, was promoted, and given 
valid (?) parganas'^ worth 25 laks. 

{g. Action against the rebels of the East.) 

SI. Ibrahim had appointed several amirs under Mustafa 
Farmiili and Firuz Khan Sdrang-khdni, to act against the rebel 
amirs of the East {Piirab). Mustafa had fought them and 
thoroughly drubbed them, giving them more than one good 
beating. He dying before Ibrahim's defeat, his younger brother 
Shaikh Bayazld — Ibrahim being occupied with a momentous 
matter ^ — had led and watched over his elder brother's men. He 
now came to serve me, together with Firuz Khan, Mahmud Khan 
Nuhdnl and QazI Jia. I shewed them greater kindness and 
favour than was their claim ; giving to Firuz Khan i kriir, 46 laks 
and 5000 tankas from Junpur, to Shaikh Bayazld i krur, 48 laks 
and 50,000 tankas from Aud (Oude), to Mahmild Khan 90 laks 
and 35,000 tankas from Ghazlpur, and to QazI JIa 20 laks."^ 

{Ji. Gifts made to various officers.) 

It was a few days after the 'Id of Shawwal 4 that a large 
party was held in the pillared-porch of the domed building 
standing in the middle of SI. Ibrahim's private apartments. At 
this party there were bestowed on Humayun a chdr-qab,^ a 
sword-belt,^ a tlpuchdq horse with saddle mounted in gold ; on 
Chln-tlmur Sultan, Mahdl Khwaja and Muhammad SI. Mirza 
chdr-qabs, sword-belts and dagger-belts ; and to the begs and Fol. 297. 
braves, to each according to his rank, were given sword-belts, 
dagger-belts, and dresses of honour, in all to the number 
specified below : — 

^ ''ain pargatialar. 

^ Babur's advance, presumably. 

3 The full amounts here given are not in all MSS., some scribes contenting them- 
selves with the largest item of each gift {Memoirs p. 337). 

■* The 'Id of Shawwal, it will be remembered, is celebrated at the conclusion of 
the Ramzan fast, on seeing the first new moon of Shawwal. In A.H, 932 it must 
have fallen about July nth 1526 (Erskine). 

5 A square shawl, or napkin, of cloth of gold, bestowed as a mark of rank and 
distinction {Memoirs p. 338 n. ) ; U7te tunique enrichie de broderies {M^moires, ii, 240 n. ). 

^ kamar-shamshir. This Steingass explains as sword-belt, Erskine by "sword 
with a belt ". The summary following shews that many weapons were given and 
not belts alone. There is a good deal of variation in the MSS. The Hai. MS. 
has not a complete list. The most all the lists show is that gifts were many. 


2 items (rfl'j-) of tlpiichaq horses with saddles. 
l6 items [qabza) of poinards, set with jewels, etc, 
8 items {qabza) of purpet over-garments. 
2 items {tob) of jewelled sword-belts. 

— items {qabza) of broad daggers {jamd'har) set with jewels. 
2$ items of jewelled hangers {khanjar). 

— items of gold-hilted Hindi knives {/card). 
5 1 pieces of purpet. 

On the day of this party it rained amazingly, rain falling 

thirteen times. As outside places had been assigned to a good 

many people, they were drowned out {gharaq). 

{i. Of various forts and postings.) 

Samana (in Patlala) had been given to MuhammadI Kiikul- 
dash and it had been arranged for him to make swift descent on 
Sarnbal (Sarnbhal), but Sarnbal was now bestowed on Humayun, 
in addition to his guerdon of Hisar-flruza, and in his service 
was Hindu Beg. To suit this, therefore, Hindu Beg was sent 
to make the incursion in Muhammadi's place, and with him 
Kitta Beg, Baba Qashqds (brother) Malik Qasim and his elder 
and younger brethren, Mulla Apaq and Shaikh Guran (G'huran) 
with the quiver- wearers from Between- two- waters {Midn-du- 
Fol. 297(5. db). Three or four times a person had come from Qasim 
Sambali^ saying, *' The renegade Biban is besieging Sarnbal and 
has brought it to extremity ; come quickly." Biban, with the 
array and the preparation ihaydi) with which he had deserted 
us,^ had gone skirting the hills and gathering up Afghan and 
Hindustani deserters, until, finding Sarnbal at this juncture ill- 
garrisoned, he laid siege to it. Hindu Beg and Kitta Beg and 
the rest of those appointed to make the incursion, got to the 
Ahar-passage "^ and from there sent ahead Baba Qashqds Malik 
Qasim with his elder and younger brethren, while they them- 
selves were getting over the water. Malik Qasim crossed, 
advanced swiftly with from lOO to 150 men — his own and his 
brethren's — and reached Sarnbal by the Mid-day Prayer. Biban 
for his part came out of his camp in array. Malik Qasim and 
his troop moved rapidly forward, got the fort in their rear, and 
came to grips. Biban could make no stand ; he fled. Malik 
Qasim cut off the heads of part of his force, took many horses, 
» f. 263*. 

» over the Ganges, a little above Aniip-shahr in the Buland-shahr district. 

932 AH.-OCT. 18th 1525 TO OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 529 

a few elephants and a mass of booty. Next day when the 
other begs arrived, Qasim Sambali came out and saw them, but 
not liking to surrender the fort, made them false pretences. 
One day Shaikh Giiran (G'huran) and Hindii Beg having talked 
the matter over with them, got Qasim Sambali out to the 
presence of the begs, and took men of ours into the fort. They 
brought Qasim's wife and dependents safely out, and sent 
Qasim (to Court).^ 

Qalandar the foot-man was sent to Nizam Khan in Blana 
with royal letters of promise and threat ; with these was sent Fol. 298. 
also the following little off-hand (Persian) verse : — ^ 

Strive not with the Turk, o Mir of Biana ! 
His skill and his courage are obvious. 
If thou come not soon, nor give ear to counsel, — 
What need to detail [bayan) what is obvious ? 

Blana being one of the famous forts of Hindustan, the senseless 
mannikin, relying on its strength, demanded what not even its 
strength could enforce. Not giving him a good answer, we 
ordered siege apparatus to be looked to. 

Baba Quli Beg was sent with royal letters of promise and 
threat to Muhammad Zaitiin (in Dulpur) ; Muhammad Zaitun 
also made false excuses. 

While we were still in Kabul, Rana Sanga had sent an envoy 
to testify to his good wishes and to propose this plan : "If the 
honoured Padshah will come to near Dihll from that side, 
I from this will move on Agra." But I beat Ibrahim, I took 
Dihll and Agra, and up to now that Pagan has given no sign 
soever of moving. After a while he went and laid siege to 
Kandar3 a fort in which was Makan's son, Hasan by name. 
This Hasan-of-Makan had sent a person to me several times, 
but had not shewn himself We had not been able to detach Fol. 2983. 
reinforcement for him because, as the forts round-about — Atawa 
(Etawa), Dulpur, and Blana — had not yet surrendered, and 
the Eastern Afghans were seated with their army in obstinate 
rebellion two or three marches on the Agra side of Qanuj, my 
mind was not quite free from the whirl and strain of things 

A seeming omission in the text is made good in my translation by Shaikh 2^in's 
help, who says Qasim was sent to Court. 

This quatrain is in the Rampur Dtwdn. It appears to pun on Biana and bl(y)an. 
3 Kandar is in Rajputana ; Abu'1-fazl writes Kuhan-dar, old habitation. 


close at hand. Makan's Hasan therefore, becoming helpless, 
had surrendered Kandar two or three months ago. 

Husain Khan {Nuhdni) became afraid in RaprI, and he 
abandoning it, it was given to Muhammad 'AH Jang-jang. 

To Qutb Khan in Etawa royal letters of promise and threat 
had been sent several times, but as he neither came and saw me, 
nor abandoned Etawa and got away, it was given to Mahdl 
Khwaja and he was sent against it with a strong reinforcement 
of begs and household troops under the command of Muhammad 
SI. Mirza, SI. Muhammad Diilddi, Muhammad 'All Jang-jang 
and 'Abdu'l-'azTz the Master of the Horse. Qanuj was given to 
SI. Muhammad Dulddi\ he was also (as mentioned) appointed 
against Etawa ; so too were Firuz Khan, Mahmud Khan, 
Shaikh Bayazld and QazI Jia, highly favoured commanders to 
whom Eastern parganas had been given. 
Fol. 299. Muhammad Zaitun, who was seated in Dulpur, deceived us 

and did not come. We gave Dulpur to SI. Junaid Barlds and 
reinforced him by appointing 'Adil Sultan, Muhammad! 
Kukuldash, Shah Mansur Barlds, Qutluq-qadam, Treasurer 
Wall, Jan Beg, 'Abdu'1-lah, Pir-qull, and Shah Hasan Ydragi 
(or Bdragi), who were to attack Diilpur, take it, make it over to 
SI. Junaid Barlds and advance on Blana. 

(y. Plan of operations adopted?) 

These armies appointed, we summoned the Turk amirs ' and 
the Hindustan amirs, and tossed the following matters in 
amongst them : — The various rebel amirs of the East, that is to 
say, those under Nasir Khan Nuhdni and Ma'ruf Farnmli, have 
crossed Gang (Ganges) with 40 to 50,000 men, taken Qanuj, 
and now lie some three miles on our side of the river. The 
Pagan Rana Sanga has captured Kandar and is in a hostile and 
mischievous attitude. The end of the Rains is near. It seems 
expedient to move either against the rebels or the Pagan, since 
the task of the forts near-by is easy ; when the great foes are 
got rid of, what road will remain open for the rest? Rana 
Sanga is thought not to be the equal of the rebels, 

' This is the first time Babur's begs are called amirs in his book ; it may be by 
a scribe's slip. 

932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 TO OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 531 

To this all replied unanimously, " Rana Sanga is the most 
distant, and it is not known that he will come nearer ; the 
enemy who is closest at hand must first be got rid of. We are 
for riding against the rebels." Humayun then represented, Fol. 299<5. 
" What need is there for the Padshah to ride out ? This service 
I will do." This came as a pleasure to every-one ; the Turk and 
Hind amirs gladly accepted his views ; he was appointed for the 
East. A Kabul! of Ahmad-i-qasim's was sent galloping off to 
tell the armies that had been despatched against Dulpur to join 
Humayiin at Chandwar ; ^ also those sent against Etawa under 
Mahdl Khwaja and Muhammad SI. M. were ordered to join him. 

{August 2 1 St) Humayun set out on Thursday the 13th of 
Zu'l-qa*da, dismounted at a little village called Jillslr (Jalesar) 
some 3 kurohs from Agra, there stayed one night, then moved 
forward march by march. 

{k. Khwaja Kaldft's departure.) 

{August 28th) On Thursday the 20th of this same month, 
Khwaja Kalan started for Kabul. 

(/. Of gardens and pleasaunces.) 

One of the great defects of Hindiastan being its lack of 
running-waters,^ it kept coming to my mind that waters should 
be made to flow by means of wheels erected wherever I might 
settle down, also that grounds should be laid out in an orderly 
and symmetrical way. With this object in view, we crossed the 
Jun-water to look at garden-grounds a few days after entering 
Agra. Those grounds were so bad and unattractive that we 
traversed them with a hundred disgusts and repulsions. So 
ugly and displeasing were they, that the idea of making a Fol. 300. 
Char-bagh in them passed from my mind, but needs must ! as 
there was no other land near Agra, that same ground was taken 
in hand a few days later. 

The beginning was made with the large well from which water 
comes for the Hot-bath, and also with the piece of ground where 

' Chandwar is on the Jumna, between Agra and Etawah. 

^ Here dqdr-suldr will stand for the waters which flow — sometimes in marble 
channels — to nourish plants and charm the eye, such for example as beautify the 
Taj-mahal pleasaunce. 


the tamarind-trees and the octagonal tank now are. After that 
came the large tank with its enclosure ; after that the tank and 
tdldr ^ in front of the outer (?) residence ^ ; after that the private- 
house {khilwat-khdnd) with its garden and various dwellings ; 
after that the Hot-bath. Then in that charmless and disorderly 
Hind, plots of gardens were seen laid out with order and 
symmetry, with suitable borders and parterres in every corner, 
and in every border rose and narcissus in perfect arrangement. 

{m. Construction of a ckambered-well.) 

Three things oppressed us in Hindustan, its heat, its violent 
winds, its dust. Against all three the Bath is a protection, for 
in it, what is known of dust and wind ? and in the heats it is so 
chilly that one is almost cold. The bath-room in which the 
heated tank is, is altogether of stone, the whole, except for the 
izdra (dado?) of white stone, being, pavement and roofing, of 
red Blana stone. 

Khalifa also and Shaikh Zain, Yunas-i-*all and whoever got 
Fol. 300*. land on that other bank of the river laid out regular and orderly 
gardens with tanks, made running- waters also by setting up 
wheels like those in Dipalpur and Labor. The people of Hind 
who had never seen grounds planned so symmetrically and thus 
laid out, called the side of the Jun where (our) residences were, 

In an empty space inside the fort, which was between 
Ibrahim's residence and the ramparts, I ordered a large 
chambered-well {jvairi) to be made, measuring 10 by lo,"^ a large 

* Index s. n. The idldr is raised on pillars and open in front ; it serves often for an 
Audience-hall (Erskine). 

= task Hmarat, which may refer to the extra-mural location of the house, or 
contrast it with the inner kkilwai-khdna, the women's quarters, of the next sentence. 
The point is noted as one concerning the use of the word task (Index s.n. ). I have 
found no instance in which it is certain that Babur uses task, a stone or rock, as an 
adjective. On f. 301 he writes tashdln Hmarat, house-of-stone, which the Persian 
text renders by 'imdrat-i-sangin. Wherever task can be translated as meaning 
outer, this accords with Babur's usual diction. 

3 bdghcha (Index s.n.). That Babur was the admitted pioneer of orderly gardens 
in India is shewn by the 30th Ayin, On Perfumes :—" After the foot-prints of 
Firdaus-makani (Babur) had added to the glory of Hindustan, embellishment by 
avenues and landscape-gardening was seen, while heart- expanding buildings and the 
sound of falling-waters widened the eyes of beholders." 

* Perhaps gaz^ each somewhat less than 36 inches. 


932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 TO OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 533 

well with a flight of steps, which in Hindustan is called a wain} 
This well was begun before the Char-bagh ^ ; they were busy 
digging it in the true Rains i^ain bishkdl, Sawan and Bhadon) ; 
it fell in several times and buried the hired workmen ; it was 
finished after the Holy Battle with Rana Sanga, as is stated in 
the inscription on the stone that bears the chronogram of its 
completion. It is a complete wain, having a three-storeyed 
house in it. The lowest storey consists of three rooms, each of 
which opens on the descending steps, at intervals of three steps 
from one another. When the water is at its lowest, it is one 
step below the bottom chamber ; when it rises in the Rains, it 
sometimes goes into the top storey. In the middle storey an 
inner chamber has been excavated which connects with the 
domed building in which the bullock turns the well-wheel. The Fol. 301. 
top storey is a single room, reached from two sides by 5 or 6 
steps which lead down to it from the enclosure overlooked from 
the well-head. Facing the right-hand way down, is the stone 
inscribed with the date of completion. At the side of this well 
is another the bottom of which may be at half the depth of the 
first, and into which water comes from that first one when the 
bullock turns the wheel in the domed building afore-mentioned. 
This second well also is fitted with a wheel, by means of which 
water is carried along the ramparts to the high-garden. A stone 
building {tdshdin Hindrai) stands at the mouth of the well and 
there is an outer (?) mosque 3 outside {tdshqdri) the enclosure in 
which the well is. The mosque is not well done ; it is in the 
Hindustani fashion. 

{n. Humdyun's campaign.) 

At the time Humayun got to horse, the rebel amirs under 
Na.slr Khan Nuhdni and Ma'ruf Farmuli were assembled at 
Jajmau.4 Arrived within 20 to 30 miles of them, he sent out 

' The more familiar Indian name is baoli. Such wells attracted Peter Mundy's 
attention ; Yule gives an account of their names and plan (Mundy's Travels in Asia, 
Hakluyt Society, ed. R. C. Temple, and Yule's Hobsott Jobson s.n. Bowly). Babur's 
account of his great wain is not easy to translate ; his interpreters vary from one 
another ; probably no one of them has felt assured of translating correctly. 

^ i.e. the one across the river. 

3 task masjid ; this, unless some adjectival affix {e.g. din) has been omitted by the 
scribe, I incline to read as meaning extra, supplementary, or outer, not as "mosque- 
of-stone ". 

* or Jajmawa, the old name for the sub-district of Kanhpur (Cawnpur). 


Mumin Ataka for news ; it became a raid for loot ; Mumin 
Ataka was not able to bring even the least useful information. 
The rebels heard about him however, made no stay but fled and 
got away. After Mumin Ataka, Qusm-nal (?) was sent for news, 
with Baba Chuhra ^ and Bujka ; they brought it of the breaking- 
up and flight of the rebels. Humayun advancing, took Jajmau 
Fol. 3013. and passed on. Near Dilmau ^ Fath Khan Sarwdni came and 
saw him, and was sent to me with Mahdi Khwaja and Muhammad 
SI. Mirza. 

{p. News of the Auzbegs^ 

This year *Ubaidu'l-lah Khan {Ailzbeg) led an army out of 
Bukhara against Marv. In the citadel of Marv were perhaps 
10 to 15 peasants whom he overcame and killed ; then having 
taken the revenues of Marv in 40 or 50 days,3 he went on to 
Sarakhs. In Sarakhs were some 30 to 40 Red-heads {Qizil-bdsh) 
who did not surrender, but shut the Gate ; the peasantry however 
scattered them and opened the Gate to the Auzbeg who entering, 
killed the Red-heads. Sarakhs taken, he went against Tus and 
Mashhad. The inhabitants of Mashhad being helpless, let him 
in. Tus he besieged for 8 months, took possession of on terms, 
did not keep those terms, but killed every man of name and 
made their women captive. 

(/. Affairs of Gujrdt.) 

In this year Bahadur Khan, — he who now rules in Gujrat in 
the place of his father SI. Muzaffar Gujrdti — having gone to 
SI. Ibrahim after quarrel with his father, had been received 
without honour. He had sent dutiful letters to me while I was 
near Pani-pat ; I had replied by royal letters of favour and 
kindness summoning him to me. He had thought of coming, 
but changing his mind, drew off from Ibrahim's army towards 
Gujrat. Meantime his father SI. Muzaffar had died (Friday 
Jumada II. 2nd AH. — March i6th 1526 AD.) ; his elder brother 
Sikandar Shah who was SI. Muzaffar's eldest son, had become 

' i.e. of the Corps of Braves. 

» Dilmau is on the left bank of the Ganges, s.e. from Bareilly (Erskine). 

3 Marv-ning bundl-nl baghlab, which Erskine renders by " Having settled the 
revenue of Merv", and de Courteille by, " Aprh avoir occupi Merv." Were the 
year's revenues compressed into a 40 to 50 days collection ? 

932 AH.— OCT. 18th 1525 TO OCT. 8th 1526 AD. 


iler in their father's place and, owing to his evil disposition, Fol. 302. 
had been strangled by his slave 'Imadu'1-mulk, acting with 
others (Sha'ban 14th — May 25th). Bahadur Khan, while he 
was on his road for Gujrat, was invited and escorted to sit in 
his father's place under the style Bahadur Shah (Ramzan 26th — 
July 6th). He for his part did well ; he retaliated by death on 
*Imadu'l-mulk for his treachery to his salt, and killed some 
others of his father's begs.^ People point at him as a dread- 
naught {bl bdk) youth and a shedder of m.uch blood. 

^ i.e. those who had part in his brother's murder. Cf. Nizamu'd-din Ahmad's 
Tabaqdt-i-akbari and the Alirat-i-sikandari (trs. History of Gujrat E. C. Bayley). 

933 AH.— OCT. 8th 1526 to SEP. 27th 1527 AD.^ 

{a. Announcement of the birth of a son.) 

In Muharram Beg Wais brought the news of Faruq's birth ; 
though a foot-man had brought it already, he came this month 
for the gift to the messenger of good tidings.^ The birth must 
have been on Friday eve, Shawwal 23rd (932 AH.- August 2nd 
1526 AD.) ; the name given was Faruq. 

{b. Casting of a mortar.) 

{October 22nd- Muharram 15th) Ustad *Ah-quh had been 
ordered to cast a large mortar for use against Blana and other 
forts which had not yet submitted. When all the furnaces and 
materials were ready, he sent a person to me and, on Monday 
the 1 5th of the month, we went to see the mortar cast. Round 
the mortar-mould he had had eight furnaces made in which 
Fol. zo2b. were the molten materials. From below each furnace a channel 
went direct to the mould. When he opened the furnace-holes 
on our arrival, the molten metal poured like water through all 
these channels into the mould. After awhile and before the 
mould was full, the flow stopped from one furnace after another. 
Ustad *AlI-qulI must have made some miscalculation either as 
to the furnaces or the materials. In his great distress, he was 
for throwing himself into the mould of molten metal, but we 
comforted him, put a robe of honour on him, and so brought 
him out of his shame. The mould was left a day or two to 
cool ; when it was opened, Ustad *AlI-quli with great delight 
sent to say, " The stone-chamber {tdsh-awi) is without defect ; 
to cast the powder-compartment {ddrU-khdnd) is easy." He got 

» Elph. MS. f. 252 ; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 199^5 and 217 f. 208^ ; Mems. p. 343- 
» jfwwrAf (Zenker). Faruq was Mahlm's son ; he died in ^34 A.H. before his 
father had seen him. 

933 AH.— OCT. 8th 1526 to SEP. 27th 1527 AD. 537 

"tE'e stone-chamber out and told off a body of men to accoutre ^ 
it, while he busied himself with casting the powder-compartment. 

(c. Varia.) 

Mahdl Khwaja arrived bringing Fath Khan Sarwdni from 
Humayun's presence, they having parted from him in Dilmau. 
I looked with favour on Fath Khan, gave him \.\\^ parganas WvbX 
had been his father 'Azam-humayun's, and other lands also, one 
pargana given being worth a krilr and 60 laks?- 

In Hindustan they give permanent titles \inuqarrarl khitdbldr\ 
to highly -favoured amirs, one such being *Azam-humayun 
(August Might), one Khan-i-jahan (Khan-of-the-world), another Fol. 303. 
Khan-i-khanan (Khan-of-khans). Fath Khan's father's title 
was 'Azam-humayun but I set this aside because on account of 
Humayun it was not seemly for any person to bear it, and 
I gave Fath Khan Sarwdni the title of Khan-i-jahan. 

(^November 14th) On Wednesday the 8th of Safar 3 awnings 
were set up (in the Char-bagh) at the edge of the large tank 
beyond the tamarind-trees, and an entertainment was prepared 
there. We invited Fath Khan Sarwdni to a wine-party, gave 
him wine, bestowed on him a turban and head-to-foot of my 
own wearing, uplifted his head with kindness and favour 4 and 
allowed him to go to his own districts. It was arranged for his 
son Mahmud to remain always in waiting. 

{d. Various military matters^ 

(^November joth) On Wednesday the 24th of Muharram 5 
Muhammad *AlI (son of Mihtar) Haidar the stirrup-holder was 

' salah. It is clear from the " tdsh-awi" (Pers. trs. khana-i-sang) of this mortar 
{qdzan) that stones were its missiles. Erskine notes that from Babur's account cannon 
would seem sometimes to have been made in parts and clamped together, and that 
they were frequently formed of iron bars strongly compacted into a circular shape. 
The accoutrement (salah) presumably was the addition of fittings. 

= About ;i^40,ooo sterling (Erskine). 

3 The MSS. write Safar but it seems probable that Muharram should be 
substituted for this ; one ground for not accepting Safar being that it breaks the 
consecutive order of dates, another that Safar allows what seems a long time for the 
journey from near Dilmau to Agra. All MSS. I have seen give the 8th as the day 
of the month but Erskine has 20th. In this part of Babur's writings dates are 
sparse ; it is a narrative and not a diary. 

* This phrase, foreign to Babur's diction, smacks of a Court-Persian milieu. 

5 Here the Elph. MS. has Safar Muharram (f. 253), as has also I.O. 215 f. 200b, 
but it seems unsafe to take this as an al Safardnl extension of Muharram because 
Muh. -Safar 24th was not a Wednesday. As in the passage noted just above, it 
seems likely that Muharram is right. 


sent (to Humayun) with this injunction, "As — thanks be to 
God ! — the rebels have fled, do you, as soon as this messenger 
arrives, appoint a few suitable begs to Junpur, and come quickly 
to us yourself, for Rana Sanga the Pagan is conveniently close ; 
let us think first of him ! " 

After (Humayun's) army had gone to the East, we appointed, 
to make a plundering excursion into the Blana neighbourhood, 
TardI Beg (brother) of Quj Beg with his elder brother Sher-afgan, 
Muhammad Khalll the master-gelder {akhta-begt) with his 
brethren and the gelders {akhtachildr)^ Rustam Turkman with 
his brethren, and also, of the HindQstanl people, Daud Sarwdnl. 
Fol. 3033. If they, by promise and persuasion, could make the Blana 
garrison look towards us, they were to do so ; if not, they were 
to weaken the enemy by raid and plunder. 

In the fort of Tahangar^ was *Alam Khan the elder brother 
of that same Nizam Khan of Blana. People of his had come 
again and again to set forth his obedience and well-wishing ; he 
now took it on himself to say, " If the Padshah appoint an army, 
it will be my part by promise and persuasion to bring in the 
quiver-weavers of Blana and to effect the capture of that fort." 
This being so, the following orders were given to the braves of 
Tardi Beg's expedition, " As ' Alam Khan, a local man, has taken 
it on himself to serve and submit in this manner, act you with 
him and in the way he approves in this matter of Blana." 
Swordsmen though some Hindustanis may be, most of them are 
ignorant and unskilled in military move and stand {yiirilsh u 
turusJi), in soldierly counsel and procedure. When our expedition 
joined 'Alam Khan, he paid no attention to what any-one else 
said, did not consider whether his action was good or bad, but 
went close up to Blana, taking our men with him. Our expedi- 
tion numbered from 250 to 300 Turks with somewhat over 2000 
Hindustanis and local people, while Nizam Khan of Blana's 
Afghans and sipdhls 3 were an army of over 4000 horse and of 
Fol. 304. foot-men themselves again, more than 10,000. Nizam Khan 

' Cf. f. lib note to Qambar-i-'al!. The title Akhta-begi is to be found translated 
by "Master of the Horse", but this would not suit both uses of akhta in the 
above sentence. Cf. Shaw's Vocabulary. 

= i.e. Tahangarh in Karauli, Rajputana. 

3 Perhaps sipahl represents Hindustani foot-soldiers. 

933 AH.— OCT. 8th 1526 TO SEP. 27th 1527 AD. 539 

looked his opponents over, sallied suddenly out and, his massed 
horse charging down, put our expeditionary force to flight. His 
men unhorsed his elder brother 'Alam Khan, took 5 or 6 others 
prisoner and contrived to capture part of the baggage. As we 
had already made encouraging promises to Nizam Khan, we now, 
spite of this last impropriety, pardoned all earlier and this later 
fault, and sent him royal letters. As he heard of Rana Sanga's 
rapid advance, he had no resource but to call on Sayyid Rafi' ^ 
for mediation, surrender the fort to our men, and come in with 
Sayyid Rafi', when he was exalted to the felicity of an interview.^ 
I bestowed on him a pargana in Mian-du-ab worth 20 laks.'^ 
Dost, Lord-of-the-gate was sent for a time to Biana, but a few 
days later it was bestowed on MadhI Khwaja with a fixed 
allowance of 70 laks,'^ and he was given leave to go there. 

Tatar Khan Sdrang-khdnl^ who was in Gualiar, had been 
sending constantly to assure us of his obedience and good- 
wishes. After the pagan took Kandar and was close to Blana, 
Dharmankat, one of the Gualiar rajas, and another pagan styled 
Khan-i-jahan, went into the Gualiar neighbourhood and, coveting 
the fort, began to stir trouble and tumult. Tatar Khan, thus 
placed in difficulty, was for surrendering Gualiar (to us). Most 
of our begs, household and best braves being away with 
(Humayun's) army or on various raids, we joined to Rahlm-dad Fol. 304^. 
a few Bhira men and Lahorls with HastachI 5 tunqitdr and his 
brethren. We assigned pa7'ganas in Gualiar itself to all those 
mentioned above. Mulla Apaq and Shaikh Guran (G'huran) 
went also with them, they to return after Rahlm-dad was estab- 
lished in Gualiar. By the time they were near Gualiar however, 
Tatar Khan's views had changed, and he did not invite them 
into the fort. Meantime Shaikh Muhammad Ghaus (Helper), 
a darwish-like man, not only very learned but with a large 
following of students and disciples, sent from inside the fort to 
say to Rahlm-dad, " Get yourselves into the fort somehow, for 

' Rafl'u-d-din Safawi, a native of Ij near the Persian Gulf, teacher of Abu'l-fazl's 
father and buried near Agra {Ayin-t-akbari). 

^ This phrase, again, departs from Babur's simplicity of statement. 

3 About ^5,000 (Erskine). 

* About ;^ 1 7, 500 (Erskine). 

5 Hai. MS. and 215 f. 20\b, HastI ; Elph. MS. f. 254, and Ilminsky, p. 394, 
Aimishchi ; Memoirs, p. 346, Imshiji, so too Mimoires, ii, 257. 


the views of this person (Tatar Khan) have changed, and he 
has evil in his mind." Hearing this, Rahim-dad sent to say to 
Tatar Khan, *' There is danger from the Pagan to those outside ; 
let me bring a few men into the fort and let the rest stay 
outside." Under insistence, Tatar Khan agreed to this, and 
Rahlm-dad went in with rather few men. Said he, " Let our 
people stay near this Gate," posted them near the Hatl-pul 
(Elephant-gate) and through that Gate during that same night 
brought in the whole of his troop. Next day, Tatar Khan, 
reduced to helplessness, willy-nilly, made over the fort, and set 
out to come and wait on me in Agra. A subsistence allowance 
of 20 laks was assigned to him on '^\2sv^^.n pargana} 
Fol. 305. Muhammad Zaitiin also took the only course open to him by 

surrendering Dulpur and coming to wait on me. A pargana 
worth a few laks was bestowed on him. DOlpur was made 
a royal domain {khdlsa) with Abu'1-fath Turkman'^ as its 
military-collector {shiqddr). 

In the Hisar-flruza neighbourhood Hamid Khan Sdrang- 
khdnt with a body of his own Afghans and of the PanI Afghans 
he had collected — from 3 to 4,000 in all — was in a hostile and 
troublesome attitude. On Wednesday the 1 5th Safar (Nov. 2 1 st) 
we appointed against him Chln-tlmur SI. {Chaghatdt) with the 
commanders Secretary Ahmadl, Abii'1-fath Turkmdn, Malik 
Dad Karardni^ and Mujahid Khan of Multan. These going, 
fell suddenly on him from a distance, beat his Afghans well, 
killed a mass of them and sent in many heads. 

{e. Embassy from Persia^ 

In the last days of Safar, KhwajagI Asad who had been sent 
to Shah-zada Tahmasp^ in 'Iraq, returned with a Turkman 
named Sulaiman who amongst other gifts brought two Circassian 
girls {qizldr). 

' About ;^5000 (Erskine). Bianwan lies in the stibah of Agra. 

' Cf. f. 175 for Babur's estimate of his service. 

3 Cf. f. 268^ for Babur's clemency to him. 

* Firishta (Briggs ii, 53) mentions that Asad had gone to Tahmasp from Kabul to 
congratulate him on his accession. Shah Isma'il had died in 930 ah. (1524 ad.) ; 
the title Shah-zada is a misnomer therefore in 933 ah. — one possibly prompted by 
Xahmasp's youth. 

933 AH.— OCT. 8th 1526 TO SEP. 27th 1527 AD. 541 

if. Attempt to poison Bdbur.) 

{Dec. 2 1st) On Friday the i6th of the first Rabf a strange 
event occurred which was detailed in a letter written to Kabul. 
That letter is inserted here just as it was written, without 
addition or taking-away, and is as follows : — ^ 

" The details of the momentous event of Friday the i6th of 
the first Rabi' in the date 933 [Dec. 21st 1526 AD.] are as 
follows: — The ill-omened old woman ^ Ibrahim's mother heard Fol, 305^. 
that I ate things from the hands of Hindustanis — the thing 
being that three or four months earlier, as I had not seen 
Hindustani dishes, I had ordered Ibrahim's cooks to be brought 
and out of 50 or 60 had kept four. Of this she heard, sent to 
Atawa (Etawa) for Ahmad the chdshnigir — in Hindustan they 
call a taster {bakdwat) a chdshnigir — and, having got him,3 gave 
a tiila of poison, wrapped in a square of paper, — as has been 
mentioned a tiila is rather more than 2 misqdls ^ — into the hand 
of a slave-woman who was to give it to him. That poison 
Ahmad gave to the Hindustani cooks in our kitchen, promising 
them ioMX parganas if they would get it somehow into the food. 
Following the first slave-woman that ill-omened old woman sent 
a second to see if the first did or did not give the poison she had 
received to Ahmad. Well was it that Ahmad put the poison 
not into the cooking-pot but on a dish ! He did not put it into 
the pot because I had strictly ordered the tasters to compel any 
Hindustanis who were present while food was cooking in the 
pots, to taste that food.5 Our graceless tasters were neglectful 
when the food {ash) was being dished up. Thin slices of bread 
were put on a porcelain dish ; on these less than half of the 
paper packet of poison was sprinkled, and over this buttered 

^ The letter is likely to have been written to Mahim and to have been brought 
back to India by her in 935 AH. (f. Z%ob). Some MSS. of the Pers. trs. reproduce 
it in Turki and follow this by a Persian version ; others omit the Turk!. 

^ Turki, bud. Hindi bawd means sister or paternal-aunt but this would not suit 
from Babur's mouth, the more clearly not that his epithet for the offender is bad-bakht. 
Gul-badan (H.N. f. 19) calls her " ill-omened demon ". 

3 She may have been still in the place assigned to her near Agra when Babur 
occupied it (f. 269). 

'' f. 290. Erskine notes that the tula is about equal in weight to the silver riipi. 

5 It appears from the kitchen-arrangements detailed by Abu'1-fazl, that before food 
was dished up, it was tasted from the pot by a cook and a subordinate taster, and next 
by the Head-taster. 



Fol. 306. fritters were laid. It would have been bad if the poison had 
been strewn on the fritters or thrown into the pot. In his 
confusion, the man threw the larger half into the fire-place." 

"On Friday, late after the Afternoon Prayer, when the cooked 
meats were set out, I ate a good deal of a dish of hare and also 
much fried carrot, took a few mouthfuls of the poisoned Hindu- 
stan! food without noticing any unpleasant flavour, took also 
a mouthful or two of dried-meat {<qdq). Then I felt sick. As 
some dried meat eaten on the previous day had had an un- 
pleasant taste, I thought my nausea due to the dried-meat. 
Again and again my heart rose ; after retching two or three 
times I was near vomiting on the table-cloth. At last I saw it 
would not do, got up, went retching every moment of the way 
to the water-closet {ab-khdna) and on reaching it vomited much. 
Never had I vomited after food, used not to do so indeed while 
drinking. I became suspicious ; I had the cooks put in ward 
and ordered some of the vomit given to a dog and the dog to 
be watched. It was somewhat out-of-sorts near the first watch 
of the next day ; its belly was swollen and however much people 
threw stones at it and turned it over, it did not get up. In that 
state it remained till mid-day ; it then got up ; it did not die. 

Fol. lotb. One or two of the braves who also had eaten of that dish, vomited 
a good deal next day ; one was in a very bad state. In the end 
all escaped. {Persian) *An evil arrived but happily passed on!' 
God gave me new-birth ! I am coming from that other world ; 
I am born today of my mother ; I was sick ; I live ; through 
God, I know today the worth of life ! " ^ 

" I ordered Pay-master SI. Muhammad to watch the cook ; 
when he was taken for torture {qin), he related the above 
particulars one after another." 

"Monday being Court-day, I ordered the grandees and notables, 
amirs and wazirs to be present and that those two men and two 
women should be brought and questioned. They there related 
the particulars of the affair. That taster I had cut in pieces, 
that cook skinned alive ; one of those women I had thrown 

' The Turk"! sentences which here follow the well-known Persian proverb, Rasida 
hud balal wall ba khair guzasht, are entered as verse in some MSS. ; they may be 
a prose quotation. 


933 AH.— OCT. 8th 1526 TO SEP. 27th 1527 AD. 543 

under an elephant, the other shot with a match-lock. The old 
woman {biia) I had kept under guard ; she will meet her doom, 
the captive of her own act." ^ 

" On Saturday I drank a bowl of milk, on Sunday 'araq in 
which stamped-clay was dissolved.^ On Monday I drank milk 
in which were dissolved stamped-clay and the best theriac,3 a 
strong purge. As on the first day, Saturday, something very 
dark like parched bile was voided." 

** Thanks be to God ! no harm has been done. Till now 
I had not known so well how sweet a thing life can seem ! As 
the line has it, 'He who has been near to death knows the worth 
of life.' Spite of myself, I am all upset whenever the dreadful Fol. 307. 
occurrence comes back to my mind. It must have been God's 
favour gave me life anew; with what words can I thank him?" 

"Although the terror of the occurrence was too great for 
words, I have written all that happened, with detail and circum- 
stance, because I said to myself, ' Don't let their hearts be kept 
in anxiety ! ' Thanks be to God ! there may be other days yet 
to see ! All has passed off well and for good ; have no fear or 
anxiety in your minds." 

"This was written on Tuesday the 20th of the first Rabl', 
I being then in the Char-bagh." 

When we were free from the anxiety of these occurrences, the 
above letter was written and sent to Kabul. 

{g. Dealings with Ibrahim' s family?) 

As this great crime had raised its head through that ill-omened 
old woman {bud-i-bad-bakhi), she was given over to Yunas-i-*all 
and KhwajagI Asad who after taking her money and goods, 
slaves and slave-women {dddiik), made her over for careful watch 
to 'Abdu'r-rahlm shaghdwal.^ Her grandson, Ibrahim's son had 
been cared for with much respect and delicacy, but as the 
attempt on my life had been made, clearly, by that family, it 

' She, after being put under contribution by two of Babur's officers (f. 307*5) was 
started off for Kabul, but, perhaps dreading her reception there, threw herself into 
the Indus in crossing and was drowned. (Cf. A.N. trs. H. Beveridge Errata and 
addenda p. xi for the authorities. ) 

- gtl makhtum, Lemnian earth, terra sigillata, each piece of which was impressed, 
when taken from the quarry, with a guarantee-stamp (Cf. Ency. Br. s.n. Lemnos). 

3 tiridq-i-fdruq, an antidote. 

^ Index s.n. 


did not seem advisable to keep him in Agra ; he was joined 
therefore to Mulla Sarsan — who had come from Kamran on 
important business — and was started off with the Mulla to 
Kamran on Thursday Rabi' I. 29th (Jan. 3rd 1527 AD.).' 

{h. Humdyun' s campaign?) 
Fol. 307^. Humayun, acting against the Eastern rebels =^ took Juna-pur 
{sic), went swiftly against Nasir Khan {NUhdm) in Ghazl-pur 
and found that he had gone across the Gang-river, presumably 
on news* of Humayun's approach. From Ghazl-pur Humayun 
went against Kharld 3 but the Afghans of the place had crossed 
the Saru-water (Gogra) presumably on the news* of his coming. 
Kharld was plundered and the army turned back. 

Humayun, in accordance with my arrangements, left Shah 
Mir Husain and SI. Junaid with a body of effective braves in 
Juna-pur, posted QazI Jia with them, and placed Shaikh Bayazld 
[Farmi7li'\ in Aude (Oude). These important matters settled, 
he crossed Gang from near Karrah-Manikpur and took the 
KalpI road. When he came opposite KalpI, in which was Jalal 
Khan Jik-hafs (son) 'Alam Khan who had sent me dutiful 
letters but had not waited on me himself, he sent some-one to 
chase fear from *Alam Khan's heart and so brought him along 
(to Agra). 

Humayun arrived and waited on me in the Garden of Eight- 
paradises 4 on Sunday the 3rd of the 2nd RabI* (Jan. 6th 
1527 AD.). On the same day Khwaja Dost-i-khawand arrived 
from Kabul. 

{i. Rand Sangd's approach^ 5 

Meantime Mahdl Khwaja's people began to come in, treading 
on one another's heels and saying, " The Rana's advance is 

* Kamran was in Qandahar (Index s.n.). Erskine observes here that Babur's 
omission to give the name of Ibrahim's son, is noteworthy ; the son may however 
have been a child and his name not known to or recalled by Babur when writing some 
years later. 

" f. 2994. 

3 The Aytn-i-akbari locates this in the sarkdr of Jun-pur, a location suiting the 
context. The second Persian translation ('Abdu'r-rahim's) has here a scribe's skip 
from one "news" to another (both asterisked in my text) ; hence Erskine has an 

♦ This is the Char-bagh off. 300, known later as the Ram (Aram)-bagh (Garden- 

5 Presumably he was coming up from Marwar. 

933 AH.— OCT. 8th 1526 to SEP. 27th 1527 AD. 545 

certain. Hasan Khan Miwdti is heard of also as Hkely to join 
him. They must be thought about above all else. It would 
favour our fortune, if a troop came ahead of the army to 
reinforce Blana." Fol. 308. 

Deciding to get to horse, we sent on, to ride light to Blana, 
the commanders Muhammad SI. Mirza, Yunas-i-'all, Shah 
Mansiar Barlds, Kitta Beg, QismatI ^ and Bujka. 

In the fight with Ibrahim, Hasan Khan MiwdtVs son Nahar 
Khan had fallen into our hands ; we had kept him as an hostage 
and, ostensibly on his account, his father had been making 
comings-and-goings with us, constantly asking for him. It now 
occurred to several people that if Hasan Khan were conciliated 
by sending him his son, he would thereby be the more favourably 
disposed and his waiting on me might be the better brought 
about. Accordingly Nahar Khan was dressed in a robe of 
honour ; promises were made to him for his father, and he was 
given leave to go. That hypocritical mannikin [Hasan Khan] 
must have waited just till his son had leave from me to go, for 
on hearing of this and while his son as yet had not joined him, 
he came out of Alur (Alwar) and at once joined Rana Sanga in 
Toda(bhIm, Agra District). It must have been ill-judged to 
let his son go just then. 

Meantime much rain was falling ; parties were frequent ; even 
Humayun was present at them and, abhorrent though it was to 
him, sinned ^ every few days. 

(y. Tramontane affairs?) 

One of the strange events in these days of respite 3 was this : — 
When Humayun was coming from Fort Victory (Qila'-i-zafar) 
to join the Hindustan army, (Muh. 932 AH. - Oct. 1525 AD.) Fol. 308*^. 
Mulla Baba of Pashaghar {Chaghatdt) and his younger brother 
Baba Shaikh deserted on the way, and went to Kltln-qara SI. 
{Auzbeg), into whose hands Balkh had fallen through the 

^ This name varies ; the Hai. MS. in most cases writes Qismati, but on f. zd^b, 
Qismatal ; the Elph. MS. on f. 220 has Q:s:mna! ; De Courteille writes Qismi. 

^ artkab qildi, perhaps drank wine, perhaps ate opium-confections to the use of 
which he became addicted later on (Gulbadan's Humayun-nama f. 30/5 and 73*5). 

^ fursatldr, i.e. between the occupation of Agra and the campaign against Rana 


enfeeblement of its garrison/ This hollow mannikin and his 
younger brother having taken the labours of this side (Cis- 
Balkh?) on their own necks, come into the neighbourhood of 
Albak, Khurram and Sar-bagh.^ 

Shah Sikandar — his footing in Ghurl lost through the surrender 
of Balkh — is about to make over that fort to the Auzbeg, when 
Mulla Baba and Baba Shaikh, coming with a few Aiizbegs, take 
possession of it. Mir Hamah, as his fort is close by, has no 
help for it ; he is for submitting to the Auzbeg, but a few days 
later Mulla Baba and Baba Shaikh come with a few Auzbegs to 
Mir Hamah's fort, purposing to make the Mir and his troop 
march out and to take them towards Balkh. Mir Hamah 
makes Baba Shaikh dismount inside the fort, and gives the rest 
felt huts iautdq) here and there. He slashes at Baba Shaikh, 
puts him and some others in bonds, and sends a man galloping 
off to Tingrl-blrdI {Quchin, in Qiinduz). Tingrl-blrdi sends off 
Yar-i-*ah and *Abdu'l-latlf with a few effective braves, but before 
they reach Mir Hamah's fort, Mulla Baba has arrived there with 
his Auzbegs ; he had thought of a hand-to-hand fight {aurush- 
murush), but he can do nothing. Mir Hamah and his men joined 
Tlngrl-blrdl's and came to Qunduz. Baba Shaikh's wound must 
have been severe ; they cut his head off and Mir Hamah brought 
Fol. 309. it (to Agra) in these same days of respite. I uplifted his head 
with favour and kindness, distinguishing him amongst his fellows 
and equals. When Baqi shaghdwal went [to Balkh] 3 I promised 
him a ser of gold for the head of each of the ill-conditioned old 
couple ; one ser of gold was now given to Mir Hamah for Baba 
Shaikh's head, over and above the favours referred to above.* 

{k. Action of part of the Bidna reinforcement^ 

QismatI who had ridden light for Blana, brought back several 
heads he had cut off; when he and Bujka had gone with a few 

' Apparently the siege Babur broke up in 931 ah. had been renewed by the 
Auzbegs (f. 255^5 and Trs. Note s.a. 931 ah. section c). 

' These places are on the Khulm-river between Khulm and Kahmard. The 
present tense of this and the following sentences is Babur's. 

3 f. 261. 

* Erskine here notes that if the «r Babur mentions be one of 14 tiilas, the value is 
about ;(^27 ; if of 24 tulas, about ;^45. 



933 AH.— OCT. 8th 1526 to SEP. 27th 1527 AD. 547 

raves to get news, they had beaten two of the Pagan's scouting- 
parties and had made 70 to 80 prisoners. QismatI brought news 
that Hasan Khan Miwdtl really had joined Rana Sanga. 

(/. Trial- test of the laj'ge mortar off. 302.) 

{Feb. loth) On Sunday the 8th of the month (Jumada I.), 
I went to see Ustad *AlI-qulI discharge stones from that large 
mortar of his in casting which the stone-chamber was without 
defect and which he had completed afterwards by casting the 
powder-compartment. It was discharged at the Afternoon 
Prayer; the throw of the stone was 1600 paces. A gift was 
made to the Master of a sword-belt, robe of honour, and 
tipuchdq (horse). 

(w. Bdbur leaves Agra against Rdjtd Sangd.) 

{Feb. nth) On Monday the 9th of the first Jumada, we got 
out of the suburbs of Agra, on our journey {safar) for the Holy 
War, and dismounted in the open country, where we remained 
three or four days to collect our army and be its rallying-point.^ 
As little confidence was placed in Hindustan! people, the Hindu- 
stan amirs were inscribed for expeditions to this or to that 
side : — 'Alam Khan ( Tahangari) was sent hastily to Gualiar to Fol. 3093. 
reinforce Rahlm-dad ; Makan, Qasim Beg Sanbalt {Sambhalz)^ 
Hamid with his elder and younger brethren and Muhammad 
Zaitun were inscribed to go swiftly to Sanbal. 

(«. Defeat of the advance-force.) 

Into this same camp came the news that owing to Rana 
Sanga's swift advance with all his army,^ our scouts were able 
neither to get into the fort (Blana) themselves nor to send news 
into it. The Blana garrison made a rather incautious sally too 
far out ; the enemy fell on them in some force and put them to 

^ T. chapduq. Cf. the two Persian translations 215 f. 20<^b and 217 f. 215 ; also 
Ilminsky, p. 401. 

^ bulghan chlrlki. The Rana's forces are thus stated by Tod {Rdjastdn ; Annals 
of Marwar Cap. ix) : — " Eighty thousand horse, 7 Rajas of the highest rank, 
9 Raos, and 104 chieftains bearing the titles of Rawul and Rawut, with 500 war- 
elephants, followed him into the field." Babur's army, all told, was 12,000 when he 
crossed the Indus from Kabul ; it will have had accretions from his own officers in 
the Panj-ab and some also from other quarters, and will have had losses at Panipat ; 
his reliable kernel of fighting-strength cannot but have been numerically insignificant, 
compared with the Rajput host. Tod says that almost all the princes of Rajastan 
followed the Rana at Kanwa. 


rout.^ There Sangur Khan Janjuha became a martyr. Kitta 
Beg had galloped into the pell-mell without his cuirass ; he got 
one pagan afoot {ydydgldtib) and was overcoming him, when 
the pagan snatched a sword from one of Kitta Beg's own 
servants and slashed the Beg across the shoulder. Kitta Beg 
suffered great pain ; he could not come into the Holy-battle 
with Rana Sanga, was long in recovering and always remained 

Whether because they were themselves afraid, or whether to 
frighten others is not known but QismatI, Shah Mansur Barlds 
and all from Blana praised and lauded the fierceness and valour 
of the pagan army. 

Qasim Master-of-the-horse was sent from the starting-ground 
{safar qilghdn yurt) with his spadesmen, to dig many wells 
where the army was next to dismount in the Madha-kur pargana. 

{Feb. 1 6th) Marching out of Agra on Saturday the 14th of 
the first Jumada, dismount was made where the wells had been 
Fol. 310. dug. We marched on next day. It crossed my mind that the 
well-watered ground for a large camp was at Slkrl.^ It being 
possible that the Pagan was encamped there and in possession 
of the water, we arrayed precisely, in right, left and centre. As 
QismatI and Darwish-i-muhammad Sdrbdn in their comings and 
goings had seen and got to know all sides of Blana, they were 
sent ahead to look for camping-ground on the bank of the Slkrl- 
lake {kilt). When we reached the (Madhakur) camp, persons 
were sent galloping off to tell Mahdl Khwaja and the Blana 
garrison to join me without delay. Humayun's servant Beg 
Mirak Mughul was sent out with a few braves to get news of 
the Pagan. They started that night, and next morning brought 
word that he was heard of as having arrived and dismounted at 
a place one kuroh (2 miles) on our side iailkdrdk) of Basawar.3 
On this same day Mahdl Khwaja and Muhammad SI. Mirza 
rejoined us with the troops that had ridden light to Blana. 

' durbatur. This is the first use of the word in the Babur-ndma ; the defacer of 
the Elph. Codex has altered it to auratur. 

' Shaikh Zain records [Abu'1-fazl also, perhaps quoting from him] that Babur, by 
varying diacritical points, changed the name Sikri to Shukr! in sign of gratitude for his 
victory over the Rana. The place became the Fathpur-slkri of Akbar. 

3 Erskine locates this as 10 to 12 miles n.w. of Biana. 

933 AH.— OCT. 8th 1526 TO SEP. 27th 1527 AD. 549 

{0. Discomfiture of a reconnoitring party?) 

The begs were appointed in turns for scouting-duty. When 
it was 'Abdu'l-'azTz's turn, he went out of Slkrl, looking neither 
before nor behind, right out along the road to Kanwa which 
is 5 kuroh (10 m.) away. The Rana must have been marching 
forward ; he heard of our men's moving out in their reinless 
(^jaldU-siz) way, and made 4 or S,ooo of his own fall suddenly on 
them. With 'Abdu'l-'azTz and Mulla Apaq may have been 1000 
to 1500 men; they took no stock of their opponents but just Fol. 3103. 
got to grips ; they were hurried off at once, many of them being 
made prisoner. 

On news of this, we despatched Khalifa's Muhibb-i-*all with 
Khalifa's retainers. Mulla Husain and some others aUbruq- 
sUbrUq ^* were sent to support them,^ and Muhammad 'AXiJang- 
jang also. Presumably it was before the arrival of this first, 
Muhibb-i-'all's, reinforcement that the Pagan had hurried off 
*Abdu'l-'azIz and his men, taken his standard, martyred Mulla 
Ni'mat, Mulla Daud and the younger brother of Mulla Apaq, 
with several more. Directly the reinforcement arrived the 
pagans overcame Tahir-tibrI, the maternal uncle of Khalifa's 
Muhibb-i-*all, who had not got up with the hurrying reinforce- 
ment [?].3 Meantime Muhibb-i-'all even had been thrown down, 

^ This phrase has not occurred in the B. N. before ; presumably it expresses what 
has not yet been expressed ; this Erskine's rendering, " each according to the speed 
of his horse," does also. The first Persian translation, which in this portion is by 
Muhammad-qull Mughiil Hisdri, translates by az dambal yak dlgar ( I. O. 2 1 5, f. 205<5) ; 
the second, 'Abdu'r-rahim's, merely reproduces the phrase ; De Courteille (ii, 272) 
appears to render it by (amirs) que je ne nomme pas. If my reading of Tahir-tibrl's 
failure be correct {infra), Erskine's translation suits the context. 

^ The passage cut off by my asterisks has this outside interest that it forms the intro- 
duction to the so-called " Fragments ", that isj to certain Turk! matter not included 
in the standard Bdkur-tidma, but preserved with the Kehr- Ilminsky -de Courteille 
text. As is well-known in Baburiana, opinion has varied as to the genesis of this 
matter ; there is now no doubt that it is a translation into Turk! from the {Persian) 
Akbar-navia, prefaced by the above-asterisked passage of the Bdbur-ftama and 
continuous (with slight omissions) from Bib. Ind. ed. i, 106 to 120 (trs. H. Beveridge 
i, 260 to 282). It covers the time from before the battle of Kanwa to the end of 
Abu'l-fazl's description of Babur's death, attainments and Court ; it has been made 
to seem Babur's own, down to his death-bed, by changing the third person of A.F.'s 
narrative into the autobiographical first person. (Cf. Ilminsky, p. 403 1. 4 and 
p. 494 ; Mimoires ii, 272 and 443 to 464 ; JRAS. 1908, p. 76.) 

A minute point in the history of the B. N. manuscripts may be placed on record 
here ; viz. that the variants from the true Bdbur-ndma text which occur in the Kehr - 
Ilminsky one, occur also in the corrupt Turk! text of I. O. No. 214 (JRAS 19CO, P- 455)- 

3 chdpdr kiimak yttmds, perhaps implying that the speed of his horses was not 
equal to that of Muhibb-i-'all's. Translators vary as to the meaning of the phrase. 


but Baltu getting in from the rear, brought him out. The enemy 
pursued for over a kuroh (2 m.), stopped however at the sight of 
the black mass of Muh. *Ah Jang-jan^s troops. 

Foot upon foot news came that the foe had come near and 
nearer. We put on our armour and our horses' mail, took our 
arms and, ordering the carts to be dragged after us, rode out at 
the gallop. We advanced one kuroh. The foe must have 
turned aside. 

(/. Bdbur fo7'tifies his camp?) 

For the sake of water, we dismounted with a large lake {kut) 
on one side of us. Our front was defended by carts chained 
together*, the space between each two, across which the chains 
stretched, being 7 or 8 qdri {circa yards). Mustafa Rimii had 
Foi 311. had the carts made in the RumI way, excellent carts, very strong 
and suitable.^ As Ustad *AlT-qulI was jealous of him, Mustafa 
was posted to the right, in front of Humayun. Where the carts 
did not reach to, Khurasan! and Hindustani spadesmen and 
miners were made to dig a ditch. 

Owing to the Pagan's rapid advance, to the fighting-work in 
Blana and to the praise and laud of the pagans made by Shah 
Mansur, Qismatl and the rest from Blana, people in the army 
shewed sign of want of heart. On the top of all this came the 
defeat of 'Abdu'l-'azlz. In order to hearten our men, and give 
a look of strength to the army, the camp was defended and shut 
in where there were no carts, by stretching ropes of raw hide on 
wooden tripods, set 7 or 8 qdri apart. Time had drawn out to 
20 or 25 days before these appliances and materials were fully 

{<q. A reinforcement from Kabul?) 

Just at this time there arrived from Kabul Qasim-i-husain 
SI. {Aiizbeg Shaibdn) who is the son of a daughter of SI. Husain 
M. {Bdi-qard), and with him Ahmad-i-yusuf {AUghidqchi), 
Qawwam-i-aurdu Shah and also several single friends of mine, 

' Erskine and de Courteille both give Mustafa the commendation the TurkI and 
Persian texts give to the carts. 

" According to Tod's Rdjastdn, negotiations v^^ent on during the interval, having 
for their object the fixing of a frontier between the Rana and Babur. They were 
conducted by a "traitor" Salah'd-din Tiiar the chief of Raisin, who moreover is 
said to have deserted to Babur during the battle. 


933 AH.— OCT. 8th 1526 TO SEP. 27th 1527 AD. 551 

counting up in all to 500 men. Muhammad Sharif, the astrologer 
of ill-augury, came with them too, so did Baba Dost the water- 
bearer {silcht) who, having gone to Kabul for wine, had there Fol. 311*. 
loaded three strings of camels with acceptable Ghaznl wines. 

At a time such as this, when, as has been mentioned, the army 
was anxious and afraid by reason of past occurrences and vicissi- 
tudes, wild words and opinions, this Muhammad Sharif, the 
ill-augurer, though he had not a helpful word to say to me, kept 
insisting to all he met, " Mars is in the west in these days ; ^ 
who comes into the fight from this (east) side will be defeated." 
Timid people who questioned the ill-augurer, became the more 
shattered in heart. We gave no ear to his wild words, made no 
change in our operations, but got ready in earnest for the fight. 

{Feb. 2^tJi) On Sunday the 22nd (of Jumada I.) Shaikh 
Jamal was sent to collect all available quiver-wearers from 
between the two waters (Ganges and Jumna) and from Dihll, so 
that with this force he might over-run and plunder the Mlwat 
villages, leaving nothing undone which could awaken the enemy's 
anxiety for that side. Mulla Tark-i-'all, then on his way from 
Kabul, was ordered to join Shaikh Jamal and to neglect nothing 
of ruin and plunder in Mlwat ; orders to the same purport were 
given also to Maghfur the Dlwan. They went ; they over-ran 
and raided a few villages in lonely corners ijbujqdq) ; they took 
some prisoners; but their passage through did not arouse much 
anxiety ! 

{r. Bdbur renounces wine.) 

On Monday the 23rd of the first Jumada (Feb. 25th), when Fol. 312. 
I went out riding, I reflected, as I rode, that the wish to cease 
from sin had been always in my mind, and that my forbidden 
acts had set lasting stain upon my heart. Said I, " Oh ! my 
soul ! " 

{Persian) " How long wilt thou draw savour from sin ? 

Repentance is not without savour, taste it ! " ^ 

' Cf. f. 89 for Babur's disastrous obedience to astrological warning. 

^ For the reading of this second line, given by the good MSS. viz. Tauba ham bi 
tnaza nisi, bachash, Ilminsky (p. 405) has Tauba ham bi maza, mast bakhis, which 
de Courteille [H, 276] renders by, " O ivrogtte insensi ! que ne goUtes-tu aussi h la 
penitence?" The Persian couplet seems likely to be a quotation and may yet be 
found elsewhere. It is not in the Rampur Diwan which contains the Turki verses 
following it (E. D, Ross p. 21). 


( Turkf) Through years how many has sin defiled thee ? 

How much of peace has transgression given thee ? 
How much hast thou been thy passions' slave ? 
How much of thy life flung away ? 

With the Ghazi's resolve since now thou hast marched, 
Thou hast looked thine own death in the face ! 
Who resolves to hold stubbornly fast to the death, 
Thou knowest what change he attains, 

That far he removes him from all things forbidden, 
That from all his offences he cleanses himself. 
With my own gain before me, I vowed to obey, 
In this my transgression,^ the drinking of wine.^ 

The flagons and cups of silver and gold, the vessels of feasting, 

I had them all brought ; 

I had them all broken up 3 then and there. 

Thus eased I my heart by renouncement of wine. 

The fragments of the gold and silver vessels were shared out 
to deserving persons and to darwishes. The first to agree in 
renouncing wine was 'Asas;4 he had already agreed also about 
leaving his beard untrimmed.^ That night and next day some 
Fol. 312^. 300 begs and persons of the household, soldiers and not soldiers, 
renounced wine. What wine we had with us was poured on the 
ground ; what Baba Dost had brought was ordered salted to 
make vinegar. At the place where the wine was poured upon 
the ground, a well was ordered to be dug, built up with stone 
and having an almshouse beside it. It was already finished in 
Muharram 935 (ah. — Sep. 1528 AD.) at the time I went to 
SikrI from Dulpiir on my way back from visiting Guallar. 

' kichmakllk, to pass over (to exceed ?), to ford or go through a river, whence to 
transgress. The same metaphor of crossing a stream occurs, in connection with 
drinking, on f. 189/^, 

^ This line shews that Babur's renouncement was of wine only ; he continued to 
eat confections {may tin). 

3 Cf. f. 186^. Babur would announce his renunciation in Dlwan ; there too the 
forbidden vessels of precious metals would be broken. His few words leave it to his 
readers to picture the memorable scene. 

* This night-guard {*asas) cannot be the one concerning whom Gul-badan records 
that he was the victim of a little joke made at his expense by Babur (H. N. Index s.n. ). 
He seems likely to be the Hajl Muh. 'asas whom Abu'1-fazl mentions in connection 
with Kamran in 933 ah, (1547 ad.). He may be the 'asas who took charge of 
Babur's tomb at Agra (cf. Gul-badan's H. N. s.n. Muh. 'All 'asas taghdi, and 
Akbar-ttdma trs. i, 502). 

5 saqall qirqmdqta u quimaqta. Erskine here notes that "a vow to leave the 
beard untrimmed was made sometimes by persons who set out against the infidels. 
They did not trim the beard till they returned victorious. Some vows of similar 
nature may be found in Scripture ", e.g. II Samuel, cap. 19 v. 24. 

933 AH.— OCT. 8th 1526 to SEP. 27th 1527 AD. 553 

Remission of a due.) 

I had vowed already that, if I gained the victory over Sanga 
the pagan, I would remit the tamg/td^ to all Musalmans. Of 
this vow DarwTsh-i-muhammad Sdrbdn and Shaikh Zain 
reminded me at the time I renounced wine. Said I, " You do 
well to remind me." 

*The tamghd was remitted to all Musalmans of the dominions 
I held.^ I sent for the clerks (jnunshildr), and ordered them to 
write for their news-letters {akhbar) the farmdn concerning the 
two important acts that had been done. Shaikh Zain wrote 
the farmdn with his own elegance {inshdsi bild) and his fine 
letter (Jnshd) was sent to all my dominions. It is as 
follows : — 3 


5 Let us praise the Long-suffering One who loveth the penitent 
and who loveth the cleansers of themselves ; and let thanks be 
rendered to the Gracious One who absolveth His debtors, and 
forgiveth those who seek forgiveness. Blessings be upon Muhammad 
the Crown of Creatures, on the Holy family, on the pure Com- 
panions, and on the mirrors of the glorious congregation, to wit, 
the Masters of Wisdom who are treasure-houses of the pearls of 
purity and who bear the impress of the sparkling jewels of this 
purport : — that the nature of man is prone to evil, and that, the 
abandonment of sinful appetites is only feasible by Divine aid Fol. 313- 

* Index s,n. The iamghd was not really abolished until Jahangir's time — if then 
(H. Beveridge). See Thomas' Revenue Resources of the Mughal Empire. 

^ There is this to notice here : — Babur's narrative has made the remission of the 
tamghd contingent on his success, but the farman which announced that remission is 
dated some three weeks before his victory over Rana Sanga (Jumada II, 13th — 
March 16th). Manifestly Babur's remission was absolute and made at the date given 
by Shaikh Zain as that of the/arman. The farf?tdn seems to have been despatched 
as soon as it was ready, but may have been inserted in Babur's narrative at a later 
date, together with the preceding paragraph which I have asterisked. 

3 " There is a lacuna in the TurkI copy " {i.e. the Elphinstone Codex) "from this 
place to the beginning of the year 935. Till then I therefore follow only 
Mr. Metcalfe's and my own Persian copies" (Erskine). 

* I am indebted to my husband for this revised version of the farmdn. He is 
indebted to M. de Courteille for help generally, and specially for the references to the 
Qoran {g.v. infra). 

5 The passages in italics are Arabic in the original, and where traced to the Qoran, 
are in Sale's words. 


and the help that cometh from on high. '' Every soul is prone 
unto evil^'^ (and again) ''This is the bounty of God; He will give 
the same unto whom He pleaseth ; and God is endued with great 
bounty'' ^ 

Our motive for these remarks and for repeating these state- 
ments is that, by reason of human frailty, of the customs of 
kings and of the great, all of us, from the Shah to the sipahT, in 
the heyday of our youth, have transgressed and done what we 
ought not to have done. After some days of sorrow and 
repentance, we abandoned evil practices one by one, and the 
gates of retrogression became closed. But the renunciation of 
wine, the greatest and most indispensable of renunciations, 
remained under a veil in the chamber of deeds pledged to appear 
in due season^ and did not show its countenance until the 
glorious hour when we had put on the garb of the holy warrior 
and had encamped with the army of Islam over against the 
infidels in order to slay them. On this occasion I received 
a secret inspiration and heard an infallible voice say "/$• not the 
time yet come unto those who believe^ that their heaj-ts should 
humbly submit to the admonition of God, and that tt'uth which 
hath been revealed ? " 3 Thereupon we set ourselves to extirpate 
the things of wickedness, and we earnestly knocked at the gates 
of repentance. The Guide of Help assisted us, according to the 
saying " Whoever knocks and re-knocks, to him it will be opened ", 
and an order was given that with the Holy War there should 
fol. 313*5. begin the still greater war which has to be waged against 
sensuality. In short, we declared with sincerity that we would 
subjugate our passions, and I engraved on the tablet of my heart 
" / turn unto Thee with repentance, and I am the first of true 
believers ".4 And I made public the resolution to abstain from 
wine, which had been hidden in the treasury of my breast. The 
victorious servants, in accordance with the illustrious order, 
dashed upon the earth of contempt and destruction the flagons 
and the cups, and the other utensils in gold and silver, which in 
their number and their brilliance were like the stars of the 
firmament. They dashed them in pieces, as, God willing ! soon 

' Qordn, Surah XII, v. 53. = Surah LVII, v. 21. 

3 Siirah LVII, v. 15. * -♦ Surah VII, v. 140. 

933 AH.— OCT, 8th 1526 to SEP. 27th 1527 AD. 555 

will be dashed the gods of the idolaters, — and they distributed 
the fragments among the poor and needy. By the blessing of 
this acceptable repentance, many of the courtiers, by virtue of 
the saying that men follow the religion of their kings, embraced 
abstinence at the same assemblage, and entirely renounced the 
use of wine, and up till now crowds of our subjects hourly 
attain this auspicious happiness. I hope that in accordance 
with the saying ""He who incites to good deeds has the same 
reward as he who does them'' the benefit of this action will react 
on the royal fortune and increase it day by day by victories. 

After carrying out this design an universal decree was issued 
that in the imperial dominions — May God protect them from Foi. 314. 
every danger and calamity — no-one shall partake of strong 
drink, or engage in its manufacture, nor sell it, nor buy it or 
possess it, nor convey it or fetch it. ^^ Beware of touching it'* 
*^ Perchance this will give yoti prosperity." ^ 

In thanks for these great victories,^ and as a thank-offering 
for God's acceptance of repentance and sorrow, the ocean of the 
royal munificence became commoved, and those waves of kind- 
ness, which are the cause of the civilization of the world and of 
the glory of the sons of Adam, were displayed, — and through- 
out all the territories the tax {tamghd) on Musalmans was 
abolished, — though its yield was more than the dreams of 
avarice, and though it had been established and maintained by 
former rulers, — for it is a practice outside of the edicts of the 
Prince of Apostles (Muhammad). So a decree was passed that 
in no city, town, road, ferry, pass, or port, should the tax be 
levied or exacted. No alteration whatsoever of this order is 
to be permitted. " Whoever after hearing it makes any change 
therein, the sin of such change will be upon him!' 3 

The proper course {sabit) for all who shelter under the shade of 
the royal benevolence, whether they be Turk, Tajik, 'Arab, Hindi, 
or FarsI (Persian), peasants or soldiers, of every nation or tribe 

' Surah II, V. 1 85, 

^ These may be self-conquests as has been understood by Erskine (p. 356) and 
de Courteille (ii. 281) but as the Divine " acceptance " would seem to Babur vouched 
for by his military success, "victories" may stand for his success at Kanvv^a. 

3 Surah II, 177 where, in Sale's translation, the change referred to is the special 
one of altering a legacy. 


of the sons of Adam, is to strengthen themselves by the tenets 
of rehgion, and to be full of hope and prayer for the dynasty 
v/hich is linked with eternity, and to adhere to these ordinances, 
and not in any way to transgress them. It behoves all to act 
according to this farmdn ; they are to accept it as authentic 
when it comes attested by the Sign-Manual. 

Written by order of the Exalted one, — May his excellence 
endure for ever ! on the 24th of Jumada I. 933 (February 26th 

(/. Alarm in Bdbur's camp?) 
Fol. 3143. In these days, as has been mentioned, (our people) great 
and small, had been made very anxious and timid by past 
occurrences. No manly word or brave counsel was heard from 
any one soever. What bold speech was there from the wazirs 
who are to speak out {dlgucht), or from the amirs who will 
devour the land {wildyat-ytghuchi) ? ^ None had advice to give, 
none a bold plan of his own to expound. Khahfa (however) 
did well in this campaign, neglecting nothing of control and 
supervision, painstaking and diligence. 

At length after I had made enquiry concerning people's want 
of heart and had seen their slackness for myself, a plan occurred 
to me ; I summoned all the begs and braves and said to them, 
" Begs and braves ! 

{Persian) Who comes into the world will die ; 
What lasts and lives will be God. 

( Turki) He who hath entered the assembly of life, 
Drinketh at last of the cup of death. 

He who hath come to the inn of life, 
Passeth at last from Earth's house of woe. 

' The words dlguchi and yiguchi are translated in the second Waqi^at-i-baburl by 
sukhan-gul and \_wllayat\-khwar. This ignores in them the future element supplied 
by their component gu which would allow them to apply to conditions dependent 
on Babur's success. The Hai. MS. and Ilminsky read tigiichi, supporter- or helper- 
to-be, in place of \)AQylguchl, eater-to-be I have inferred from the khwar of the Pers. 
translation ; hence de Courteille writes ''''amirs auxquels incombait V obligation de 
raffermir le gouvernement". But Erskine, using the Pers. text alone, and thus 
having khwar before him, translates by, "amirs who enjoyed the wealth of kingdoms." 
The two TurkI words make a depreciatory "jingle", but the first one, digiichi, may 
imply serious reference to the duty, declared by Muhammad to be incumbent upon 
a waz'ir, of reminding his sovereign " when he forgetteth his duty". Both may be 
taken as alluding to dignities to be attained by success in the encounter from which 
wazirs and amirs were shrinking. 

^»^ 933 AH.— OCT. 8th 1526 TO SEP. 27th 1527 AD. 557 

" Better than life with a bad name, is death with a good one. 

(Persian) Well is it with me, if I die with good name ! 

A good name must I have, since the body is death's. ' 

" God the Most High has allotted to us such happiness and has 
created for us such good-fortune that we die as martyrs, we kill 
as avengers of His cause. Therefore must each of you take oath Foi. 315. 
upon His Holy Word that he will not think of turning his face 
from this foe, or withdraw from this deadly encounter so long as 
life is not rent from his body." All those present, beg and 
retainer, great and small, took the Holy Book joyfully into 
their hands and made vow and compact to this purport. The 
plan was perfect ; it worked admirably for those near and afar, 
for seers and hearers, for friend and foe. 

{u. Bdbur's perilous position?} 

In those same days trouble and disturbance arose on every 
side : — Husain Khan iV^^/zi^fwent and took RaprI; Qutb Khan's 
man took Chandwar ^ ; a mannikin called Rustam Khan who 
had collected quiver -wearers from Between - the - two - waters 
(Ganges and Jamna), took Kul (Koel) and made Kichik *Ali 
prisoner ; Khwaja Zahid abandoned Sarnbal and went off ; 
SI. Muhammad Dulddi came from Qanuj to me ; the Guallar 
pagans laid siege to that fort ; 'Alam Khan when sent to 
reinforce it, did not go to Guallar but to his own district. Every 
day bad news came from every side. Desertion of many 
Hindustanis set in ; Haibat Khan Karg-andds^ deserted and 
went to Sambal ; Hasan Khan of Barl deserted and joined the 
Pagan. We gave attention to none of them but went straight 
on with our own affair. 

{v. Bdbur advances to fight?) 

The apparatus and appliances, the carts and wheeled tripods 
being ready, we arrayed in right, left and centre, and marched 
forward on New Year's Day ,4 Tuesday, the 9th of the second Fol. 315^. 
Jumada (March 13th), having the carts 5 and wheeled tripods 

' Firdausi's Shah-ndma [Erskine]. 

^ Also Chand-wal ; it is 25 m. east of Agra and on the Jamna [ Tabaqat-i-ndsiri, 
Raverty, p. 742 n.9]. 

3 Probably, Overthrower of the rhinoceros, but if Gurg-anddz be read, of the wolf. 

■* According to the Persian calendar this is the day the Sun enters Aries. 

5 The practical purpose of this order of march is shewn in the account of the battle 
of Panipat, and in the Letter of Victory, f. 319. 



moving in front of us, with Ustad 'All-qull and all the matchlock- 
men ranged behind them in order that these men, being on foot, 
should not be left behind the array but should advance with it. 

When the various divisions, right, left and centre, had gone 
each to its place, I galloped from one to another to give 
encouragement to begs, braves, and sipdhis. After each man 
had had assigned to him his post and usual work with his 
company, we advanced, marshalled on the plan determined, for 
as much as one kui'oh (2 m.) ^ and then dismounted. 

The Pagan's men, for their part, were on the alert ; they 
came from their side, one company after another. 

The camp was laid out and strongly protected by ditch and 
carts. As we did not intend to fight that day, we sent a few 
unmailed braves ahead, who were to get to grips with the enemy 
and thus take an omen. They made a few pagans prisoner, 
cut off and brought in their heads. Malik Qasim also cut off 
and brought in a few heads ; he did well. By these successes 
the hearts of our men became very strong. 

When we marched on next day, I had it in my mind to 
fight, but Khalifa and other well-wishers represented that the 
camping-ground previously decided on was near and that it 
would favour our fortunes if we had a ditch and defences made 
there and went there direct. Khalifa accordingly rode off to get 
Fol. 316. the ditch dug ; he settled its position with the spades-men, 
appointed overseers of the work and returned to us. 
{w. The battle of Kdnwa.) ^ 

On Saturday the 13th of the second Jumada (March 17th, 
1527 AD.) we had the carts dragged in front of us (as before), 
made a ktiroh (2 m.) of road, arrayed in right, left and centre, 
and dismounted on the ground selected. 

' kurohcha, perhaps a short ktiroh, but I have not found Babur using cha as a 
diminutive in such a case as kurohcha. 

' or Kanua, in the Biana district and three marches from Biana-town. "It had 
been determined on by Rana Sangram Singh {i.e. Sanga) for the northern limit of his 
dominions, and he had here built a small palace." Tod thus describes Babur's foe, 
"Sanga Rana was of the middle stature, and of great muscular strength, fair in 
complexion, with unusually large eyes which appear to be peculiar to his descendants. 
He exhibited at his death but the fragments of a warrior : one eye was lost in the 
broil with his brother, an arm in action with the Lodi kings of Dehli, and he was 
a cripple owing to a limb being broken by a cannon-ball in another ; while he 
counted 80 wounds from the sword or the lance on various parts of his body" (Tod's 
Rajastan, cap. Annals of Mewar). 

PE- 933 AH.— OCT. 8th 1526 to SEP. 27th 1527 AD. 559 

A few tents had been set up ; a few were in setting up when 
news of the appearance of the enemy was brought. Mounting 
instantly, I ordered every man to his post and that our array 
should be protected with the carts. ^ 

* As the following Letter-of-victory {Fath-ndma) which is 
fwhat Shaikh Zain had indited, makes known particulars about 
the army of Islam, the great host of the pagans with the position 
of their arrayed ranks, and the encounters had between them 
and the army of Islam, it is inserted here without addition or 


{a. Introduction.) 

Praise be to God the Faithful Promisery the Helper of His 
servants, the Supporter of His armies, the Scatterer of hostile 
hosts, the One alone without whom there is nothing. Fol. 316*. 

^ Here M. de C. has the following note (ii, 2730.) ; it supplements my own of 
f. 264 [n. 3]. " Le mot araba, qttej^ai traduit par chariot est pris par M. Ley den" 
(this should be Erskine) ^'^ datis le sens de '' gu}t\ ce que je tie crois pas exact ; tout 
ati plus signifier ait -il affilt" (gun-carriage). " // me parait impossible d^admettre 
que Baber eilt d. sa disposition nne artille^-ie atteUe aussi considerable. Ces araba 
pouvaient sei'vir en partie d, transporter des pieces de campagne, mais ils avaient aussi 
une autre destination, coinvie on le voit par la suite du r^cit." It does not appear to 
me that Erskine translates the word araba by the word gun, but that the arabas 
(all of which he took to be gun-carriages) being there, he supposed the guns. This 
was not correct as the various passages about carts as defences show (cf. Index 
s.nn. araba and carts). 

' It is characteristic of Babur that he reproduces Shaikh Zain's Fath-ndma, not 
because of its eloquence but because of its useful details. Erskine and de Courteille 
have the following notes concerning Shaikh ZdavH s farmdtt : — "Nothing can form 
a more striking contrast to the simple, manly and intelligent style of Baber himself, 
than the pompous, laboured periods of his secretary. Yet I have never read this 
Firman to any native of India who did not bestow unlimited admiration on the 
official bombast of Zeineddin, while I have met with none but Turks who paid due 
praise to the calm simplicity of Baber" [Mems. p. 359]. " Comf?ie la prMdente 
{farman), cette pike est j-Mig^e en langiie persane et offre un modele des plus accompli s 
du style en usage daiis les chancelleries orient ales. La traduction d'un semblable 
morceati d'' eloquence est de la phis grande difficult e, si 07t veut etre clair, tout en restant 
fidele h f original.'" 

Like the Renunciation farmdn, the Letter-of-victory with its preceding sentence 
which I have asterisked, was probably inserted into Babur's narrative somewhat 
later than the battle of Kanwa. Hence Babur's pluperfect-tense "had indited". 
I am indebted to my husband for help in revising the difficult Fath-ndma ; he 
has done it with consideration of the variants between the earlier English and the 
French translations. No doubt it could be dealt with more searchingly still by one 
well-versed in the Qoran and the Traditions, and thus able to explain others of its 
allusions. The italics denote Arabic passages in the original ; many of these are 
from the Qoran, and in tracing them M. de Courteille's notes have been most useful 
to us. 


O Thou the Exalter of the pillars of Islam, Helper of thy 
faithful minister, Overthrower of the pedestals of idols, Overcomer 
of rebellious foes, Exterminator to the uttermost of the followers of 

Lauds be to God the Lord of the worlds, and may the blessing 
of God be upon the best of His creatures Muhammad, Lord of 
ghdzis and champions of the Faith, and upon his companions, the 
pointers of the way, until the Day of judgment. 

The successive gifts of the Almighty are the cause of frequent 
praises and thanksgivings, and the number of these praises and 
thanksgivings is, in its turn, the cause of the constant succession 
of God's mercies. For every mercy a thanksgiving is due, and 
every thanksgiving is followed by a mercy. To render full 
thanks is beyond men's power ; the mightiest are helpless to 
discharge their obligations. Above all, adequate thanks cannot 
be rendered for a benefit than which none is greater in the 
world and nothing is more blessed, in the world to come, to wit, 
victory over most powerful infidels and dominion over wealthiest 
heretics, " these are the unbelievers, the wicked!' ' In the eyes of 
the judicious, no blessing can be greater than this. Thanks be 
to God ! that this great blessing and mighty boon, which from 
the cradle until now has been the real object of this right-thinking 
mind (Babur's), has now manifested itself by the graciousness of 
the King of the worlds ; the Opener who dispenses his treasures 
without awaiting solicitation, hath opened them with a master- 
key before our victorious Nawab (Babur),^ so that the names of 
our 3 conquering heroes have been emblazoned in the records of 
glorious ghdzis. By the help of our victorious soldiers the 
Fol. 317. standards of Islam have been raised to the highest pinnacles. 
The account of this auspicious fortune is as follows : — 

' Qoran, cap. 80, last sentence. 

' Shaikh Zain, in his version of the Bdbur-ndma, styles Babur Nawab where there 
can be no doubt of the application of the title, viz. in describing Shah Tahmasp's 
gifts to him (mentioned by Babur on f. 305). He uses the title also in ihe/armdn of 
renunciation (f. 313^), but it does not appear in my text, " royal " (fortune) standing 
for it (in loco p. 55$, 1. lo). 

3 The possessive pronoun occurs several times in the Letter-of-victory. As there 
is no semblance of putting forward that letter as being Babur's, the pronoun seems to 
imply " on our side ". 

933 AH.— OCT. 8th 1526 TO SEP. 27th 1527 AD. 561 

[d. Rand Sangd and his forces?) 

When the flashing-swords of our Islam-guarded soldiers had 
illuminated the land of Hindustan with rays of victory and 
conquest, as has been recorded in former letters-of-victory,^ 
the Divine favour caused our standards to be upreared in the 
territories of Dihll, Agra, Jun-pur, Kharld,^ Bihar, etc., when 
many chiefs, both pagans and Muhammadans submitted to our 
generals and shewed sincere obedience to our fortunate Nawab. 
But Rana Sanga the pagan who in earlier times breathed 
submissive to the Nawab,3 now was puffed up with pride and 
became of the number of unbelievers.^ Satan-like he threw back 
his head and collected an army of accursed heretics, thus 
gathering a rabble-rout of whom some wore the accursed torque 
{tauq), the ztndr,^ on the neck, some had in the skirt the 
calamitous thorn of apostacy.^ Previous to the rising in Hindu- 
stan of the Sun of dominion and the emergence there of the 
light of the Shahanshah's Khallfate [i.e. Babur's] the authority 
of that execrated pagan (Sanga) — at the fudgment Day he shall 
have no friend^ was such that not one of all the exalted 
sovereigns of this wide realm, such as the Sultan of DihlT, the Fol. 317^- 
Sultan of Gujrat and the Sultan of Mandu, could cope with this 
evil-dispositioned one, without the help of other pagans ; one 
and all they cajoled him and temporized with him ; and he had 
this authority although the rajas and rals of high degree, who 
obeyed him in this battle, and the governors and commanders 

' The Bdbur-ndma includes no other than Shaikh Zain's about Kanwa. Those 
here alluded to will be the announcements of success at Milwat, Panipat, Dibalpur 
and perhaps elsewhere in Hindustan. 

^ In Jun-pur {Ayin-i-akbari) ; Elliot & Dowson note (iv, 283-4) that it appears 
to have included, near Sikandarpur, the country on both sides of the Gogra, and 
thence on that river's left bank down to the Ganges. 

3 That the word Nawab here refers to Babur and not to his lieutenants, is shewn 
by his mention (f. 278) of Sanga's messages to himself. 

'' Qoran, cap. 2, v. 32. The passage quoted is part of a description of Satan, 
hence mention of Satan in Shaikh Zain's next sentence. 

5 The brahminical thread. 

^ khar-i-mihnat-i-irtidad dar daman. This Erskine renders by "who fixed thorns 
from the pangs of apostacy in the hem of their garments " (p. 360). Several good 
MSS. have khar^ thorn, but Ilminsky has Ar. khimdr, cymzx, instead (p. A^i). 
De Courteille renders the passage by ''portent au pan de leurs habits la marque 
douloureuse de Vapostasie " (ii, 290). To read khimdr^ cymar (scarf), would serve, 
as a scarf is part of some Hindu costumes. 

"> Qoran, cap. 69, v. 35. 


who were amongst his followers in this conflict, had not obeyed 

him in any earlier fight or, out of regard to their own dignity, 

been friendly with him. Infidel standards dominated some 

200 towns in the territories of Islam ; in them mosques and 

shrines fell into ruin ; from them the wives and children of the 

Faithful were carried away captive. So greatly had his forces 

grown that, according to the Hindu calculation by which one 

lak of revenue should yield 100 horsemen, and one kriir of 

revenue, 10,000 horsemen, the territories subject to the Pagan 

(Sanga) yielding 10 krurs, should yield him 100,000 horse. 

Many noted pagans who hitherto had not helped him in battle, 

now swelled his ranks out of hostility to the people of Islam. 

Ten powerful chiefs, each the leader of a pagan host, uprose in 

rebellion, as smoke rises, and linked themselves, as though 

Fol. 318. enchained, to that perverse one (Sanga); and this infidel decade 

who, unlike the blessed ten,^ uplifted misery- freighted standards 

which denounce unto them excruciating punishment!^ had many 

dependants, and troops, and wide-extended lands. As, for 

instance, Salahu'd-din 3 had territory yielding 30,000 horse, 

Rawal tJdai Singh of Bagar had 12,000, MedinI Ral had 12,000, 

Hasan Khan of Mlwat had 12,000, Bar-mal of Idr had 4,000, 

Narpat Hara had 7,000, Satrvl of Kach (Cutch) had 6,000, 

Dharm-deo had 4,000, Bir-sing-deo had 4,000, and MahmQd 

Khan, son of SI. Sikandar, to whom, though he possessed neither 

district nor pargana, 10,000 horse had gathered in hope of his 

attaining supremacy. Thus, according to the calculation of 

Hind, 201,000 was the total of those sundered from salvation. 

In brief, that haughty pagan, inwardly blind, and hardened of 

' M. Defr(^mery, when reviewing the French translation of the B.N. {Journal dis 
Savans 1873), points out (p. 18) that it makes no mention of the "blessed ten". 
Erskine mentions them but without explanation. They are the ''asharah mubash- 
sharah, the decade of followers of Muhammad who "received good tidings", and 
whose certain entry into Paradise he foretold. 

^ Qoran, cap. 3, v. 20. M. Defremery reads Shaikh Zain to mean that these 
words of the Qoran were on the infidel standards, but it would be simpler to read 
Shaikh Zain as meaning that the infidel insignia on the standards "denounce 
punishment " on their users. 

3 He seems to have been a Rajput convert to Muhammadanism who changed his 
Hindi name Silhadl for what Babur writes. His son married Sanga's daughter ; 
his fiefs were Raisin and Sarangpur ; he deserted to Babur in the battle of Kanwa. 
(Cf. Erskine's History of India i, 471 note; Mirat-i-sikandari, Bayley's trs. s.n.\ 
Akbar-ndma, H.B.'s trs. i, 261 ; Tod's Rajastdn cap. Mewar. ) 

933 AH.— OCT. 8th 1526 TO SEP. 27th 1527 AD. 563 

[art, having joined with other pagans, dark-fated and doomed 
to perdition, advanced to contend with the followers of Islam 
and to destroy the foundations of the law of the Prince of Men 
(Muhammad), on whom be God's blessing ! The protagonists 
of the royal forces fell, like divine destiny, on that one-eyed 
Dajjal ^ who, to understanding men, shewed the truth of the 
saying. When Fate arrives, the eye becomes blind, and, setting 
before their eyes the scripture which saith. Whosoever striveth 
to promote the true religion, striveth for the good of his own soul^ FoL 3 18*5. 
they acted on the precept to which obedience is due, Fight 
against infidels and hypocrites. 

(c. Military movements^ 

{March lyth, 1527) On Saturday the 13th day of the second 
Jumada of the date 933, a day blessed by the words, God hath 
blessed your Saturday, the army of Islam was encamped near 
the village of Kanwa, a dependency of Blana, hard by a hill 
which was 2 kurohs (4 m.) from the enemies of the Faith. 
When those accursed infidel foes of Muhammad's religion heard 
the reverberation of the armies of Islam, they arrayed their 
ill-starred forces and moved forward with one heart, relying on 
their mountain-like, demon-shaped elephants, as had relied the 
Lords of the Elephant 3 who went to overthrow the sanctuary 
{ka'ba) of Islam. 

' " Dejal or al Masih al Dajjal, the false or lying Messiah, is the Muhammadan 
Anti-christ. He is to be one-eyed, and marked on the forehead with the letters 
K. F. R. signifying Kafer, or Infidel. He is to appear in the latter days riding on an 
ass, and will be followed by 70,000 Jews of Ispahan, and will continue on the Earth 
40 days, of which one will be equal to a year, another to a month, another to a week, 
and the rest will be common days. He is to lay waste all places, but will not enter 
Mekka or Medina, which are to be guarded by angels. He is finally to be slain at 
the gate of Lud by Jesus, for whom the Musalmans profess great veneration, calling 
him the breath or spirit of God. — See Sale's Introductory Discourse to the Koran" 

^ Qoran, cap. 29, v. 5. 

3 "This alludes to the defeat of [an Abyssinian Christian] Abraha the prince of 
Yemen who [in the year of Muhammad's birth] marched his army and some elephants 
to destroy the ka'ba of Makka. ' The Meccans,' says Sale, ' at the appearance of so 
considerable a host, retired to the neighbouring mountains, being unable to defend 
their city or temple. But God himself undertook the defence of both. For when 
Abraha drew near to Mecca, and would have entered it, the elephant on which he 
rode, which was a very large one and named Mahmud, refused to advance any nigher 
to the town, but knelt down whenever they endeavoured to force him that way, 
though he would rise and march briskly enough if they turned him towards any other 
quarter ; and while matters were in this posture, on a sudden a large flock of birds, 
like swallows, came flying from the sea-coast, every-one of which carried three stones, 


" Having these elephants, the wretched Hindus 
Became proud, like the Lords of the Elephant ; 
Yet were they odious and vile as is the evening of death, 
Blacker * than night, outnumbering the stars, 
All such as fire is ^ but their heads upraised 
In hate, as rises its smoke in the azure sky, 
Ant-like they come from right and from left, 
Thousands and thousands of horse and foot." 

They advanced towards the victorious encampment, intending 
Fol. 319. to give battle. The holy warriors of Islam, trees in the garden 
of valour, moved forward in ranks straight as serried pines and, 
like pines uplift their crests to heaven, uplifting their helmet- 
crests which shone even as shine the hearts of those that strive 
in the way of the Lord ; their array was like Alexander's iron- 
wall,3 and, as is the way of the Prophet's Law, straight and firm 
and strong, as though they were a well- compacted building ; 4 and 
they became fortunate and successful in accordance with the 
saying, They are directed by their Lord, and they shall prosper,^ 

In that array no rent was frayed by timid souls ; 

Firm was it as the Shahanshah's resolve, strong as the Faith ; 

Their standards brushed against the sky ; 

Verily we have granted thee certain victory.^ 

Obeying the cautions of prudence, we imitated the ghdzis of 
Rum 7 by posting matchlockmen {tufanchidn^ and cannoneers 
{rdd-anddzdn) along the line of carts which were chained to one 
another in front of us ; in fact, Islam's army was so arrayed and 
so steadfast that primal Intelligence^ and the firmament {'aql-i- 
pir u charkh-i-asjr) applauded the marshalling thereof To 
effect this arrangement and organization, Nizamu'd-din 'All 
Khalifa, the pillar of the Imperial fortune, exerted himself 

one in each foot and one in its bill ; and these stones they threw down upon the 
heads of Abraha's men, certainly killing every one they struck.' The rest were 
swept away by a flood or perished by a plague, Abraha alone reaching Senaa, where 
he also died " [Erskine]. The above is taken from Sale's note to the 105 chapter of 
the Qoran, entitled " the Elephant ". 

' Presumably black by reason of their dark large mass. 

= Presumably, devouring as fire. 

3 This is 50 m. long and blocked the narrow pass of the Caspian Iron-gates, It 
ends south of the Russian town of Dar-band, on the west shore of the Caspian. 
Erskine states that it was erected to repress the invasions of Yajuj and Mujuj (Gog 
and Magog). 

* Qoran, cap. Ixi, v. 4. 

5 Qoran, cap. ii, v. 4. Erskine appears to quote another verse. 

^ Qoran, cap. xlviii, v. I. 

7 Index s.n. 

^ Khirad, Intelligence or the first Intelligence, was supposed to be the guardian of 
the empyreal heaven (Erskine). 


933 AH.— OCT. 8th 1526 TO SEP. 27th 1527 AD. 565 

strenuously ; his efforts were in accord with Destiny, and were 
approved by his sovereign's luminous judgment. 

(d. Commanders of the centre^ 

His Majesty's post was in the centre. In the right-hand of 
the centre were stationed the illustrious and most upright Fol."3i9<5. 
brother, the beloved friend of Destiny, the favoured of Him 
whose aid is entreated {i.e. God), Chln-tlmur Sultan,' — the 
illustrious son, accepted in the sight of the revered Allah, 
Sulaiman Shah,^ — the reservoir of sanctity, the way -shower, 
Khwaja Kamalu'd-din (Perfect-in-the Faith) Dost-i-khawand, — 
the trusted of the sultanate, the abider near the sublime threshold, 
the close companion, the cream of associates, Kamalu'd-din 
Yunas-i-*alT, — the pillar of royal retainers, the perfect in friendship, 
Jalalu'd-din (Glory -of- the -Faith) Shah Mansur Barlds, — the 
pillar of royal retainers, most excellent of servants, Nizamu'd-din 
(Upholder -of- the -Faith) Darwish-i-muhammad Sdrbdn, — the 
pillars of royal retainers, the sincere in fidelity, Shihabu'd-din 
(Meteor-of-the-Faith) *Abdu'l-lah the librarian and Nizamu'd-din 
Dost Lord-of-the-Gate. 

In the left-hand of the centre took each his post, the reservoir 
of sovereignty, ally of the Khallfate, object of royal favour. Sultan 
'Ala'u'd-dln *Alam Khan son of SI. Bahlul Lildi, — the intimate 
of illustrious Majesty, the high priest {dastur) of sadrs amongst 
men, the refuge of all people, the pillar of Islam, Shaikh Zain of 
Khawaf,3 — the pillar of the nobility, Kamalu'd-din Muhibb-i-'ali, 
son of the intimate counsellor named above {i.e. Khalifa), — the 
pillar of royal retainers, Nizamu'd-din Tardi Beg brother of Quj 
(son of) Ahmad, whom God hath taken into His mercy, — Shir- Fol. 320. 
afgan son of the above-named Quj Beg deceased, — the pillar of 
great ones, the mighty khan, Aralsh Khan,^ — the wazir, greatest 

' Chln-tlmur Chtngtz-khdnid Chaghatai is called Babur's brother because a 
(maternal-) cousin of Babur's own generation, their last common ancestor being 
Yunas Khan. 

Sulaiman Timurid Alirdn-shdht is called Babur's son because his father was of 
Babur's generation, their last common ancestor being SI. Abu-sa'id Mirza. He was 
13 years old and, through Shah Begim, hereditary shah of Badakhshan. 

3 The Shaikh was able, it would appear, to see himself as others saw him, since 
the above description of him is his own. It is confirmed by Abu'1-fazl and Badayuni's 
accounts of his attainments. 

■♦ The honourable post given to this amir of Hind is likely to be due to his loyalty 
to Babur. 


of wazirs amongst men, Khwaja Kamalu'd-din Husain, — and 
a number of other attendants at Court {diwanidti). 

[e. Commanders of the i^ight wing.) 

In the right wing was the exalted son, honourable and 
fortunate, the befriended of Destiny, the Star of the Sign of 
sovereignty and success, Sun of the sphere of the Khalifate, 
lauded of slave and free, Muhammad Humayun Bahadur. On 
that exalted prince's right hand there were, one whose rank 
approximates to royalty and who is distinguished by the favour 
of the royal giver of gifts, Qasim-i-husain Sultan, — the pillar of 
the nobility Nizamu'd-din Ahmad-i-yusuf Aughldqcht,^ — the 
trusted of royalty, most excellent of servants, Jalalu'd-din Hindu 
l^Qg qtlchm,^ — the trusted of royalty, perfect in loyalty, Jalalu'd- 
dln Khusrau Kukuldash, — the trusted of royalty, Qawam (var. 
Qiyam) Beg Aiirdu-shdh, — the pillar of royal retainers, of perfect 
sincerity. Wall Qard-quzl the treasurer, 3 — the pillar of royal 
retainers, Nizamu'd-din Pir-quli of Sistan, — the pillar of wazirs, 
Khwaja Kamalu'd-din pahlawdn (champion) of Badakhshan, — 
the pillar of royal retainers, 'Abdu'l-shakur, — the pillar of the 
nobility, most excellent of servants, the envoy from 'Iraq 
Sulaiman Aqa, — and Husain Aqa the envoy from Sistan. On 
Fol. 3203. the victory-crowned left of the fortunate son already named 
there were, the sayyid of lofty birth, of the family of Murtiza 
(*All), Mir Hama (or Hama), — the pillar of royal retainers, the 
perfect in sincerity, Shamsu'd - din Muhammadi Kukuldash and 
Nizamu'd-din KhwajagI Asad jdn-ddr.^ In the right wing 

' Ahmad may be a nephew of Yusuf of the same agnomen (Index s.nn.). 

" I have not discovered the name of this old servant or the meaning of his seeming- 
sobriquet, Hindu. As a quchln he will have been a Mughul or Turk. The circum- 
stance of his service with a son of Mahmud Mlrdn-shahi (down to 905 ah. ) makes it 
possible that he drew his name in his youth from the tract s.e. of Mahmiid's Hisar 
territory which has been known as Little Hind (Index s.n. Hind). This is however 
conjecture merely. Another suggestion is that as hindii can mean black, it may 
stand for the common qara of the Turks e.g. Qara Barlas, Black Barlas. 

3 I am uncertain whether Qara-quzi is the name of a place, or the jesting sobriquet 
of more than one meaning it can be. 

4 Soul-full, animated ; var. Hai. MS. khdn-ddr. No agnomen is used for Asad by 
Babur. The Akbar-ttdma varies tojdmaddr, wardrobe-keeper, cup-holder {Bib. Ind. 
ed. i, 107), and Firishta to sar-j'dmadar, head wardrobe-keeper (lith. ed. p. 209 top). 
It would be surprising to find such an official sent as envoy to 'Iraq, as Asad was both 
before and after he fought at Kanwa. 

933 AH.— OCT. 8th 1526 to SEP. 27th 1527 AD. 567 

there were, of the amirs of Hind, — the pillar of the State, the 
Khan-of-Khans, Dilawar Khan,^ — the pillar of the nobility, 
Malik Dad Km'ai'dni, — and the pillar of the nobility, the 
Shaikh-of-shaikhs, Shaikh GOran, each standing in his appointed 

(/! Coimnanders of the left wing?) 

In the left wing of the armies of Islam there extended their 
ranks, — the lord of lofty lineage, the refuge of those in 
authority, the ornament of the family of Ta Ha and Ya Sin^ 
the model for the descendants of the prince of ambassadors 
(Muhammad), Sayyid Mahdl Khwaja, — the exalted and fortunate 
brother, the well-regarded of his Majesty, Muhammad SI. Mirza,3 
— the personage approximating to royalty, the descended of 
monarchs, *Adil Sultan son of Mahdl Sultan,^ — the trusted in 
the State, perfect in attachment, 'Abdu'l-'azTz Master of the 
Horse, — the trusted in the State, the pure in friendship, 
Shamsu'd-din Muhammad 'Ali fang-jang,^ — the pillar of royal 
retainers, Jalalu'd-din Qutluq-qadam qardwal (scout), — the 
pillar of royal retainers, the perfect in sincerity, Jalalu'd-din 
Shah Husain j/drdgi Mug/iu/ Gkdnc/ii(?),^ — and Nizamu'd-din 
Jan-i-muhammad Beg Atdka. 

Of amirs of Hind there were in this division, the scions of 
sultans, Kamal Khan and Jamal Khan sons of the SI. *Ala'u'd-dln Fol. 321. 
above-mentioned, — the most excellent officer 'All Khan Shaikh- 
zada of Farmul, — and the pillar of the nobility, Nizam Khan of 

' son of Daulat Khan Yustif-khail Ludt. 

^ These are the titles of the 20th and 36th chapters of the Qoran ; Sale offers 
conjectural explanations of them. The "family" is Muhammad's. 

3 a Bai-qara Timurid of Babur's generation, their last common ancestor being 
Timur himself. 

'* an Auzbeg who married a daughter of SI. Husain M. Bal-qard. 

5 It has been pointed out to me that there is a Chinese title of nobility Yun-wang, 
and that it may be behind the \ioxdsjang-jang. Though the suggestion appears to me 
improbable, looking to the record of Babur's officer, to the prevalence of sobriquets 
amongst his people, and to what would be the sporadic appearance of a Chinese title 
or even class-name borne by a single man amongst them, I add this suggestion to 
those of my note on the meaning of the words (Index s.n. Muh. 'All). The title 
Jun-wdng occurs in Dr. Denison Ross' Three MS S. from Kashghar, p. 5, v. 5 and 
translator's preface, p. 14. 

Cf. f. 266 and f. 299. Ydrdgi may be the name of his office, (from yardq) and 
mean provisioner of arms or food or other military requirements. 


( g. The flanking parties. ) 

For the flank-movement {tUlghamd) of the right wing there 
were posted two of the most trusted of the household retainers, 
Tardlka ^ and MaHk Qasim the brother of Baba Qashqa, with 
a body of Mughuls; for the flank-movement of the left wing 
were the two trusted chiefs Mumin Ataka and Rustam Turkman^ 
leading a body of special troops. 

{h. The Chief of the Staff:) 

The pillar of royal retainers, the perfect in loyalty, the cream 
of privy-counsellors, Nizamu'd-din Sultan Muhammad Bakhsht, 
after posting the ghdzis of Islam, came to receive the royal 
commands. He despatched adjutants {tawdchi) and messengers 
{yasdwat) in various directions to convey imperative orders 
concerning the marshalling of the troops to the great sultans 
and amirs. And when the Commanders had taken up their 
positions, an imperative order was given that none should quit 
his post or, uncommanded, stretch forth his arm to fight. 

(/. The battle?) 

One watch ^ of the afore-mentioned day had elapsed when the 
opposing forces approached each other and the battle began. 
As Light opposes Darkness, so did the centres of the two 
Fol. 321^. armies oppose one another. Fighting began on the right and 
left wings, such fighting as shook the Earth and filled highest 
Heaven with clangour. 

The left wing of the ill-fated pagans advanced against the 
right wing of the Faith-garbed troops of Islam and charged 
down on Khusrau Kukuldash and Baba Qashqa's brother Malik 
Qasim. The most glorious and most upright brother Chln-tlmur 
Sultan, obeying orders, went to reinforce them and, engaging in 
the conflict with bold attack, bore the pagans back almost to 
the rear of their centre. Guerdon was made for the brother's 
glorious fame.3 The marvel of the Age, Mustafa of Rum, had 
his post in the centre (of the right wing) where was the exalted 
son, upright and fortunate, the object of the favourable regard of 

* or, IdiX^x yakka, the champion, Gr. nionomachus (A.N. trs. i, 107 n.). 

' var. I watch and 2 g'' harts ; the time will have been between 9 and 10 a.m. 

3 juldii ba ndm al ^ aztz-i-baradar shud, a phrase not easy to translate. 

933 AH.— OCT. 8th 1526 TO SEP. 27th 1527 AD. 569 

Creative Majesty {i.e. God), the one distinguished by the particular 
grace of the mighty Sovereign who commands to do and not to do 
{i.e. Babur), Muhammad Humayun Bahadur. This Mustafa of 
Rum had the carts {ardbahd) ' brought forward and broke the 
ranks of pagans with matchlock and culverin dark Hke their 
hearts (?).^ In the thick of the fight, the most glorious brother 
Qasim-i-husain Sultan and the pillars of royal retainers, Nizamu'd- 
dln Ahmad-i-yiisuf and Qawam Beg, obeying orders, hastened 
to their help. And since band after band of pagan troops 
followed each other to help their men, so we, in our turn, sent 
the trusted in the State, the glory of the Faith, Hindu Beg, and, 
after him, the pillars of the nobility, Muhammadi Kukuldash 
and KhwajagI Asad Jdn-ddr, and, after them, the trusted in Fol. 322. 
the State, the trustworthy in the resplendent Court, the most 
confided-in of nobles, the elect of confidential servants, Yunas- 
i-'all, together with the pillar of the nobility, the perfect in 
friendship. Shah Mansur Barlds and the pillar of the grandees, 
the pure in fidelity, *Abdu'l-lah the librarian, and after these, the 
pillar of the nobles, Dost the Lord-of-the-Gate, and Muhammad 
Khalll the master-gelder {akhta-begz}.'^ 

The pagan right wing made repeated and desperate attack on 
the left wing of the army of Islam, falling furiously on the holy 
warriors, possessors of salvation, but each time was made to 
turn back or, smitten with the arrows of victory, was made to 
descend into Hell, the house of perdition ; they shall be thrown to 
burn therein, and an unhappy dwelling shall it be.^ Then the 
trusty amongst the nobles, Mumin Ataka and Rustam Turkman 
betook themselves to the rear s of the host of darkened pagans ; 
and to help them were sent the Commanders Khwaja Mahmud 
and *All Ataka, servants of him who amongst the royal retainers 
is near the throne, the trusted of the Sultanate, Nizamu'd-din 
'All Khalifa. 

' viz. those chained together as a defence and probably also those conveying the 

^ The comparison may be between the darkening smoke of the fire-arms and the 
heresy darkening pagan hearts. 

3 There appears to be a distinction of title between the akhta-begi and the mlr- 
akhwiir (master of the horse). 

* Qoran, cap. 14, v. 33. 

5 These two men were in one of the flanking-parties. 


Our high - born brother ^ Muhammad SI. Mirza, and the 
representative of royal dignity, 'Adil Sultan, and the trusted in 
the State, the strengthener of the Faith, 'Abdu'l-'azlz, the Master 
of the Horse, and the glory of the Faith, Qutluq-qadam qardwal, 
and the meteor of the Faith, Muhammad *AlI Jang-jang, 
and the pillar of royal retainers, Shah Husain ydragi Mughiil 
Ghdncht{}) stretched out the arm to fight and stood firm. To 
support them we sent the Dastiir, the highest of wazTrs, Khwaja 
Fol. 322^5. Kamalu'd-din Husain with a body of diwdnis.^ Every holy 
warrior was eager to show his zeal, entering the fight with 
desperate joy as if approving the verse, Say, Do you expect any 
other should befall us than one of the two most excellent things, 
victory or martyrdom ? 3 and, with display of life-devotion, 
uplifted the standard of life-sacrifice. 

As the conflict and battle lasted long, an imperative order was 
issued that the special royal corps {tdbindn-i-khdsa-i-pddshdht) ^ 
who, heroes of one hue,s were standing, like tigers enchained, 
behind the carts,^ should go out on the right and the left of the 
centre,^ leaving the matchlockmen's post in-between, and join 
battle on both sides. As the True Dawn emerges from its cleft 
in the horizon, so they emerged from behind the carts ; they 
poured a ruddy crepuscule of the blood of those ill-fated pagans 
on the nadir of the Heavens, that battle-field ; they made fall 
from the firmament of existence many heads of the headstrong, 
as stars fall from the firmament of heaven. The marvel of the 
Age, Ustad 'AlI-qulT, who with his own appurtenances stood in 
front of the centre, did deeds of valour, discharging against the 
iron-mantled forts of the infidels ^ stones of such size that were 
(one) put into a scale of the Balance in which actions are 
weighed, that scale shall be heavy with good works and he 

' This phrase " our brother" would support the view that Shaikh Zain wrote as 
for Babur, if there were not, on the other hand, mention of Babur as His Majesty, 
and the precious royal soul. 

^ diwanlati here may mean those associated with the wazir in his duties : and not 
those attending at Court. 

3 Qoran, cap. 14, v. 52. 

■♦ Index s.n. chuhra (a brave). 

5 hizabraii-i-besha yakrangi, literally, forest-tigers (or, lions) of one hue. 

^ There may be reference here to the chains used to connect the carts into a defence. 

7 The braves of the khdsa tdbln were part of Babur's own centre. 

* perhaps the cataphract elephants ; perhaps the men in mail. 

933 AH.— OCT. 8th 1526 to SEP. 27th 1527 AD. 571 

{ix. its owner) shall lead a pleasing life ^ ; and were such stones 
discharged against a hill, broad of base and high of summit, it 
would become like carded wool? Such stones Ustad 'AlI-qulT 
discharged at the iron-clad fortress of the pagan ranks and 
by this discharge of stones, and abundance of culverins and 
matchlocks (?) 3 destroyed many of the builded bodies of the Fol. 323. 
pagans. The matchlockmen of the royal centre, in obedience 
to orders, going from behind the carts into the midst of the 
battle, each one of them made many a pagan taste of the poison 
of death. The foot-soldiers, going into a most dangerous place, 
made their names to be blazoned amongst those of the forest- 
tigers {i.e. heroes) of valour and the champions in the field of 
manly deeds. Just at this time came an order from his 
Majesty the Khaqan that the carts of the centre should be 
advanced ; and the gracious royal soul {i.e. Babur) moved 
towards the pagan soldiers. Victory and Fortune on his right, 
Prestige and Conquest on his left. On witnessing this event, 
the victorious troops followed from all sides ; the whole surging 
ocean of the army rose in mighty waves ; the courage of all the 
crocodiles ^ of that ocean was manifested by the strength of their 
deeds ; an obscuring cloud of dust o'erspread the sky (?). The 
dust that gathered over the battle-field was traversed by the 
lightning-flashes of the sword ; the Sun's face was shorn of light 
as is a mirror's back ; the striker and the struck, the victor and 
the vanquished were commingled, all distinction between them 
lost. The Wizard of Time produced such a night that its only 
planets were arrows,5 its only constellations of fixed stars were 
the steadfast squadrons. 

Upon that day of battle sank and rose 
Blood to the Fish and dust-clouds to the Moon, 

While through the horse-hoofs on that spacious plain, Fol. 323^- 

One Earth flew up to make another Heaven.^ 
' Qoran, cap. loi, v. 54. 
^ Qoran, cap, loi, v. 4. 

3 bd andakhtan-i-sang u zarb-zan tufak bisyarl. As Babur does not in any place 
mention metal missiles, it seems safest to translate sang by its plain meaning of stone. 
^ Also, metaphorically, swords. 

5 tir. My husband thinks there is a play upon the two meanings of this word, 
arrow and the planet Mercury ; so too in the next sentence, that there may be allusion 
in the kiidkib sawdbit to the constellation Pegasus, opposed to Babur's squadrons 
of horse. 

^ The Fish mentioned in this verse is the one pictured by Muhammadan cosmogony 
as supporting the Earth. The violence of the fray is illustrated by supposing that of 


At the moment when the holy warriors were heedlessly flinging 
away their lives, they heard a secret voice say, Be not dismayed, 
neither be grieved, for, if ye believe, ye shall be exalted above the 
unbelievers,^ and from the infallible Informer heard the joyful 
words, Assistance is from God, and a speedy victory I And do 
thou bear glad tidings to true believers,^ Then they fought with 
such delight that the plaudits of the saints of the Holy Assembly 
reached them and the angels from near the Throne, fluttered 
round their heads like moths. Between the first and second 
Prayers, there was such blaze of combat that the flames thereof 
raised standards above the heavens, and the right and left of 
the army of Islam rolled back the left and right of the doomed 
infidels in one mass upon their centre. 

When signs were manifest of the victory of the Strivers and 
of the up-rearing of the standards of Islam, those accursed 
infidels and wicked unbelievers remained for one hour confounded. 
At length, their hearts abandoning life, they fell upon the right 
and left of our centre. Their attack on the left was the more 
vigorous and there they approached furthest, but the holy warriors, 
their minds set on the reward, planted shoots {nihdl) of arrows 
in the field of the breast of each one of them, and, such being 
their gloomy fate, overthrew them. In this state of affairs, the 
breezes of victory and fortune blew over the meadow of our 
Foi. 324. happy Nawab, and brought the good news. Verily we have 
granted thee a manifest victory.^ And Victory the beautiful 
woman {shdhid) whose world-adornment of waving tresses was 
embellished by God will aid you with a mighty aid,^ bestowed 
on us the good fortune that had been hidden behind a veil, and 
made it a reality. The absurd {bdtit) Hindus, knowing their 
position perilous, dispersed like carded wool before the wind, and 
like moths scattered abroad^ Many fell dead on the field of battle ; 
others, desisting from fighting, fled to the desert of exile and 

Earth's seven climes one rose to Heaven in dust, thus giving Heaven eight. The 
verse is from Firdausi's Shah-ndina, [Turner- Macan's ed. i, 222]. The translation 
of it is Warner's, [ii, 15 and n.]. I am indebted for the information given in this 
note to my husband's long search in the Shah-nama. 
' Qoran, cap. 3, v. 133. 

* Qoran, cap. 61, v. 13. 
3 Qoran, cap. 48, v. I. 

* Qoran, cap. 48, v. 3. 

933 AH.— OCT. 8th 1526 TO SEP. 27th 1527 AD. 573 

the food of crows and kites. Mounds were made of 
the bodies of the slain, pillars of their heads. 

(/ Hindu chiefs killed in the battle^ 

Hasan Khan of Miwat was enrolled in the list of the dead by 
the force of a matchlock {zarb-i-tufak) ; most of those headstrong 
chiefs of tribes were slain likewise, and ended their days by 
arrow and matchlock {tir u tufak). Of their number was Rawal 
Udl Singh of Bagar,^ ruler {wait) of the Dungarpur country, who 
had 12,000 horse, Ral Chandraban ChUhdn who had 4,000 horse, 
Bhupat Rao son of that Salahu'd-din already mentioned, who 
was lord of Chandlrl and had 6,000 horse, Manik-chand ChUhdn 
and Dilpat Rao who had each 4,000 horse, Kanku (or Gangu) 
and Karm Singh and DankusI (?)^ who had each 3,000 horse, and 
a number of others, each one of whom was leader of a great Fol. 324^. 
command, a splendid and magnificent chieftain. All these trod 
the road to Hell, removing from this house of clay to the pit of 
perdition. The enemy's country iddru'l-harh) was full, as Hell 
is full, of wounded who had died on the road. The lowest pit 
was gorged with miscreants who had surrendered their souls to 
the lord of Hell. In whatever direction one from the army of 
Islam hastened, he found everywhere a self-willed one dead ; 
whatever march the illustrious camp made in the wake of the 
fugitives, it found no foot-space without its prostrate foe. 

All the Hindus slain, abject {khwdr, van zar) and mean, 

By matchlock-stones, like the Elephants' lords, 3 

Many hills of their bodies were seen, 

And from each hill a fount of running blood. 

Dreading the arrows of (our) splendid ranks, 

Passed "* they in flight to each waste and hill. 

^^ [see p. 572] fardsh. De Courteille, reading^roj>^, translates this metaphor by 

comme un lit lorsquHl est d^fait. He' refers to Qoran, cap. lOl, v. 3. A better 

metaphor for the breaking up of an army than that of moths scattering, one allowed 

by the word/araj-/^, but possibly not by Muhammad, is vanished like bubbles on wine. 

Bagar isan old name for Dungarpur and Banswara \_G. of I. vi, 408 j-.«. Banswara]. 

^ sic, Hai. MS. and may be so read in I.O. 217 i.zzob ; Erskine writes Bikersi 
(p. 367) and notes the variant Nagersi ; Ilminsky (p. 421) N:krsi ; de Courteille 
(ii, 307) Niguersi. 

3 Cf. f. 3i8(J, and note, where it is seen that the stones which killed the lords of the 
Elephants were so small as to be carried in the bill of a bird like a swallow. Were 
such stones used in matchlocks in Babur's day ? 

■♦ gtizdran, var. gurazdn, caused to flee and hogs (Erskine notes the double- 



They turn their backs. The command of God is to be 
performed. Now praise be to God, All-hearing and All-wise, 
for victory is from God alone, the Mighty, the Wise.' Written 
Jumada II. 25th 933 (ah. — March 29th 1527 A.D.).^ 


{a. Bdbur assumes the title of GhdzL) 

After this success Ghdzi (Victor in a Holy-war) was written 
amongst the royal titles. 

^ This passage, entered in some MSS. as if verse, is made up of Qoran, cap. 17, 
V. 49, cap. 33, V. 38, and cap. 3, v. 122. 

= As the day of battle was Jumada H. 13th (March i6th), the Fath-ndma was 
ready and dated twelve days after that battle. It was started for Kabul on Rajab 9th 
(April nth). Something maybe said here appropriately about the surmise contained 
in Dr. Ilminsky's Preface and M. de Courteille's note to Mimoires ii, 443 and 450, to 
the effect that Babur wrote a plain account of the battle of Kanwa and for this in his 
narrative substituted Shaikh Zain's Fath-ndma, and that the plain account has been 
preserved in Kehr's Bdbur-ndma volume [whence Ilminsky reproduced it, it was 
translated by M. de Courteille and became known as a " Fragment" of Baburiana]. 
Almost certainly both scholars would have judged adversely of their suggestion by 
the light of to-day's easier research. The following considerations making against its 
value, may be set down : — 

(i) There is no sign that Babur ever wrote a plain account of the battle or any 
account of it. There is against his doing so his statement that he inserts Shaikh 
Zain's Fath-ndma because it gives particulars. If he had written any account, it would 
be found preceding the Fath-ndma, as his account of his renunciation of wine precedes 
Shaikh Zain's Farmdn announcing the act. 

(2) Moreover, the "Fragment" cannot be described as a plain account such as 
would harmonize with Babur's style ; it is in truth highly rhetorical, though less so 
as Shaikh Zain's. 

(3) The "Fragment" begins with a quotation from the Bdbur-ndma (f.3io3 and n. ), 
skips a good deal of Babur's matter preliminary to the battle, and passes on with what 
there can be no doubt is a translation in inferior Turki of the Akbar-ndma account. 

(4) The whole of the extra matter is seen to be continuous and not fragmentary, 
if it is collated with the chapter in which Abu'l-fa?l describes the battle, its sequel of 
events, the death, character, attainments, and Court of Babur. Down to the death, 
it is changed to the first person so as to make Babur seem to write it. The probable 
concocter of it is Jahangir. 

(5) If the Fragment were Babur's composition, where was it when 'Abdu-r-rahim 
translated the Bdbur-ndma in 998 AH.-1590 ad. ; where too did Abu'1-fazl find it to 
reproduce in the Akbar-ndma ? 

(6) The source of Abu'l-fazl's information seems without doubt to be Babur's own 
narrative and Shaikh Zain's Fath-ndma. There are many significant resemblances 
between the two rhetoricians' metaphors and details selected. 

(7) A good deal might be said of the dissimilarities between Babur's diction and that 
of the ' ' Fragment ". But this is needless in face of the larger and more circumstantial 
objections already mentioned. 

(For a fuller account of the "Fragment" see JRAS. Jan. 1906 pp. 81, 85 and 
1908 p. 75 ff.) 


933 AH.— OCT. 8th 1526 to SEP. 27rH 1527 AD. 575 

Below the titles {tu^hrd) ^ entered on the Fath-ndma, I wrote 
the following quatrain : — ^ 

For Islam's sake, I wandered in the wilds, 

Prepared for war with pagans and Hindus, 

Resolved myself to meet the martyr's death. f °^* 325' 

Thanks be to God ! a ghdzi I became. 

{b. Chronograms of the victory?) 

Shaikh Zain had found {tdpib aidi) the words Fath-i-pddshdh- 
i-isldm 3 (Victory of the Padshah of the Faith) to be a chronogram 
of the victory. Mir Gesu, one of the people come from Kabul, 
had also found these same words to be a chronogram, had 
composed them in a quatrain and sent this to me. It was 
a coincidence that Shaikh Zain and Mir Gesu should bring 
forward precisely the same words in the quatrains they composed 
to embellish their discoveries.'^ Once before when Shaikh Zain 
found the date of the victory at DibalpOr in the words Wasat- 
i-shahr Rabtu'l-awwal^ (Middle of the month Rabi* I.), Mir 
Gesu had found it in the very same words. 


{a. After the victory^ 

The foes beaten, we hurried them off, dismounting one after 
another. The Pagan's encirclement^ may have been 2 kurohs 

^ Tughrd means an imperial signature also, but would Babur sign Shaikh Zain's 
Fath-i-ndmal His autograph verse at the end of the Rdmpur Dlwdn has his signature 
following it. He is likely to have signed this verse. Cf. App. Q. [Erskine notes 
that titles were written on the back of despatches, an unlikely place for the quatrain, 
one surmises. ] 

^ This is in the Rdmpur dlwdn (E. D. R. Plate 17). Dr. E. Denison Ross points 
out (p. 17 n. ) that in the 2nd line the Hai. Codex varies from the Dlwdn. The MS. 
is wrong ; it contains many inaccuracies in the latter part of the Hindustan section, 
perhaps due to a change of scribe. 

3 These words by abjad yield 93.^. From Babur's use of the pluperfect tense, 
I think it may be inferred that (my) Sections a and b are an attachment to the Fath- 
ndma, entered with it at a somewhat later date. 

'* My translation of this puzzling sentence is tentative only. 

5 This statement shews that the Dibalpur affair occurred in one of the B. N. gaps, 
and in 930 ah. The words make 330 by abjad. It may be noted here that on 
f.3i2<^ and notes there are remarks concerning whether Babur's remission of the 
tamghd was contingent on his winning at Kanwa. If the remission had been delayed 
until his victory was won, it would have found fitting mention with the other sequels 
of victory chronicled above ; as it is not with these sequels, it may be accepted as an 
absolute remission, proclaimed before the fight. The point was a little uncertain 
owing to the seemingly somewhat deferred insertion in IBabur's narrative of Shaikh 
Zain's Farmdn. 

dd^ira, presumably a defended circle. As the word aiirdu [bracketed in the 
text] shows, Babur used it both for his own and for Sanga's camps. 


from our camp {aiirdu) ; when we reached his camp {aurdu), 
we sent Muhammadl, *Abdu'l-*azIz, *Ah Khan and some others 
in pursuit of him. There was a Httle slackness ; ^ I ought to 
have gone myself, and not have left the matter to what 
I expected from other people. When I had gone as much as 
a kuroh (2 m.) beyond the Pagan's camp, I turned back because 
it was late in the day ; I came to our camp at the Bed-time 

With what ill-omened words Muhammad Sharif the astrologer 
had fretted me ! Yet he came at once to congratulate me ! 
I emptied my inwards ^ in abuse of him, but, spite of his being 
heathenish, ill-omened of speech, extremely self-satisfied, and 
a most disagreeable person, I bestowed a lak upon him because 
there had been deserving service from him in former times, and, 
Fol. 325^. after saying he was not to stay in my dominions, I gave him 
leave to go. 

{b. Suppression of a rebellion?) 

{March 17th) We remained next day {Juindda II. 14th) on 
that same ground. Muhammad 'All Jang-jang and Shaikh 
Guran and *Abdu'l-malik 3 the armourer were sent off with 
a dense {qdlin) army against I lias Khan who, having rebelled in 
Between-the-two-waters (Ganges and Jumna), had taken Kul 
(Koel) and made Kichik 'All prisoner.^ He could not fight 
when they came up ; his force scattered in all directions ; he 
himself was taken a few days later and brought into Agra where 
I had him flayed alive. 

{c. A trophy of victory^ 

An order was given to set up a pillar of pagan heads on the 
infant-hill {koh-bachd) between which and our camp the battle 
had been fought. 

' Hence the Rana escaped. He died in this year, not without suspicion of poison. 

^ alchimnt khali qtldttn, a seeming equivalent for English, "I poured out my 

3 van maluk as e.g. in I.O. 217 f.225*^, and also elsewhere in the Babur-nama. 

^ On f. 315 the acts attributed to Illas Khan are said to have been done by 
a " mannikin called Rustam Khan", Neither name appears elsewhere in the B.N. ; 
the hero's name seems a sarcasm on the small man. 


933 AH.— OCT. 8th 1526 to SEP. 27th 1527 AD. 577 

{^d. Btdna visited?) 

{March 20th) Marching on from that ground, and after halting 
on two nights, we reached Blana {Sunday, Jumdda II. lyth). 
Countless numbers of the bodies of pagans and apostates ^ who 
had fallen in their flight, lay on the road as far as Blana, indeed 
as far as Alur and Mlwat.^ 

{e. Discussion of plans?) 

On our return to camp, I summoned the Turk amirs and the 
amirs of Hind to a consultation about moving into the Pagan 
(Sanga)'s country ; the plan was given up because of the little 
water and much heat on the road. 

(/. Mzwdt.) 

Near Dihll lies the Mlwat country which yields revenue of 
3 or 4 krurs.'^ Hasan Khan Miwdti^ and his ancestors one 
after another had ruled it with absolute sway for a hundred 
years or two. They must have made 5 imperfect submission to 
the Dihll Sultans ; the Sultans of Hind,^ whether because their Fol. 326. 
own dominions were wide, or because their opportunity was 
narrow, or because of the Mlwat hill-country ,7 did not turn 
in the Miwat direction, did not establish order in it, but just 

' Babur so-calls both Hasan and his followers, presumably because they followed 
their race sympathies, as of Rajput origin, and fought against co-religionists. Though 
Hasan's subjects, Meos, were nominally Muhammadans, it appears that they practised 
some Hindu customs. For an account of Miwat, see Gazetteer of Ulwur (Alwar, 
Alur) by Major P. W. Powlett. 

^ Alwar being in Miwat, Babur may mean that bodies were found beyond that 
town in the main portion of the Miwat country which lies north of Alwar towards 

3 Major Powlett speaking (p. 9) of the revenue Miwat paid to Babur, quotes Thomas 
as saying that the coins stated in Babur's Revenue Accounts, viz. 169,81,000 tankas 
were probably Sikandari tankas, or Rs. 8,490,50. 

* This word appears to have been restricted in its use to the Khan-zadas of the ruling 
house in Miwat, and was not used for their subjects, the Meos (Powlett I.e. Cap. I.). 
The uses of " Miwati " and " Meo " suggest something analogous with those of 
"Chaghatai" and " Mughul " in Babur's time. The resemblance includes mutual 
dislike and distrust (Powlett I.e.). 

s gilurldr alkdn dur. This presumptive past tense is frequently used by the cautious 
Babur. I quote it here and in a few places near-following because it supports Shaw's 
statement that in it the use of aikatt [ikan) reduces the positive affirmation of the 
perfect to presumption or rumour. With this statement all grammarians are not 
agreed ; it is fully supported by the Bdbur-ndma. 

^ Contrast here is suggested between Sultans of Dihli & Hind ; is it between the 
greater Turks with whom Babur classes himself immediately below as a conqueror 
of Hind, and the Ludi Sultans of Dihli ? 

7 The strength of the Tijara hills towards Dihli is historical (Powlett I.e. p. 132). 


put up with this amount of (imperfect) submission. For our 
own part, we did after the fashion of earlier Sultans ; having 
conquered Hind, we shewed favour to Hasan Khan, but that 
thankless and heathenish apostate disregarded our kindness 
and benefits, was not grateful for favour and promotion, but 
became the mover of all disturbance and the cause of all 

When, as has been mentioned, we abandoned the plan 
(against Rana Sanga), we moved to subdue Mlwat Having 
made 4 night-halts on the way, we dismounted on the bank 
of the Manas-nl ^ 6 kurohs (12 m.) from Aliir, the present seat 
of government in Miwat. Hasan Khan and his forefathers must 
have had their seat^ in Tijara, but when I turned towards 
Hindustan, beat Pahar (or Bihar) Khan and took Labor and 
Dibalpur (930AH.-1524AD.), he bethought himself betimes and 
busied himself for a residence i^imdrai) in Fort Alur (Alwar). 

His trusted man, Karm-chand by name, who had come from 
him to me in Agra when his son (Nahar i.e. Tiger) was with me 
there,3 came now from that son's presence in Alur and asked 
Fol. 3263. for peace. 'Abdu'r-rahim shaghdwal went with him to Alur, 
conveying letters of royal favour, and returned bringing Nahar 
Khan who was restored to favour and received parganas worth 
several laks for his support. 

{^g. Rewards to officers.) 

Thinking, " What good work Khusrau did in the battle ! " 
I named him for Alur and gave him 50 laks for his support, 
but unluckily for himself, he put on airs and did not accept 
this. Later on it \khwud, itself] came to be known that 
Chln-tlmur must have done ^ that work ; guerdon was made 
him for his renown (?);5 Tijara-town, the seat of government 

* This is one of the names of the principal river which flows eastwards to the south 
of Alwar town ; other names are Barah and Ruparel. Powlett notes that it appears 
in Thorn's Map of the battle of Laswarree (1803 ad.), which he reproduces on p. 146. 
But it is still current in Gurgaon, with also a variant Manas-le, man-killer (6^. of 
Gurgaon 1910 ad. ivA, p. 6). 

^ aultiirurlar alkdn dur, the presumptive past tense. 

3 f.308. 

4 qllghan aikan dur, the presumptive past tense. 

s Sultan dtlghd juldii bulub ; Pers. trs. Juldu ba ndm-i Sultan shtid. The juldu 
guerdon seems to be apart from the fief and allowance. 



933 AH.— OCT. 8th 1526 to SEP. 27th 1527 AD. 579 

in Mlwat, was bestowed on him together with an allowance 
of 50 laks for his support. 

Alur and an allowance of 1 5 laks was bestowed on Tardlka 
(or, TardI yakkd) who in the flanking-party of the right-hand 
{qui) had done better than the rest. The contents of the Alur 
treasury were bestowed on Humayun. 

{h. Alwar visited^ 

{April ilth) Marching from that camp on Wednesday the 
1st of the month of Rajab, we came to within 2 kurohs (4 m.) of 
Alur. I went to see the fort, there spent the night, and next 
day went back to camp. 

{i. Leave given to various followers^ 

When the oath before-mentioned ^ was given to great and 
small before the Holy-battle with Rana Sanga, it had been 
mentioned ^ that there would be nothing to hinder leave after Fol. 327. 
this victory, and that leave would be given to anyone wishing 
to go away (from Hindustan). Most of Humayun's men were 
from Badakhshan or elsewhere on that side (of Hindii-kush); 
they had never before been of an army led out for even a month 
or two ; there had been weakness amongst them before the 
fight ; on these accounts and also because Kabul was empty of 
troops, it was now decided to give Humayun leave for Kabul. 

{April wth) Leaving the matter at this, we marched from 
Alur on Thursday the 9th of Rajab, did 4 or 5 kurohs (8-10 m.) 
and dismounted on the bank of the Manas-water. 

Mahdl Khwaja also had many discomforts ; he too was given 
leave for Kabul. The military-collectorate of Blana [he held] 
was bestowed on Dost Lord-of-the-gate, and, as previously 
Etawa had been named for Mahdl Khwaja,3 Mahdi Khwaja's 
son Ja'far Khwaja was sent there in his father's place when 
(later) Qutb Khan abandoned it and went off.^ 

' f.315. 

^ Babur does not record this detail (f.315). 

3 f.298^ and f.3283. Ja'far is mentioned as MahdI's son by Gul-badan and in the 
Habibu's-siyar \i\, 311, 312. 
* f. 388^. 


(/ Despatch of the Letter-of -victory:) 

Because of the leave given to Humayun, two or three days 
were spent on this ground. From it Mumin-i-*ali the messenger 
{tawdchi) was sent off for Kabul with the Fath-ndma.) 

(k. Excursions and return to Agra?) 

Praise had been heard of the Firuzpur-spring and of the 
great lake of Kutila.^ Leaving the camp on that same ground, 
I rode out on Sunday {Rajab \2th- April i^th) both to visit 
Fol. 327*. these places and to set Humayun on his way. After visiting 
Firuzpur and its spring on that same day, mdjUn was eaten. 
In the valley where the spring rises, oleanders {kanir) were 
in bloom ; the place is not without charm but is over-praised. 
I ordered a reservoir of hewn stone, 10 by 10^ to be made 
where the water widened, spent the night in that valley, next 
day rode on and visited the Kutila lake. It is surrounded by 
mountain-skirts. The Manas-nl is heard-say to go into it.3 
It is a very large lake, from its one side the other side is not 
well seen. In the middle of it is rising ground. At its sides 
are many small boats, by going off in which the villagers living 
near it are said to escape from any tumult or disturbance. 
Even on our arrival a few people went in them to the middle of 
the lake. 

On our way back from the lake, we dismounted in Humayun's 
camp. There we rested and ate food, and after having put 
robes of honour on him and his begs, bade him farewell at 
the Bed-time Prayer, and rode on. We slept for a little at some 
place on the road, at shoot of day passed through the pargana 
of Khari, again slept a little, and at length got to our camp 

' The town of Firuzpur is commonly known as Firuzpur-jhirka (Firuzpur of the 
spring), frorn a small perennial stream which issues from a number of fissures in the 
rocks bordering the road through a pass in the Mlwat hills which leads from the town 
»i4 Tijarato Rewari ((7. of Gurgaon, p. 249). In Abu'l-fazl's day there was a Hindu 
shrme of Mahadeo near the spring, which is still a place of annual pilgrimage. The 
Kutila lake is called Koi\&-jhil in the G. of G. (p. 7). It extends now 3 m. by 2^ m. 
varying in size with the season ; in Abu'l-fazl's day it was 4 kos (8 m, ) round. It "lies 
partly in the district of Nuh, partly in Gurgaon, where the two tracts join at the foot 
of the Alwar hills. 

' This is the frequently mentioned size for reservoirs ; the measure here is probably 
the q&ri^ ctr. a yard. 

I Babur does not state it as a fact known to himself that the Manas-ni falls into the 
Kutila lake ; it did so formerly, but now does not, tradition assigning a cause for the 
change \G. of G. p,6). He uses the hear-say tense, kirdr aimish. 


933 AH.— OCT. 8th 1526 to SEP. 27th 1527 AD. 581 


which had dismounted at Toda-(bhim).^ After leaving Toda, 

we dismounted at Sunkar ; there Hasan Khan Miwdtis son Foi. 328. 

Nahar Khan escaped from *Abdu'r-rahIm's charge. 

Going on from that place, we halted one night, then 
dismounted at a spring situated on the bill of a mountain 
between Busawar and Chausa^(or Jusa); there awnings were 
set up and we committed the sin of mdjun. When the army 
had passed by this spring, TardI Beg khdksdr had praised it ; he 
(or we) had come and seen it from on horse-back {sar-asbgi) 
and passed on. It is a perfect spring. In Hindustan where 
there are never running-waters,^ people seek out the springs 
themselves. The rare springs that are found, come oozing 
drop by drop {db-ziJt) out of the ground, not bubbling up 
like springs of those lands.^ From this spring comes about 
a half-mill-water. It bubbles up on the hill-skirt ; meadows 
lie round it ; it is very beautiful. I ordered an octagonal 
reservoir of hewn stone made above 5 it. While we were at the 
border of the spring, under the soothing influence of ma'jiln, 
Tardi Beg, contending for its surpassing beauty, said again and 
again, (^Persian) " Since I am celebrating the beauty of the 
place,^ a name ought to be settled for it ". *Abdu'l-lah said, " It 
must be called the Royal-spring approved of by Tardi Beg." 
This saying caused much joke and laughter. 

Dost Lord-of-the-gate coming up from Blana, waited on me 
at this spring-head. Leaving this place, we visited Blana again, Fol. 328^. 
went on to Sikrl, dismounted there at the side of a garden which 
had been ordered made, stayed two days supervising the garden, 
and on Thursday the 23rd of Rajab {April 2^th\ reached Agra. 

(/. Chandwdr and Rdpri regained?) 

During recent disturbances, the enemy, as has been mentioned,^ 
had possessed themselves of Chandwar ^ and Raprl. Against 

' Kharl and Toda were in Akbar's sarkdr of Rantambhor. 

^ Bhosawar is in Bhurtpur, and Chausa (or Jusa) may be the Chausath of the Ayin- 
i-akbari, ii, 183, 

3 As has been noted frequently, this phrase stands for artificial water-courses. 

■♦ Certainly Trans- Hindu-kush lands ; presumably also those of Trans- Indus, Kabul 
in chief. 

5 austi ; perhaps the reservoir was so built as to contain the bubbling spring. 

^ Chun J a' i khwush karda am. 

' f.3i5. 

^ var. Janwar (Jarrett). It is 25 m. east of Agra on the Muttra-Etawa road ( G. of 1. ). 



those places we now sent Muhammad ' AM Jang-jang, Quj Beg's 
(brother) TardI Beg, *Abdu'l-malik the armourer, and Hasan 
Khan with his Darya-khanls. When they were near Chandwar, 
Qutb Khan's people in it got out and away. Our men laid hands 
on it, and passed on to Raprl. Here Husain Khan Nuhdnts 
people came to the lane-end ^ thinking to fight a little, could not 
stand the attack of our men, and took to flight. Husain Khan 
himself with a few followers went into the Jun-river (Jumna) 
on an elephant and was drowned. Qutb Khan, for his part, 
abandoned Etawa on hearing these news, fled with a few and 
got away. Etawa having been named for Mahdl Khwaja, his 
son Ja'far Khwaja was sent there in his place.^ 

{m. Apportionment of fief s^ 

When Rana Sanga sallied out against us, most Hindustanis 
and Afghans, as has been mentioned,3 turned round against us 
and took possession o{ \}s\€\x parganas and districts.^ 

SI. Muhammad Diilddt who had abandoned Qanuj and come 
Fol. 329. to me, would not agree to go there again, whether from fear or 
for his reputation's sake ; he therefore exchanged the 30 laks 
of Qanuj for the 1 5 of Sihrind, and Qanuj was bestowed with 
an allowance of 30 laks on Muhammad SI. Mirza. Badaiin 5 
was given to Qasim-i-husain Sultan and he was sent against 
Biban who had laid siege to Luknur ^ during the disturbance with 
Rana Sanga, together with Muhammad SI. Mirza, and, of Turk 
amirs, Baba Qashqa's Malik Qasim with his elder and younger 
brethren and his Mughuls, and Abu'l-muhammad the lance- 
player, and Mu'yad with his father's Darya-khanls and those of 
Husain Khan Daryd-khdni and the retainers of SI. Muhammad 
Diilddt, and again, of amirs of Hind, 'All Khan 7^^;';««/i" and Malik 
Dad Karardni diV\d Shaikh Muhammad of Shaikh Bhakkdri{}) 
and Tatar Khan Khan-i-jahan. 

' kucha-band, perhaps a barricade at the limit of a suburban lane. 
' This has been mentioned already (f.327). 
3 f.315. 

* i.e. those professedly held for Babur. 
5 Or, according to local pronunciation, Badayun. 

' This is the old name of Shahabad in Ram pur (C. of I. xxii, 197). The A.-i-A. 
locates it in Sarpbal. Cf. E. and D.'s History of India, iv, 384 n. and v. 215 n. 


933 AH.— OCT. 8th 1526 TO SEP. 27th 1527 AD. 583 

At the time this army was crossing the Gang-river (Ganges), 
Biban, hearing about it, fled, abandoning his baggage. Our 
army followed him to Khairabad,^ stayed there a few days and 
then turned back. 

(n. Appointments and dispersion for the Rains.) 

After the treasure had been shared out,^ Rana Sanga's great 
affair intervened before districts and parganas were apportioned. 
During the respite now from Holy-war against the Pagan 
(Sanga), this apportionment was made. As the Rains were near, 
it was settled for every-one to go to his pargana, get equipment Fol. 329*. 
ready, and be present when the Rains were over. 

{0. Misconduct of HumdyUn.) 

Meantime news came that Humayun had gone into Dihll, 
there opened several treasure-houses and, without permission, 
taken possession of their contents. I had never looked for 
such a thing from him ; it grieved me very much ; I wrote and 
sent off to him very severe reproaches.3 

(/. An embassy to 'Iraq?) 

KhwajagI Asad who had already gone as envoy to 'Iraq and 
returned with Sulaiman Turkman,'^ was again joined with him 
and on the 15th of Sha'ban {^May lyth) sent with befitting gifts 
to Shah-zada Tahmasp. 

{q. Tardl Beg khdksdr resigns service?) 

I had brought Tardi Beg out from the darwish-life and made 
a soldier of him ; for how many years had he served me ! Now 
his desire for the darwish-life was overmastering and he asked 
for leave. It was given and he was sent as an envoy to Kamran 
conveying 3 laks from the Treasury for him.5 

' Perhaps the one in Sitapur. 

3 As the Elphinstone Codex which is the treasure-house of Humayun's notes, has 
a long lacuna into which this episode falls, it is not known if the culprit entered 
in his copy of the Babur-ndma a marginal excuse for his misconduct (cf. f. 252 and n. ) ; 
such excuse was likely to be that he knew he would be forgiven by his clement father. 

s Kamran would be in Qandahar. Erskine notes that the sum sent to him would 
be about ;^7.SO, but that if the coins were rupis, it would be ;i^3o,cx)0. 


(r. Lines addressed to deserting friends^ 

A little fragment ^ had been composed suiting the state of 
those who had gone away during the past year ; I now addressed 
it to MuUa 'Ali Khan and sent it to him by Tardi Beg. It is 
as follows : — ^ 

Ah you who have gone from this country of Hind, 
Fol. 330. Aware for yourselves of its woe and its pain, 

With longing desire for Kabul's fine air, 
You went hot-foot forth out of Hind. 
The pleasure you looked for you will have found there 
With sociable ease and charm and delight ; 
As for us, God be thanked ! we still are alive, 
In spite of much pain and unending distress ; 
Pleasures of sense and bodily toil 
Have been passed-by by you, passed-by too by us. 

{s. Of the Ramzdn Feast.) 

Ramzan was spent this year with ablution and tardwih 3 in 
the Garden-of-eight-paradises. Since my nth year I had not 
kept the Ramzan Feast for two successive years in the same 
place; last year I had kept it in Agra; this year, saying, "Don't 
break the rule ! " I went on the last day of the month to keep 
it in SikrI. Tents were set up on a stone platform made on 
the n.e. side of the Garden-of-victory which is now being laid 
out at SikrI, and in them the Feast was held.^ 

(/. Playing cards.) 

The night we left Agra Mir *Ah the armourer was .sent to 
Shah Hasan {ArghUn) in Tatta to take him playing-cards 
[ganjifd] he much liked and had asked for.5 

* y»y«*. for account of which form of poem see Blochmann's translations of Saifi's 
and Jaml's Prosody, p. 86. 

' Rampur Dlwan (E. D. Ross' ed. p.i6 and Plate 14a). I am uncertain as to 
the meaning of 11. 4 and 10. I am not sure that what in most MSS. ends line 4, viz. 
aitl dam, should not be read as aulum, death ; this is allowed by Plate 14a where for 
space the word is divided and may be aiilum. To read aiilfim and that the deserters 
fled from the death in Hind they were anxious about, has an answering phrase in "we 
still are alive ". LI. 9 and 10 perhaps mean that in the things named all have done 
alike. [Ilminsky reads khdir nafsi for the elsewhere hazz-n^si.} 

^ These are 20 attitudes (rak'ah) assumed in prayer during Ramzan after the Bed- 
time Prayer. The ablution (ghusl) is the bathing of the whole body for ceremonial 

* This Feast is the Td-i-fitr, held at the breaking of the Ramzan Fast on the 
1st of Shawwal. 

s Erskine notes that this is the earliest mention of playing-cards he can recall in 
oriental literature. 

933 AH.— OCT. 8th 1526 TO SEP. 27th 1527 AD. 585 

{u. Illness and a tour?) 

{August 3rd) On Sunday the 5th of Zu'1-qa'da I fell ill ; the 
illness lasted 17 days. 

(^August 2/j.tJi) On Friday the 24th of the same month we 
set out to visit Dulpur. That night I slept at a place half-way ; FoI. iiob. 
reached Sikandar's dam ^ at dawn, and dismounted there. 

At the end of the hill below the dam the rock is of building- 
stone. I had Ustad Shah Muhammad the stone-cutter brought 
and gave him an order that if a house could be cut all in one 
piece in that rock, it was to be done, but that if the rock were 
too low for a residence {'ttndrat), it was to be levelled and have 
a reservoir, all in one piece, cut out of it. 

From Dulpur we went on to visit Bari. Next morning 
{August 26th) I rode out from Barl through the hills between 
it and the Charnbal-river in order to view the river. This done 
I went back to Bar!. In these hills we saw the ebony-tree, the 
fruit of which people call tindu. It is said that there are white 
ebony-trees also and that most ebony-trees in these hills are of 
this kind.^ On leaving Barl we went to SikrI ; we reached 
Agra on the 29th of the same month {August 28th). 

{v. Doubts about Shaikh Bdyazid Farmiili.) 

As in these days people were telling wild news about Shaikh 
Bayazld, SI. Quli Turk was sent to him to give him tryst 3 in 
20 days. 

{w. Religious and metrical exercises^ 

{August 28th) On Friday the 2nd of Zu'1-hijja I began what 
one is made to read 41 times.'^ 

In these same days I cut up \_taqti'^ the following couplet of 
mine into 504 measures 5 : — 

^ The two varieties mentioned by Babur seem to be Diospyriis vielanoxylon, the 
wood of which is called tindti abniis in Hindustani, and D. tomentosa, Hindi, tindu 
(Brandis s.nn.). Bar! is 19 m. west of Dulpur. 

3 mi'dd, perhaps the time at which the Shaikh was to appear before Babur. 

* The Pers. trs. makes the more definite statement that what had to be read 
was a Section of the Qoran {wird). This was done with remedial aim for the illness. 

s As this statement needs comment, and as it is linked to matters mentioned in the 
Rampiir Diwdn, it seems better to remit remarks upon it to Appendix Q, Some 
matters concerning the Rdmpilr Diwdn. 


"Shall I tell of her eye or her brow, her fire or her speech? 
Shall I tell of her stature or cheek, of her hair or her waist ? " 

On this account a treatise ^ was arranged. 

(x. Return of illness^ 
Fol. 331. On this day {i.e. 2nd Zu'1-hijja) I fell ill again ; the illness 
lasted nine days. 

(^y. Start for Sambal.) 

{Sep. On Thursday the 29th of Zu'1-hijja we rode out 
for an excursion to KQl and Sambal. 

' risdla. See Appendix Q. 

934 AH.— SEP. 27th 1527 to SEP. 15th 1528 AD.^ 

(a. Visit to Kul {Aligarh) and Sambal.) 

{Sep. 2ytJt) On Saturday the ist of Muharram we dismounted 
in Kul (Koel). Humayun had left Darwlsh(-i-*all) and Yusuf-i- 
*all ^ in Sambal ; they crossed one river,3 fought Qutb Sirwdni^ 
and a party of rajas, beat them well and killed a mass of men. 
They sent a few heads and an elephant into Kill while we were 
there. After we had gone about Kul for two days, we dismounted 
aj; Shaikh Guran's house by his invitation, where he entertained 
us hospitably and laid an offering before us. 

{Sep. Soth — Muh. 4th) Riding on from that place, we dis- 
mounted at AutrOlI (Atrauli).5 

{Oct. 1st — Muh. 5/-^) On Wednesday we crossed the river 
Gang (Ganges) and spent the night in villages of Sarnbal. 

{Oct. 2nd — Muh. 6th) On Thursday we dismounted in Sarnbal. 
After going about in it for two days, we left on Saturday. 

{Oct. Sth — Muh. (^th) On Sunday we dismounted in Sikandara^ 

' Elph. MS. lacuna ; I.O. 215 lacuna and 217 f.229; Mems. p. 373- This year's 
narrative resumes the diary form. 

^ There is some uncertainty about these names and also as to which adversary 
crossed the river. The sentence which, I think, shews, by its plural verb, that 
Humayun left two men and, by its co-ordinate participles, that it was they crossed 
the river, is as follows : — (Darwish and Yiisuf, understood) Qutb Sirwdni-ni u blr 
para rdjaldr-ni bir daryd aiitub aiirushub yakshi bdsib turldr. Aiitub, aurushub 
and bdsib are grammatically referable to the same subject, [whatever was the fact 
about the crossing]. 

3 bir daryd \ W.-i-B. 217 f.229, yC'k daryd, one river, but many MSS. har daryd, 
every river. If it did not seem pretty certain that the rebels were not in the Miyan- 
dii-ab one would surmise the river to be " one river " of the two enclosing the tract 
"between the waters", and that one to be the Ganges. It may be one near 
Sambhal, east of the Ganges. 

■* var. Shirwanl. The place giving the cognomen may be Sarwan, a thakurdt of 
the Malwa Agency {G. of I. ). Qutb of Sirwan may be the Qutb Khan of earlier 
mention without the cognomen. 

5 n.w. of Aligarh (Kul). It may be noted here, where instances begin to be 
frequent, that my translation "we marched" is an evasion of the Turk! impersonal 
"it was marched". Most rarely does Babur write "we marched", never, 
" I marched." 

* in the Aligarh (Kul) district ; it is the Sikandara Rao of the A.-i-A. and the 
G. of I. 


at the house of Rao Slrwdni who set food before us and served 
us. When we rode out at dawn, I made some pretext to leave 
the rest, and galloped on alone to within a kuroh of Agra where 
they overtook me. At the Mid-day Prayer we dismounted in 

{b. Illness of Bdbur.) 

{Oct. 1 2th) On Sunday the i6th of Muharram I had fever and 
ague. This returned again and again during the next 25 or 
26 days. I drank operative medicine and at last relief came. 
I suffered much from thirst and want of sleep. 
Foi. 331^. While I was ill, I composed a quatrain or two ; here is one 
of them : — ^ 

Fever grows strong in my body by day, 
Sleep quits my eyes as night comes on ; 
Like to my pain and my patience the pair, 
For while that goes waxing, this wanes. 

{c. A r rival of kinswomen^ 

{Nov. 2jrct) On Saturday the 28th of Safar there arrived two 
of the paternal-aunt beglms, Fakhr-i-jahan Beglm and Khadlja- 
sultan Beglm.^ I went to above Sikandarabad to wait on them.3 

{d. Concerning a mortar?) 

{Nov. 24th — Safar 2gth) On Sunday Ustad *Ali-qulI dis- 
charged a stone from a large mortar ; the stone went far but the 
mortar broke in pieces, one of which, knocking down a party 
of men, killed eight. 

{e. Visit to Sikrl) 

{Dec. 1st) On Monday the 7th of the first Rabl* I rode out to 
visit Sikrl. The octagonal platform ordered made in the middle 
of the lake was ready ; we went over by boat, had an awning 
set up on it and elected for mdjiin. 

' RampUr Diwan (E.D.Ross' ed., p. 19, Plate 16^). This Diwdn contains other 
quatrains which, judging from their contents, may well be those Babur speaks 
of as also composed m Sambal. See Appendix Q, Some matters concerning the 
Rimpur Diwan. 

\ J.';'«se/re aunts of Babur, daughters of SI. k\iXi-%2:\^ Miran-shdht. 
3 bJkandarabad is m the Buland-shahr district of the United Provinces. 


934 AH.— SEP. 27th 1527 TO SEP. 15th 1528 AD. 589 

^ Holy -war against Ckandtri.) 

{Dec. gth) After returning from SikrI we started on Monday 
night the 14th of the first Rabf,^ with the intention of making 
Holy-war against Chandlrl, did as much as 3 kurohs (6 m.) and 
dismounted in Jallslr.^ After staying there two days for people 
to equip and array, we marched on Thursday {Dec. 12th — 
Rabt' 1. 17th) and dismounted at Anwar. I left Anwar by boat, 
and disembarked beyond Chandwar.3 

{Dec. 2jrcl) Advancing march by march, we dismounted at 
the Kanar-passage 4 on Monday the 28th. 

{Dec. 26th) On Thursday the 2nd of the latter Rabi* I crossed 
the river ; there was 4 or 5 days delay on one bank or the other 
before the army got across. On those days we went more than Fol. 332. 
once on board a boat and ate ma'jun. The junction of the river 
Charnbal is between one and two kurohs (2-4 m.) above the 
Kanar-passage ; on Friday I went into a boat on the Charnbal, 
passed the junction and so to camp. 

{g. Troops sent against Shaikh Bdyazid Farmfilz.) 

Though there had been no clear proof of Shaikh Bayazld's 
hostility, yet his misconduct and action made it certain that he 
had hostile intentions. On account of this Muhammad *AlI 
Jang-jang was detached from the army and sent to bring 
together from Qanuj Muhammad SI. Mirza and the sultans and 
amirs of that neighbourhood, such as Qasim-i-husain Sultan, 
Bl-khub (or, Ni-khub) Sultan, Malik Qasim, KukI, Abu'l- 
muhammad the lancer, and Minuchihr Khan with his elder 
and younger brethren and Darya-khanis, so that they might 
move against the hostile Afghans. They were to invite Shaikh 
Bayazld to go with them ; if he came frankly, they were to take 
him along ; if not, were to drive him off. Muhammad 'All 

' It is not clear whether Babur returned from Sikrl on the day he started for 
Jalisir ; no question of distance would prevent him from making the two journeys 
on the Monday. 

_ ^ As this was the rendezvous for the army, it would be convenient if it lay between 
Agra and Anwar ; as it was 6 m. from Agra, the only mapped place having 
approximately the name Jalisir, viz. Jalesar, in Etah, seems too far away. 

3 Anwar would be suitably the Unwara of the Indian Atlas, which is on the first 
important southward dip of the Jumna below Agra. Chandwar is 25 m. east of Agra, 
on the Muttra-Etawah road [G. of I.) ; Jarrett notes that Tiefenthaler identifies it 
with Firuzabad {A.-i-A. ii, 183 n.). 

* In the district of Kalpi. The name does not appear in maps I have seen. 




asking for a few elephants, ten were given him. After he had 
leave to set off, Baba Chuhra (the Brave) was sent to and ordered 
to join him. 
(//. Incidents of the journey to Chandtri.) 

From Kanar one kuroh (2 m.) was done by boat. 

{Jan. 1st 1528 AD.) On Wednesday the 8th of the latter 
Rabi' we dismounted within a kuroh of Kalpl. Baba SI. came 
to wait on me in this camp ; he is a son of Khalll SI. who is 
a younger brother of the full-blood of SI. Sa'ld Khan. Last 
Fol. 332^. year he fled from his elder brother ^ but, repenting himself, went 
back from the Andar-ab border ; when he neared Kashghar, The 
Khan (Sa'ld) sent Haidar M. to meet him and take him back. 

{Jan. 2nd — Rabt II. gth) Next day we dismounted at 'Alam 
Khan's house in Kalpi where he set Hindustani food before us 
and made an offering. 

{Jan. 6th) On Monday the 13th of the month we marched 
from Kalpl. 

{Jan. loth — Rabz" II. lyth) On Friday we dismounted at 

{Jan. nth) On Saturday we dismounted at Bandlr.3 

{Jan. 1 2th) On Sunday the 19th of the month Chln-timur SI. 
was put at the head of 6 or 7000 men and sent ahead against 
Chandlrl. With him went the begs BaqI mlng-bdshi (head of 
a thousand), Quj Beg's (brother) Tardi Beg, *Ashiq the taster, 
Mulla Apaq, Muhsin ^Z^^A/^f and, of the Hindustani begs,Shaikh 

{Jan 17th) On Friday the 24th of the month we dismounted 
near Kachwa. After encouraging its people, it was bestowed 
on the son of Badru'd-dln.5 

Kachwa ^ is a shut-in place, having lowish hills all round it. 

' &gha, Anglic^, uncle. lie was Sa'id Khan of Kashghar. Haidar M. says Baba 
SI. was a spoiled child and died without mending his ways. 

• From Kalp! Babur will have taken the road to the s.w. near which now runs 
the Cawnpur (Kanhpur) branch of the Indian Midland Railway, and he must have 
crossed the Betwa to reach Irij (Irich, Indian Atlas, Sheet 69 N.W.). 

3 Leaving Irij, Babur will have recrossed the Betwa and have left its valley to go 
west to Bandlr (Bhander) on the Pahuj {Indian Atlas, Sheet 69 S.V^.). 

♦ beneficent, or Muhassan, comely. 

s The one man of this name mentioned in the B.N. is an amir of SI. Husain 

V ''}^^^^V^'' *? ^^ Kachwa [Kajwa] as the Kajwarra of Ibn Batiita, and the 
Kadwaha (Kadwaia) of the Indian Atlas, Sheet 52 N.E. and of Luard's Gazetteer 



934 AH.— SEP. 27th 1527 TO SEP. 15th 1528 AD. 591 

dam has been thrown across between hills on the south-east 
of it, and thus a large lake made, perhaps 5 or 6 kurohs (10-12 m.) 
round. This lake encloses Kachwa on three sides ; on the north- 
west a space of ground is kept dry ;^ here, therefore is its Gate. 
On the lake are a great many very small boats, able to hold 
3 or 4 persons ; in these the inhabitants go out on the lake, if 
they have to flee. There are two other lakes before Kachwa is foI. 333. 
reached, smaller than its own and, like that, made by throwing 
a dam across between hills. 

of Gwalior (i, 247), which is situated in 24° 58' N. and 77° 57' E. Each of the three 
names is of a place standing on a lake ; Ibn Batata's lake was a league (4 m. ) long, 
Babur's about 1 1 miles round ; Luard mentions no lake, but the htdian Atlas marks 
one quite close to Kadwaha of such form as to seem to have a tongue of land jutting 
into it from the north-west, and thus suiting Babur's description of the site of 
Kachwa. Again, — Ibn Batuta writes of Kajwarra as having, round its lake, idol- 
temples ; Luard says of Kadwaha that it has four idol-temples standing and nine in 
ruins ; there may be hinted something special about Babur's Kachwa by his remark 
that he encouraged its people, and this speciality may be interaction between 
Muhammadanism and Hinduism serving here for the purpose of identification. For 
Ibn Batuta writes of the people of Kajwarra that they were jogls, yellowed by 
asceticism, wearing their hair long and matted, and having Muhammadan followers 
who desired to learn their (occult ?) secrets. If the same interaction existed in 
Babur's day, the Muhammadan following of the Hindu ascetics may well have been 
the special circumstance which led him to promise protection to those Hindus, even 
when he was out for Holy-war. It has to be remembered of Chandiri, the nearest 
powerful neighbour of Kadwaha, that though Babur's capture makes a vivid picture 
of Hinduism in it, it had been under Muhammadan rulers down to a relatively short ' 
time before his conquest. T\\QJogis of Kachwa could point to long-standing relations 
of tolerance by the Chandiri Governors ; this, with their Muhammadan following, 
explains the encouragement Babur gave them, and helps to identify Kachwa with 
Kajarra. It may be observed that Babur was familiar with the interaction of the two 
creeds, witness his "apostates", mostly Muhammadans following Hindu customs, 
witness too, for the persistent fact, the reports of District-officers under the British 
Raj. Again, — a further circumstance helping to identify Kajwarra, Kachwa and 
Kadwaha is that these are names of the last important station the traveller and the 
soldier, as well perhaps as the modern wayfarer, stays in before reaching Chandiri. 
The importance of Kajwarra is shewn by Ibn Batuta, and of Kadwaha by its being 
a mahall in Ak bar's sarkar of Bayawan of the siiba of Agra. Again, — Kadwaha is 
the place nearest to Chandiri about which Babur's difficulties as to intermediate road 
and jungle would arise. That intermediate road takes off the main one a little south 
of Kadwaha and runs through what looks like a narrow valley and broken country 
down to Bhamor, Bhuranpur and Chandiri. Again, — no bar to identification of the 
three names is placed by their differences of form, in consideration of the vicissitudes 
they have weathered in tongue, script, and transliteration. There is some ground, 
I believe, for surmising that their common source is kajiir, the date-fruit. [I am 
indebted to my husband for the help derived from Ibn Batuta, traced by him in 
Sanguinetti's trs. iv, 33, and S. Lee's trs. p. 162.] 

(Two places similar in name to Kachwa, and situated on Babur's route viz. Kocha 
near Jhansi, and Kuchoowa north of Kadwaha (Sheet 69 S. W. ) are unsuitable for his 
"Kachwa", the first because too near Bandir to suit his itinerary, the second 
because too far from the turn off the main-road mentioned above, because it has no 
lake, and has not the help in identification detailed above of Kadwaha. ) 

* qurughtr which could mean also reserved (from the water ?). 


{Jan. i8th) We waited a day in Kachwa in order to appoint 
active overseers and a mass of spadesmen to level the road and 
cut jungle down, so that the carts and mortar ^ might pass along 
it easily. Between Kachwa and Chandlrl the country is jungly. 

{Jan. igth — Rabt II. 26th) After leaving Kachwa we halted 
one night, passed the Burhanpur-water (Bhuranpur) ^ and dis- 
mounted within 3 kurohs (6 m.) of Chandlrl. 

{i. Chandiri and its capture.) 

The citadel of Chandiri stands on a hill ; below it are the 
town {shahr) and outer-fort {tdsh-qurghdn), and below these is 
the level road along which carts pass.3 When we left Burhanpur 
{Jan. roth) we marched for a kuroh below Chandiri for the 
convenience of the carts.^ 

{Jan. 21 St) After one night's halt we dismounted beside Bahjat 
Khan's tank 5 on the top of its dam, on Tuesday the 28th of the 

{Jan. 22nd — Rabt IL 2gth) Riding out at dawn, we assigned 
post after post {buljar, buljdr)^ round the walled town {qurghdn) 

' qizan. There seems to have been one only ; how few Babur had is shewn again 
on f. 337. 

' Indian Atlas, Sheet 52N.E. near a tributary of the Betwa, the Or, which appears 
to be Babur's Burhanpur-water. 

3 The bed of the Betwa opposite Chandiri is 1050 ft. above the sea ; the walled - 
town (qurghdn) of Chandiri is on a table-land 250 ft. higher, and its citadel is 230 ft. 
higher again (Cunningham's Archeological Survey Report, 1871 a.d. ii, 404). 

♦ The plan of Chandiri illustrating Cunningham's Report (see last note) allows 
surmise about the road taken by Babur, surmise which could become knowledge if 
the names of tanks he gives were still known. The courtesy of the Government of 
India allows me to reproduce that plan [Appendix R, Chandiri and Gwalidwar\ 

s He is said to have been Governor of Chandiri in 1513 ad. 

' Here and in similar passages the word mdjdr or tnUchdr is found in MSS. 
where the meaning is that of T. buljar. It is not in any dictionary I have seen ; 
Mr. Irvine found it "obscure" and surmised it to mean "approach by trenches", 
but this does not suit its uses in the Bdbur-ndma of a military post, and a rendezvous. 
This surmise, containing, as it does, a notion of protection, links m:ljdr in sense 
with Ar. malja\ The word needs expert consideration, in order to decide whether 
it is to be received into dictionaries, or to be rejected because explicable as the 
outcome of unfamiliarity in Persian scribes with T. buljar or, more Persico with 
narrowed vowels, buljar. Shaw in his Vocabulary G:n\.tTS buljdq [buljar?), "a station 
for troops, a rendezvous, see malja\" thus indicating, it would seem, that he was 
aware of difficuUy about m.ljdr Q.nd. buljdq [buljart). There appears no doubt of 
the existence of a TurkI word buljdr with the meanings Shaw gives to bnljdq ; it 
could well be formed from the root bill, being, whence follows, being in a place, 
posted. Malji has the meaning of a standing-place, as well as those of a refuge 
and an asylum ; both meanings seem combined in the w .• ^Jr of f. 336/J, where for 
matchlockmen a m:ljdr was ordered "raised". (Cf. Irvine's Arviy of the Indian 
Afoghuls p. 27S.) 


934 AH.— SEP. 27th 1527 TO SEP. 15th 1528 AD. 593 

to centre, right, and left. Ustad *AlI-qull chose, for his stone 
-discharge, ground that had no fall ^ ; overseers and spadesmen 
were told off to raise a place {indjdr) for the mortar to rest on, 
and the whole army was ordered to get ready appliances for 
taking a fort, mantelets, ladders ^ and . . . -mantelets {tiira).^ 

Formerly Chandirl will have belonged to the Sultans of 
Mandau (Mandu). When SI. Nasiru'd-din passed away,4 one Fol. 3333. 
of his sons SI. Mahmud who is now holding Mandu, took 
possession of it and its neighbouring parts, and another son 
called Muhammad Shah laid hands on Chandirl and put it 
under SI. Sikandar {Ludtys protection, who, in his turn, took 
Muhammad Shah's side and sent him large forces. Muhammad 
Shah survived SI. Sikandar and died in SI. Ibrahim's time, leaving 
a very young son called Ahmad Shah whom SI. Ibrahim drove 
out and replaced by a man of his own. At the time Rana Sanga 
led out an army against SI. Ibrahim and Ibrahim's begs turned 
against him at Dulpijr, Chandirl fell into the Rana's hands and 
by him was given to MedinI [Mindnl] Rao 5 the greatly-trusted 
pagan who was now in it with 4 or 5000 other pagans. 

As it was understood there was friendship between MedinI 

^ yagkdd ; Pers. trs. sar-dshlb. Babur's remark seems to show that for effect his 
mortar needed to be higher than its object. Presumably it stood on the table-land 
north of the citadel. 

- shatii. It may be noted that this word, common in accounts of Babur's sieges, 
may explain one our friend the late Mr. William Irvine left undecided {l,c. p. 278), 
viz. shatur. On p. 281 he states that nardubdn is the name of a scaling-ladder and 
that Babur mentions scaling ladders more than once. Babur mentions them however 
always as shatii. Perhaps shatur which, as Mr. Irvine says, seems to be made of 
the trunks of trees and to be a siege appliance, is really shatii ti . . . (ladder and 
. . .) as in the passage under note and on f.216^, some other name of an appliance 

3 The word here preceding tUra has puzzled scribes and translators. I have seen 
the following variants in MSS. ; — niikri or tHkri, b : kri or y : kri, bUkrt or yUkri, 
bakrdi or yukrdi, in each of which the k may stand for g. Various suggestions 
might be made as to what the word is, but all involve reading the Persian enclitic i 
(forming the adjective) instead of Turk! lik. Two roots, tigtindyiig, afford plausible 
explanations of the unknown word ; appliances suiting the case and able to bear 
names formed from one or other of these roots are wheeled mantelet, and head-strike 
(P. sar-kob). That the word is difficult is shewn not only by the variants I have 
quoted, but by Erskine's reading naukari tUra, "to serve the tiiras" a requisite not 
specified earlier by Babur, and by de Courteille's paraphrase, tout ce qui est nicessaire 
aux touras. 

* 81. Nasiru'd-d!n was the Khiljl ruler of Malwa from 906 to 916 a. H. (1500- 

1510 AD.). 

s He was a Rajput who had been prime-minister of 81. Mahmud II. Kkilji (son 
of Naslru'd-din) and had rebelled. Babur (like some other writers) spells his name 
Mindni, perhaps as he heard it spoken. 



Rao and Aralsh Khan, the latter was sent with Shaikh Guran 
to speak to MedinI Rao with favour and kindness, and promise 
Shamsabad ^ in exchange for Chandlrl. One or two of his 
trusted men got out (?).^ No adjustment of matters was reached, 
it is not known whether because MedinI Rao did not trust what 
was said, or whether because he was buoyed up by delusion 
about the strength of the fort. 

{Jan. 28th) At dawn on Tuesday the 6th of the first Jumada 
we marched from Bahjat Khan's tank intending to assault 
Chandlrl. We dismounted at the side of the middle-tank near 
Fol. 334. the fort. 

{J. Bad news.) 

On this same morning after reaching that ground, Khalifa 
brought a letter or two of which the purport was that the troops 
appointed for the East 3 had fought without consideration, been 
beaten, abandoned Laknau, and gone to Qanuj. Seeing that 
Khalifa was much perturbed and alarmed by these news, I said,^ 
{Persian) " There is no ground for perturbation or alarm ; 
nothing comes to pass but what is predestined of God. As 
this task (Chandlrl) is ahead of us, not a breath must be drawn 
about what has been told us. Tomorrow we will assault the 
fort ; that done, we shall see what comes." 

{k. Siege of Chandiri, resumed^ 

The enemy must have strengthened just the citadel, and have 
posted men by twos and threes in the outer-fort for prudence' 
sake. That night our men went up from all round ; those few 
in the outer-fort did not fight ; they fled into the citadel. 

' Presumably the one in the United Provinces. For Shamsabad in Guallar see 
Luard I.e. i, 286. 

' !c'*''fl''' ' ^^^^' ^"' *'*'' ^"^'^ ^"^' ^^^° ''^ ^°™^ ^SS- '*^^"' ^^^ ^"^^^ ' Mems. 
P:37o. averse to conciliation"; M^ms. ii, 329, '' s'ilev^rent contre cette proposi- 
tion. So far I have not found Babur using the verb chlqmaq metaphorically. It 
IS his frequent verb to express "getting away ", "going out of a fort". It would be 
a short step m metaphor to understand here that Medinl's men "got out of it", 
te. what Babur offered. They may have left the fort also ; if so, it would be through 

' f.332. 

* 1. 0.2 1 7, f.231, inserts here what seems a gloss, " Td in ja Farsl farmiida" 
Wta, sajd). As Babur enters his speech in Persian, it is manifest that he used 
Persian to conceal the bad news. 

934 AH.— SEP. 27th 1527 to SEP. 15th 1528 AD. 595 

\Jan. 2gth) At dawn on Wednesday the 7th of the first 
Jumada, we ordered our men to arm, go to their posts, provoke 
to fight, and attack each from his place when I rode out with 
drum and standard. 

I myself, dismissing drum and standard till the fighting should 
grow hot, went to amuse myself by watching Ustad 'All-qull's 
stone-discharge.^ Nothing was effected by it because his ground 
had no fall {ydghda) and because the fort-walls, being entirely FoI. 334*. 
of stone, were extremely strong. 

That the citadel of Chandlrl stands on a hill has been said 
already. Down one side of this hill runs a double-walled road 
{du-tahi) to water.^ This is the one place for attack ; it had 
been assigned as the post of the right and left hands and royal 
corps of the centre.3 Hurled though assault was from every 
side, the greatest force was here brought to bear. Our braves did 
not turn back, however much the pagans threw down stones and 
flung flaming fire upon them. At length Shahim the centurion * 
got up where the dil-tahi wall touches the wall of the outer fort ; 
braves swarmed up in other places ; the du-tahi was taken. 

Not even as much as this did the pagans fight in the citadel ; 
when a number of our men swarmed up, they fled in haste.S In 
a little while they came out again, quite naked, and renewed the 
fight ; they put many of our men to flight ; they made them fly 
{auchurdildr) over the" ramparts ; some they cut down and killed. 
Why they had gone so suddenly off the walls seems to have 
been that they had taken the resolve of those who give up 
a place as lost ; they put all their ladies and beauties {silratildr) 
to death, then, looking themselves to die, came naked out 
to fight. Our men attacking, each one from his post, drove Fol. 335- 
them from the walls whereupon 2 or 3oo of them entered 
MedinI Rao's house and there almost all killed one another in 
this way : — one having taken stand with a sword, the rest 

' The Illustrated London News of July loth, 1915 (on which day this note is 
written), has an apropos picture of an ancient fortress-gun, with its stone-ammunition, 
taken by the Allies in a Dardanelles fort. 

^ The du-tahi is the db-duzd, water-thief, of f. 67. Its position can be surmised 
from Cunningham's Plan [Appendix R]. 

3 For Babur's use of hand {qui) as a military term see f. 209. 

^ His full designation would be Shah Muhammad yuz-begi. 

s This will be flight from the ramparts to other places in the fort. 


eagerly stretched out the neck for his blow.' Thus went the 
greater number to hell. 

By God's grace this renowned fort was captured in 2 or 3 garts^ 
{cir. an hour), without drum and standard,3 with no hard fighting 
done. A pillar of pagan-heads was ordered set up on a hill 
north-west of Chandirl. A chronogram of this victory having 
been found in the words Fath-i-ddru' l-harb'^ (Conquest of a hostile 
seat), I thus composed them : — 

Was for awhile the station Chandiri 
Pagan-full, the seat of hostile force ; 
By fighting, I vanquished its fort, 
The date was Fatk-i-ddruU-karb. 

(/. Further description of Chandirl?) 

Chandirl is situated (in) rather good country,^ having much 
running-water round about it. Its citadel is on a hill and inside it 

* Babur's account of the siege of Chandiri is incomplete, inasmuch as it says 
nothing of the general massacre of pagans he has mentioned on f.272, Khwafi 
Khan records the massacre, saying, that after the fort was surrendered, as was done 
on condition of safety for the garrison, from 3 to 4000 pagans were put to death by 
Babur's troops on account of hostility shewn during the evacuation of the fort. The 
time assigned to the massacre is previous to the jiihar of 1000 women and children 
and the self-slaughter of men in MedinI Rao's house, in which he himself died. It 
is not easy to fit the two accounts in ; this might be done, however, by supposing 
that a folio of Babur's MS. was lost, as others seem lost at' the end of the narrative 
of this year's events Kq.v.). The lost folio would tell of the surrender, one clearly 
affecting the mass of Rajput followers and not the chiefs who stood for victory or 
death and who may have made sacrifice to honour after hearing of the surrender. 
Babur's narrative in this part certainly reads less consecutive than is usual with him ; 
something preceding his account of the juhar would improve it, and would serve 
another purpose also, since mention of the surrender would fix a term ending the now 
too short time of under one hour he assigns as the duration of the fighting. If 
a surrender had been mentioned, it would be clear that his " 2 or 3 garls " included 
the attacking and taking of the du-tahl and down to the retreat of the Rajputs from 
the walls. On this Babur's narrative of the unavailing sacrifice of the chiefs would 
follow in due order. Kh^yafi Khan is more circumstantial than Firishta who says 
nothing of surrender or massacre, but states that 6000 men were killed fighting. 
Khwafi Khan's authorities may throw light on the matter, which so far does not 
hang well together in any narrative, Babur's, Firishta's, or KhAvafi Khan's. One 
would like to know what led such a large body of Rajputs to surrender so quickly ; 
had they been all through in favour of accepting terms ? One wonders, again, why 
from 3 to 4000 Rajputs did not put up a better resistance to massacre. Perhaps their 
assailants were Turks, stubborn fighters down to 1915 ad, 

' For suggestion about the brevity of this period, se€ last note. 

3 Clearly, without Babur's taking part in the fighting. 

■♦ These words byc^y<Mfmake 934, The Hai. MS, mistakenly writes Bad Chandirl 
m the first line of the quatrain instead of Bud chandL Khwafi Khan quotes the 
quatrain with slight variants. 

5 Chandiri taurt wildyat {da ?) waqi' bulub tur, which seems to need da, in, because 
the fort, and not the country, is described. Or there may be an omission e.g. of 
a second sentence about the walled-town (fort). 

934 AH.— SEP. 27th 1527 to SEP.. 15th 1528 AD. 597 

has a tank cut out of the solid rock. There is another large tank ^ 
at the end of the du-tahi by assaulting which the fort was taken. 
All houses in ChandirT, whether of high or low, are built of stone, 
those of chiefs being laboriously carved ; ^ those of the lower 
classes are also of stone but are not carved. They are covered in Foi. 3353. 
with stone-slabs instead of with earthen tiles. In front of the 
fort are three large tanks made by former governors who threw 
dams across and made tanks round about it ; their ground lies 
high.3 It has a small river {darydcha), Betwa'^ by name, which 
may be some 3 kurohs (6 m.) from Chandlrl itself ; its water is 
noted in Hindustan as excellent and pleasant drinking. It is 
a perfect little river {daryd-ghina). In its bed lie piece after 
piece of sloping rock {qidldr)^ fit for making houses.^ Chandlrl is 
90 kurohs ( 1 80 m.) by road to the south of Agra. In Chandlrl the 
altitude of the Pole-star (?) is 25 degrees.7 
{m. Enforced change of campaign^ 

{fan. joth — fumdda I. 8th) At dawn on Thursday we went 
round the fort and dismounted beside Mallu Khan's tank.^ 

' This is the " Kirat-sagar" of Cunningham's Plan of Chandiri ; it is mentioned 
under this name by Luard {I.e. i, 210). " Kirat" represents Kirti or Kirit Singh who 
ruled in Gualiar from 1455 to 1479 ad., there also making a tank (Luard, I.e. i, 232). 

^ For illustrative photographs see Luard, I.e. vol.i, part iv. 

3 I have taken this sentence to apply to the location of the tanks, but with some 
doubt ; they are on the table-land. 

* Babur appears to have written Betwi, this form being in MSS. I have read the 
name to be that of the river Betwa which is at a considerable distance from the fort. 
But some writers dispraise its waters where Babur praises. 

5 T. qid means a slope or slant ; here it may describe tilted strata, such as would 
provide slabs for roofing and split easily for building purposes. {See next note. ) 

* Hmdrat qtltndq mundsib. This has been read to mean that the qidlar provide 
good sites (Mems. & Mhns.), but position, distance from the protection of the fort, 
and the merit of local stone for building incline me to read the words quoted above as 
referring to the convenient lie of the stone for building purposes. {See preceding note. ) 

7 Chandirt-dd jtidai {jady)-ning irtiqd'i yigirtfta-bish darja dur; Erskine, p. 378, 
Chanderi is situated in the 25th degree of N. latitude ; de Courteille, ii, 334, La 
hauteur du Caprieorne ci Tehanderi est de 25 degrees. The latitude of Chandiri, it 
may be noted, is 24° 43'. It does not appear to me indisputable that what Babur 
says here is a statement of latitude. The word Judai (or jady) means both Pole-star 
and the Sign Capricorn. M. de Courteille translates the quoted sentence as I have 
done, but with Capricorn for Pole-star. My acquaintance with such expressions in 
French does not allow me to know whether his words are a statement of latitude. 
It occurs to me against this being so, that Babur uses other words when he gives the 
latitude of Samarkand (f. 44<J) ; and also that he has shewn attention to the Pole-star 
as a guide on a journey (f. 203, where he uses the more common word Qutb). Perhaps 
he notes its lower altitude when he is far south, in the way he noted the first rise of 
Canopus to his view (f. 125). 

^ Mallu Khan was a noble of Malwa, who became ruler of Malwa in 1 532 or 
1533 AD. [?], under the style of Qadir Shah. 


We had come to Chandlrl meaning, after taking it, to move 
against Raising, Bhilsan, and Sarangpur, pagan lands depen- 
dent on the pagan Salahu'd-din, and, these taken, to move on 
Rana Sanga in Chltur. But as that bad news had come, the 
begs were summoned, matters were discussed, and decision made 
that the proper course was first to see to the rebellion of those 
malignants. Chandiri was given to the Ahmad Shah already 
mentioned, a grandson of SI. Nasiru'd-din ; 50 laks from it were 
made khalsa ; ^ Mulla Apaq was entrusted with its military- 
collectorate, and left to reinforce Ahmad Shah with from 2 to 
3000 Turks and Hindustanis. 
Fol. 336. {^Feb. 2nd) This work finished, we marched from Mallu Khan's 
tank on Sunday the nth of the first Jumada, with the intention 
of return (north), and dismounted on the bank of the Burhanpur- 

{Feb. gtk) On Sunday again, Yakka Khwaja and JaTar Khwaja 
were sent from Bandir to fetch boats from KalpI to the Kanar- 

{Feb. 22nd) On Saturday the 24th of the month we dismounted 
at the Kanar-passage, and ordered the army to begin to cross. 
(«. News of the rebels^ 

News came in these days that the expeditionary force '^ had 
abandoned Qanuj also and come to RaprI, and that a strong 
body of the enemy had assaulted and taken Shamsabad although 
Abu'l-muhammad the lancer must have strengthened it.3 There 
was delay of 3 or 4 days on one side or other of the river before 
the army got across. Once over, we moved march by march 
towards Qanuj, sending scouting braves {qdzdq yigitldr) ahead 
to get news of our opponents. Two or three marches from Qanuj , 
news was brought that Ma'ruf s son had fled on seeing the dark 
mass of the news-gatherers, and got away. Biban, Bayazld and 
Ma'ruf, on hearing news of us, crossed Gang (Ganges) and seated 
themselves on its eastern bank opposite Qanuj, thinking to prevent 
our passage. 

* !.<?. paid direct to the royal treasury. 

» This is the one concerning which bad news reached Babur just before Chandiri 
was taken. 

3 This presumably is the place oflFered to Medini Rao (f. 333^), and Bikramajit 


934 AH.— SEP. 27th 1527 TO SEP. 15th 1528 AD. 599 

{0. A bridge made over the Ganges^ 

{Feb. 2ytJt) On Thursday the 6th of the latter Jumada we 
passed Qanuj and dismounted on the western bank of Gang. 
Some of the braves went up and down the river and took boats Fol. 3365. 
by force,^ bringing in 30 or 40, large or small. Mir Muhammad 
the raftsman was sent to find a place convenient for making 
a bridge and to collect requisites for making it. He came back 
approving of a place about a kuroh (2 m.) below the camp. 
Energetic overseers were told off for the work. Ustad 'All-quli 
placed the mortar for his stone-discharge near where the bridge 
was to be and shewed himself active in discharging it. Mustafa 
Riimi had the culverin-carts crossed over to an island below 
the place for the bridge, and from that island began a culverin 
-discharge. Excellent matchlock fire was made from a post ^ 
raised above the bridge. Malik Qasim Mughul and a very few 
men went across the river once or twice and fought excellently 
{yakhshildr ailrushtildr). With equal boldness Baba SI. and 
Darwish SI. also crossed, but went with the insufficient number 
of from 10 to 15 men ; they went after the Evening Prayer and 
came back without fighting, with nothing done ; they were much 
blamed for this crossing of theirs. At last Malik Qasim, grown 
bold, attacked the enemy's camp and, by shooting arrows into 
it, drew him out (?) ; 3 he came with a mass of men and an 
elephant, fell on Malik Qasim and hurried him off. Malik 
Qasim got into a boat, but before it could put off, the elephant Fol. 337. 
came up and swamped it. In that encounter Malik Qasim died. 

In the days before the bridge was finished Ustad *AlI-qulI did 
good things in stone-discharge {yakhshildr task aiti), on the first 
day discharging 8 stones, on the second 16, and going on equally 
well for 3 or 4 days. These stones he discharged from the GhazI 
-mortar which is so-called because it was used in the battle with 
Rana Sanga the pagan. There had been another and larger 
mortar which burst after discharging one stone.^ The match- 
lockmen made a mass {qdlzn) of discharges, bringing down many 

^ Obviously for the bridge. 

^ m:ljar (see f. 333 n.). Here the word would mean befittingly a protected 
standing-place, a refuge, such as matchlockmen used (f. 217 and Index s.n. ardba). 
3 stghirurdl, a vowel-variant, perhaps, of sughiirurdt. 
* f- 33'^' This passage shews that Babur's mortars were few. 


men and horses ; they shot also slave-workmen running scared 
away (?) and men and horses passing-by.^ 

{March nth) On Wednesday the 19th of the latter Jumada 
the bridge being almost finished, we marched to its head. The 
Afghans must have ridiculed the bridge-making as being far 
from completion.^ 

{March 12th) The bridge being ready on Thursday, a small 
body of foot-soldiers and Lahoris went over. Fighting as small 

{p. Encounter with the Afghans^ 

{March ijth) On Friday the royal corps, and the right and 
left hands of the centre crossed on foot. The whole body of 
Afghans, armed, mounted, and having elephants with them, 
attacked us. They hurried off our men of the left hand, but 
our centre itself {i.e.' the royal corps) and the right hand stood 
Fol. 337^. firm, fought, and forced the enemy to retire. Two men from 
these divisions had galloped ahead of the rest ; one was dis- 
mounted and taken ; the horse of the other was struck again 
and again, had had enough,^ turned round and when amongst 
our men, fell down. On that day 7 or 8 heads were brought 
in ; many of the enemy had arrow or matchlock wounds. 
Fighting went on till the Other Prayer. That night all who 
had gone across were made to return ; if (more) had gone over 
on that Saturday's eve,4 most of the enemy would probably 
have fallen into our hands, but this was in my mind : — Last 
year we marched out of Sikri to fight Rana Sanga on Tuesday, 
New-year's-day, and crushed that rebel on Saturday ; this year 
we had marched to crush these rebels on Wednesday, New- 
year's-day,s and it would be one of singular things, if we beat 
them on Sunday. So thinking, we did not make the rest of 

' nuf&r qul-l&r-dln ham karka bila rah rawd klshi uat alttlar, a difficult sentence. 

' Aff^h&nlar kiipruk baghlamaq-ni istib'ad qtlib tamaskhur qllurlar aikandur. 
The ridicule will have been at slow progress, not at the bridge-making itself, since 
pontoon-bridges were common (Irvine's Army of the Indian Moghuls). 

3 tuildb\ Pers. trs. u/tdn u khezdn, limping, or falling and rising, a translation 
raismg doubt, because such a mode of progression could hardly have allowed escape 
from pursuers. 

* Anglic^, on Friday night. 

5 According to the Persian calendar, New-year's-day is that on which the Sun 
enters Aries. 


934 AH.— SEP. 27th 1527 TO SEP. 15th 1528 AD. 6oi 

the army cross. The enemy did not come to fight on Saturday, 
but stood arrayed a long way off. 

{^Sunday March iSth — -Juntdda II. 2jrd) On this day the 
carts were taken over, and at this same dawn the army was 
ordered to cross. At beat of drum news came from our scouts 
that the enemy had fled. Chln-tlmur SI. was ordered to lead 
his army in pursuit and the following leaders also were made 
pursuers who should move with the Sultan and not go beyond 
his word : — Muhammad ' A\\ Jang-jang, Husamu'd-din *Ali(son) 
of Khahfa, Muhibb-i-'ah (son) of Khahfa, Kuki (son) of Baba 
Qashqa, Dost-i-muhammad (son) of Baba Qashqa, BaqI of Foi. 338. 
Tashkint, and Red Wall. I crossed at the Sunnat Prayer. 
The camels were ordered to be taken over at a passage seen 
lower down. That Sunday we dismounted on the bank of 
standing-water within a kuroh of Bangarmawu.^ Those ap- 
pointed to pursue the Afghans were not doing it well; they 
had dismounted in Bangarmawu and were scurrying off at the 
Mid-day Prayer of this same Sunday. 

{March i6th — Jumdda II 2^th) At dawn we dismounted on 
the bank of a lake belonging to Bangarmawu. 

{q. Arrival of a Chaghatdt cousin.) 

On this same day {March i6th) Tukhta-bugha SI. a son of my 
mother's brother {dado) the Younger Khan {Ahnad Chaghatdi) 
came and waited on me. 

{March 21st) On Saturday the 29th of the latter Jumada 
I visited Laknau, crossed the GuI-water^ and dismounted. 
This day I bathed in the Gul-water. Whether it was from 
water getting into my ear, or whether it was from the effect of 
the climate, is not known, but my right ear was obstructed and 
for a few days there was much pain.3 

{r. The campaign continued^ 

One or two marches from Aiid (Oudh) some-one came from 
Chln-tlmur SI. to say, " The enemy is seated on the far side of 

' so-spelled in the Hai. MS. ; by de Courteille Banguermadu ; the two forms may 
represent the same one of the Arabic script. 

* or Giil, from the context clearly the Gumti. Jarrett gives Godi as a name of the 
Gumti ; Gul and Godi may be the same word in the Arabic script. 

3 Some MSS. read that there was not much pain. 


the river Sird[a ?] ;' let His Majesty send help." We detached a 
reinforcement of looo braves under Qaracha. 

{March 28tJt) On Saturday the 7th of Rajab v^^e dismounted 

Fol. ziU, 2 or 3 kurohs from Aud above the junction of the Gagar (Gogra) 
and Slrd[a]. Till today Shaikh Bayazld w^ill have been on the 
other side of the Sird[a] opposite Aud, sending letters to the 
Sultan and discussing with him, but the Sultan getting to know 
his deceitful ness, sent word to Qaracha at the Mid-day Prayer 
and made ready to cross the river. On Qaracha's joining him, 
they crossed at once to where were some 50 horsemen with 3 or 
4 elephants. These men could make no stand ; they fled ; a few 
having been dismounted, the heads cut off were sent in. 

Following the Sultan there crossed over Bl-khub (var. Nl-khub) 
SI. and Tardi Beg (the brother) of Quj Beg, and Baba Chuhra 
(the Brave), and BaqI shaghdwal. Those who had crossed first 
and gone on, pursued Shaikh Bayazld till the Evening Prayer, 
but he flung himself into the jungle and escaped. Chln-tlmur 
dismounted late on the bank of standing-water, rode on at mid- 
night after the rebel, went as much as 40 kurohs (80 m.), and 
came to where Shaikh Bayazld's family and relations {nisba ?) 
had been ; they however must have fled. He sent gallopers 
off in all directions from that place ; BaqI shaghdwal and a few 
braves drove the enemy like sheep before them, overtook the 
family and brought in some Afghan prisoners. 

We stayed a few days on that ground (near Aud) in order to 
settle the affairs of Aud. People praised the land lying along 
the Slrd[a] 7 or 8 kurohs (14-16 m.) above Aud, saying it was 
hunting-ground. Mir Muhammad the raftsman was sent out 
and returned after looking at the crossings over the Gagar-water 
(Gogra) and the Sird[a]-water (Chauka ?). 

Fol. 339. {April 2nd) On Thursday the 12th of the month I rode out 
intending to hunt.^ 

' I take this to be the Kali-Sarda-Chauka affluent of the Gogra and not its Sarju 
or Saru one. To so take it seems warranted by the context ; there could be no need 
for the fords on the Sarju to be examined, and its position is not suitable. 

' Unfortunately no record of the hunting-expedition survives. 



Here, in all known texts of the Bdbur-ndma there is a break 
of the narrative between April 2nd and Sep. iSth 1528 AD. — 
Jumada II. 12th 934 AH. and Muharram 3rd 935 AH., which, 
whether intentional or accidental, is unexplained by Babur's 
personal circumstances. It is likely to be due to a loss of pages 
from Babur's autograph manuscript, happening at some time 
preceding the making of either of the Persian translations of his 
writings and of the Elphinstone and Haidarabad transcripts. 
Though such a loss might have occurred easily during the storm 
chronicled on f.376/^, it seems likely that Babur would then have 
become aware of it and have made it good. A more probable 
explanation of the loss is the danger run by Humayun's library 
during his exile from rule in Hindustan, at which same time 
may well have occurred the seeming loss of the record of 936 
and 937 AH. 

a. Transactions of the period of the lacuna. 

Mr. Erskine notes {Mems. p. 38 in.) that he found the gap in 
all MSS. he saw and that historians of Hindustan throw no light 
upon the transactions of the period. Much can be gleaned how- 
ever as to Babur's occupations during the 5i months of the lacuna 
from his chronicle of 935 AH. which makes several references to 
occurrences of " last year " and also allows several inferences to 
be drawn. From this source it becomes known that the Afghan 
campaign the record of which is broken by the gap, was carried 
on and that in its course Babur was at Jun-pQr (f. 365), Chausa 
iS-l^^b) and Baksara (f. 366-366^) ; that he swam the Ganges 
(f.366<^), bestowed Sarun on a Farmull Shaikh-zada (f.374<^ and 
^•377)> negociated with Rana Sanga's son Bikramajit (f.342<5), 
ordered a Char-bagh laid out (f. 340), and was ill for 40 days 
(f.346/^). It may be inferred too that he visited Dulpur (f 353<^), 
recalled 'Askarl (f.339), sent Khwaja Dost-i-khawand on family 
affairs to Kabul (f.3453), and was much pre-occupied by the 


disturbed state of Kabul (seehis letters to Humayun and Khwaja 
Kalan written in 935AH.).^ 

It is not easy to follow the dates of events in 935 AH. because 
in many instances only the day of the week or a " next day " 
is entered. I am far from sure that one passage at least now 
found s.a. 935 AH. does not belong to 934AH. It is not in the 
Hai. Codex (where its place would have been on f. 363^^), and, so 
far as I can see, does not fit with the dates of 93 5 AH. It will 
be considered with least trouble with its context and my notes 
{q.v. L363d and ff. 366-366^). 

d. Remarks on the lacuna. 

One interesting biographical topic is likely to have found 
mention in the missing record, viz. the family difficulties which 
led to 'Askarl's supersession by Kamran in the government of 
Multan (f.359). 

Another is the light an account of the second illness of 934 AH. 
might have thrown on a considerable part of the Collection of 
verses already written in Hindustan and now known to us as the 
Rdnipilr Diwdn. The Bdbur-ndma allows the dates of much of 
its contents to be known, but there remain poems which seem 
prompted by the self-examination of some illness not found in 
the B.N. It contains the metrical version of Khwaja 'Ubaidu'l 
-lah's Wdlidiyyah of which Babur writes on f. 346 and it is dated 
Monday Rabl' II. 15th 93 5 AH. (Dec. 29th 15 28 AD.). I surmise 
that the reflective verses following the Wdlidiyyah belong to the 
40 days' illness of 934AH. i.e. were composed in the period of 
the lacuna. The Collection, as it is in the "Rampur Dlwan", went 
to a friend who was probably Khwaja Kalan ; it may have been 
the only such collection made by Babur. No other copy of it 
has so far been found. It has the character of an individual gift 
with verses specially addressed to its recipient. Any light upon 
it which may have vanished with pages of 934AH. is an appreci- 
able loss. 

• One historian, Ahmad-i-yadgar states in his Tarikh-i-salatln-i-afaghina that Babur 
went to Lahor immediately after his capture of Chandlrl, and on his return journey 
to Agra suppressed in the Panj-ab a rising of the Mundahar (or, Mandhar) Rajputs. 
His date is discredited by Babur' s existing narrative of 934 ah. as also by the absence 
in 935 AH. of allusion to either episode. My husband who has considered the matter, 
advises rne that the Labor visit may have been made in 936 or early in 937 AH. [These 
area period of which the record is lost or, less probably, was not written.] 


935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 to SEP. 5th 1529 AD.^ 

(a. Arrivals at Court?) 

{Sep. i8th) On Friday the 3rd^ of Muharram, 'Askarl whom 
I had summoned for the good of Multan 3 before I moved out 
for ChandirT, waited on me in the private-house.^ 

{Sep. igtJi) Next day waited on me the historian Khwand 
-amir, Maulana Shihab 5 the enigmatist, and Mir Ibrahim the 
harper a relation of Yunas-i-'ah, who had all come out of Herl 
long before, wishing to wait on me.^ 

{b. Bdbur staf'ts for Giidlmr.)7 

{Sep. 2ot/i) With the intention of visiting GQallar which 
in books they write Galiur,^ I crossed the Jun at the Other 

" Elph. MS. f. 262; I. 0.215 f. 207(J and 217 f. 234^ ; Mems. p. 382. Here the 
Elphinstone MS. recommences after a lacuna extending from Hai. MS. f. 312^. 

^ See Appendix S : — Concei-nittg the dating of <)t,^ ah. 

3 'Askarl was now about 12 years old. He was succeeded in Multan by his elder 
brother Kamran, transferred from Qandahar [Index; JRAS. 1908 p. 829 para. (i)]. 
This transfer, it is safe to say, was due to Babur's resolve to keep Kabul in his own 
hands, a resolve which his letters to Humayun (f. 348), to Kamran (f. 359), and to 
Khwaja Kalan (f. 359) attest, as well as do the movements of his family at this time. 
What would make the stronger government of Kamran seem now more "for the good 
of Multan " than that of the child 'Askarl are the Blliichl incursions, mentioned some- 
what later (f. 355<^) as having then occurred more than once. 

^ This will be his own house in the Garden-of-eight-paradises, the Char-bagh begun 
in 932 AH. (August 1526 AD.). 

5 To this name Khwand-amir adds Ahmadu'l-haqiri, perhaps a pen-name ; he also 
quotes verses of Shihab's [HablhtC s-siyar lith. ed. iii, 350). 

^ Kh wand-amir's account of his going into Hindustan is that he left his "dear 
home" (Herat) for Qandahar in mid-Shawwal 933 ah. (mid-July 1527 ad.); that 
onjumada I. 10th 934 AH. (Feb. 1st 152S ad.) he set out from Qandahar on the 
hazardous journey into Hindustan ; and that owing to the distance, heat, setting-in 
of the Rains, and breadth of rapid rivers, he was seven months on the way. He 
mentions no fellow-travellers, but he gives as the day of his arrival in Agra the one 
on which Babur says he presented himself at Court. (For an account of annoyances 
and misfortunes to which he was subjected under Auzbeg rule in Herat see Journal des 
Savans, July 1843, PP- 389,393, Quatremere's art.) 

^ Concerning Giialiar see C\inx\ing\\3i\rCs Archeological Survey Reports vol. ii ; Louis 
Rousselet's L hide des Rajas ; Lepel Griffin's Famous Monuments of Central India^ 
especially for its photographs ; Gazetteer of India ; Luard's Gazetteer of Gwalior, text 
and photographs ; Travels of Peter Ahmdy, Hakluyt Society ed. R. C. Temple, ii, 61, 
especially for its picture of the fort and note (p. 62) enumerating early writers on 
Gualiar. Of Persian books there is Jalal Hisdrfs Tarikh-i-Gwdliawar {'B.M.. Add. 
16,859) and Hiraman's (B.M. Add. 16,709) unacknowledged version of it, which is of 
the B. M. MSS. the more legible. 

* Perhaps this stands for Gwaliawar, the form seeming to be used by Jalal ffisdrl, 
and having good traditional support (Cunningham p. 373 and Luard p. 228). 



Prayer of Sunday the 5th of the month, went into the fort of 
Agra to bid farewell to Fakhr-i-jahan Beglm and Khadlja- 
sultan Beglm who were to start for Kabul in a few days, and 
got to horse. Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza asked for leave and 
stayed behind in Agra. That night we did 3 or 4 kurohs (6-8 m.) 
of the road, dismounted near a large lake {kill) and there slept. 
{Sep. 2 1 St) We got through the Prayer somewhat before 
time {Muh. 6th) and rode on, nooned ^ on the bank of the 
Gamb[h]ir-water ^ and went on shortly after the Mid-day Prayer. 
On the way we ate 3 powders mixed with the flour of parched 
Fol. 339*. grain,"^ Mulla Rafi* having prepared them for raising the spirits. 
They were found very distasteful and unsavoury. Near the Other 
Prayer we dismounted a kuroh (2 m.) west of Dulpur, at a place 
where a garden and house had been ordered made. 5 

{c. Work in Dulpur {Dhiilpur).) 

That place is at the end of a beaked hill,^ its beak being of 
solid red building-stone i^irndrat-tdsh). I had ordered the (beak 
of the) hill cut down (dressed down ?) to the ground-level and 
that if there remained a sufficient height, a house was to be cut 
out in it, if not, it was to be levelled and a tank ijiauz) cut out 
in its top. As it was not found high enough for a house, Ustad 
Shah Muhammad the stone-cutter was ordered to level it and 
cut out an octagonal, roofed tank. North of this tank the 
ground is thick with trees, mangoes,y<i;«^;2 {Eugenia jambolana), 
all sorts of trees ; amongst them I had ordered a well made, 
I O by 10 ; it was almost ready ; its water goes to the afore-named 
tank. To the north of this tank SI. Sikandar's dam is flung across 
(the valley) ; on it houses have been built, and above it the waters 
of the Rains gather into a great lake. On the east of this lake 
is a garden ; I ordered a seat and four-pillared platform {tdldr) 

' tushlanib, i.e. they took rest and food together at mid-day. 

• This seems to be the conjoined Gambhir and Banganga which is crossed by the 
Agra-Dhulpiir road (G. of I. Atlas, Sheet 34). 

^ aichlug, the plural of which shews that more than one partook of the powders 

* T. Idlgan, Hindi sattu (Shaw). M. de Courteille's variant translation may be due 
to his reading for talg&n, tdlgkdg, flat, agitation (his Diet, s.n.) and yil, wind, for 
bila, with. 

5 in 933 AH. f. 330^. 

« " Each beaked promontory " (Lycidas). Our name " Selsey-bill " is an English 
instance of Babur s (not infrequent) tUmshUq, beak, bill of a bird. 

935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 TO SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 607 

to be cut out in the solid rock on that same side, and a mosque Foi. 340. 
built on the western one. 

{Sept. 2 2nd and 2^rd — MuJt. Jth and 8th) On account of these 
various works, we stayed in Dulpur on Tuesday and Wednesday. 

{d. Journey to Giidlidr resumed?) 

{Sep. 24.tJi) On Thursday we rode on, crossed the Chambal- 
river and made the Mid-day Prayer on its bank, between the 
two Prayers (the Mid-day and the Afternoon) bestirred our- 
selves to leave that place, passed the Kawarl and dismounted. 
The Kawari-water being high through rain, we crossed it by 
boat, making the horses swim over. 

{Sep. 2StK) Next day, Friday which was 'Ashur {Muh. iotk\ 
we rode on, took our nooning at a village on the road, and at 
the Bed-time Prayer dismounted a kuroh north of Guahar, in a 
Char-bagh ordered made last year.^ 

{Sep. 26th) Riding on next day after the Mid-day Prayer, we 
visited the low hills to the north of Guahar, and the Praying- 
place, went into the fort ^ through the Gate called Hatl-pul 
which joins Man-sing's buildings (Vw<^m/3), and dismounted, close 
to the Other Prayer, at those {'imdratldr)'^ of Raja Bikramajit 
in which Rahlm-dad 5 had settled himself. 

^ No order about this Char-bagh is in existing annals of 934 AH. Such order is 
likely to have been given after Babur's return from his operations against the Afghans, 
in his account of which the annals of 934 AH, break off. 

^ The fort-hill at the northern end is 300 ft. high, at the southern end, 274 ft. ; its 
length from north to south is if m. ; its breadth varies from 600 ft. opposite the main 
entrance (Hati-pul) to 2,800 ft. in the middle opposite the great temple (Sas-bhao). 
Cf. Cunningham p. 330 and Appendix R, in loco, for his Plan of Gualiar. 

3 This Arabic plural may have been prompted by the greatness and distinction of 
Man-sing's constructions. Cf. Index s. fin. begat and baghdt. 

'* A translation point concerning the (Arabic) word '^imdrat is that the words 
"palace", ^^ palais^\ and "residence" used for it respectively by Erskine, de Cour- 
teille, and, previous to the Hindustan Section, by myself, are too limited in meaning 
to serve for Babur's uses of it in Hindustan ; and this ( i ) because he uses it throughout 
his writings for buildings under palatial rank [e.g. those of high and low in Chandir!) ; 
(2) because he uses it in Hindustan for non-residential buildings {e.g. for the Badalgarh 
outwork, f. 34l(J, and a Hindu temple ib.) ; and (3) because he uses it for the word 
"building" in the term building-stone, f. 335^ and f. 339<5. Building is the compre- 
hensive word under which all his uses of it group. For labouring this point a truism 
pleads my excuse, namely, that a man's vocabulary being characteristic of himself, for 
a translator to increase or diminish it is to intrude on his personality, and this the 
more when an autobiography is concerned. Hence my search here (as elsewhere) for 
an English grouping word is part of an endeavour to restrict the vocabulary of my 
translation to the limits of my author's. 

2 Jalal Hisdrl describes " Khwaja Rahim-dad " as a paternal-nephew of Mahdi 
Khwaja. Neither man has been introduced by Babur, as it is his rule to introduce 


To-night I elected to take opium because of ear-ache ; another 
reason was the shining of the moon/ 

{e. Visit to the Rajas' palaces^ 

{Sep. 2'jtJt) Opium sickness gave me much discomfort next 
day {Mull. i2tJi) ; I vomited a good deal. Sickness notwith- 
standing, I visited the buildings i^imdratldr) of Man-sing and 
Fol. 340*. Bikramajit thoroughly. They are wonderful buildings, entirely 
of hewn stone, in heavy and unsymmetrical blocks however.^ Of 
all the Rajas' buildings Man-sing's is the best and loftiest.3 It 
is more elaborately worked on its eastern face than on the others. 
This face may be 4c to 50 qdri (yards) high,4 and is entirely of 
hewn stone, whitened with plaster.5 In parts it is four storeys 
high ; the lower two are very dark ; we went through them with 

when he first mentions a person of importance, by particulars of family, etc. Both 
men became disloyal in 935 AH. (1529 ad.) as will be found referred to by Babur. 
Jalal HisCirl supplements Babur's brief account of their misconduct and Shaikh 
Muhammad Ghaus' mediation in 936 AH. For knowledge of his contribution I am 
indebted to my husband's perusal of the Tdrlkh-i-Gwdllawar. 

' Erskine notes that Indians and Persians regard moonshine as cold but this only 
faintly expresses the wide-spread fear of moon-stroke expressed in the Psalm (121 v. 6), 
"The Sun shall not smite thee by day, nor the Moon by night." 

' Agarcha luk baltik u bl slydq. Ilminsky [p. 441] has baluk baluk but without 
textual warrant and perhaps following Erskine, as he says, speaking generally, that he 
has done in case of need (Ilminsky's Preface). Both Erskine and de Courteille, 
working, it must be remembered, without the help of detailed modern descriptions and 
pictures, took the above words to say that the buildings were scattered and without 
symmetry, but they are not scattered and certainly Man-sing's has symmetry. 
I surmise that the words quoted above do not refer to the buildings themselves but to 
the stones of which they are made. T.luk means heavy, and T. baluk [? block] 
means a thing divided off, here a block of stone. Such blocks might be bi siyaq, 
i.e. irregular in size. To take the words in this way does not contradict known 
circumstances, and is verbally correct. 

5 The Rajas' buildings Babur could compare were Raja Kama (or KirtT)'s [who ruled 
from 1454 to 1479 AD.], Raja Man-sing's [1486 to 1516 ad.], and Raja Bikramajit's 
[1516 to 1526 ad. when he was killed at Panlpat]. 

* The lieight of the eastern face is 100 ft. and of the western 60 ft. The total length 
from north to south of the outside wall is 300 ft. ; the breadth of the residence from 
east to west 160 ft. The 300 ft. of length appears to be that of the residence and 
service-courtyard (Cunningham p. 347 and Plate Ixxxvii). 

5 kaj bila dqaritib. There can be little doubt that a white pediment would show 
up the coloured tiles of the upper part of the palace-walls more than would pale red 
sandstone. These tiles were so profuse as to name the building Chit Mandir ( Painted 
Mandir). Guided by Babur's statement, Cunningham sought for and found plaster 
in crevices of carved work ; from which one surmises that the white coating approved 
Itself to successors of Man-sing. [It may be noted that the word Mandir is in the 
same case for a translator as is 'imdrat (f. 339^^ n.) since it requires a grouping word 
to cover its uses for temple, palace, and less exalted buildings.] 

935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 TO SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 609 

candles.^ On one (or, every) side of this building are five cupolas ^ 
having between each two of them a smaller one, square after the 
fashion of Hindustan. On the larger ones are fastened sheets 
of gilded copper. On the outside of the walls is painted-tile 
work, the semblance of plantain-trees being shewn all round with 
green tiles. In a bastion of the eastern front is the Hatl-pul,3 
hdti being what these people call an elephant, ptil, a gate. 
A sculptured image of an elephant with two drivers {ftl-bdn) ^ 
stands at the out-going {chtqlsh) of this Gate ; it is exactly like an 
elephant ; from it the gate is called Hatl-pCd. A window in the Fol. 341. 
lowest storey where the building has four, looks towards this 
elephant and gives a near view of it.5 The cupolas which have 
been mentioned above are themselves the topmost stage (;//?/;'/rt:(^<^) 
of the building ; ^ the sitting-rooms are on the second storey 
{tabaqat), in ahollow even ; 7 they are rather airless places although 
Hindustani pains have been taken with them.^ The buildings of 
Man-sing's son Bikramajit are in a central position {ailrta da) on 
the north side of the fort.9 The son's buildings do not match 
the father's. He has made a great dome, very dark but growing 
lighter if one stays awhile in it.^° Under it is a smaller building 

^ The lower two storeys are not only backed by solid ground but, except near the 
Hatl-piil, have the rise of ground in front of them which led Babur to say they were 
"even in a pit" {chnqfir). 

- MSS. vary between har and Mr, every and one, in this sentence. It may be right 
to read blr, and apply it only to the eastern fa9ade as that on which there were most 
cupolas. There are fewer on the south side, which still stands (Luard's photo. No. 37). 

3 The ground rises steeply from this Gate to an inner one, called Hawa-pul from 
the rush of air {kaivd) through it. 

■* Cunningham says the riders were the Raja and a driven Perhaps they were a 
mahout and his mate. The statue stood to tlie left on exit {chiqish). 

5 This window will have been close to the Gate where no mound interferes with 

^ Rooms opening on inner and open courts appear to form the third story of the 

7 T. chug fir, hollow, pit. This storey is dark and unventilated, a condition due to 
small windows, absence of through draught, and the adjacent mound. Cunningham 
comments on its disadvantages. 

^ Agarcha Hindustani takallujlar qillb tiirldr wall bl hawdlik-rdq yirldr dur. 
Perhaps amongst the pains taken were those demanded for punkhas. I regret that 
Erskine's translation of this passage, so superior to my own in literary merit, does 
not suit the TurkI original. He worked from the Persian translation, and not only 
so, but with a less rigid rule of translation than binds me when working on Babur's 
ipsissUna verba {Ulems. p. 384 ; Cunningham p. 349 ; Luard p. 226). 

5 The words ailrid da make apt contrast between the outside position of Man-sing's 
buildings which helped to form the fort-wall, and Bikramajit's which were further in 
except perhaps one wall of his courtyard (see Cunningham's Plate Ixxxiii). 

'° Cunningham (p. 350) says this was originally a bdra-durl, a twelve-doored open 
hall, and must have been light. His " originally" points to the view that the hall 



into which no light comes from any side. When Rahlm-dad settled 
down in Bikramajlt's buildings, he made a rather small hall 
\kichlkrdq tdldrghtna] on the top of this dome.^ From Bikra- 
majlt's buildings a road has been made to his father's, a road 
such that nothing is seen of it from outside and nothing known 
of it inside, a quite enclosed road.^ 

After visiting these buildings, we rode to a college Rahlm-dad 
Fol. 3413. had made by the side of a large tank, there enjoyed a flower- 
garden 3 he had laid out, and went late to where the camp was 
in the Charbagh. 

(/. Rahhn-ddd: s flower-garden?) 

Rahlm-dad has planted a great numbers of flowers in his garden 
{bdghchd), many being beautiful red oleanders. In these places 
the oleander-flower is peach,^ those of Guallar are beautiful, 
deep red. I took some of them to Agra and had them planted 
in gardens there. On the south of the garden is a large lake s 
where the waters of the Rains gather ; on the west of it is 
a lofty idol-house,^ side by side with which SI. Shihabu'd-din 
Alltmlsh ( Altamsh) made a Friday mosque ; this is a very lofty 
building {?inidrat\ the highest in the fort ; it is seen, with the fort, 
from the Dulpur-hill {cir, 30 m. away). People say the stone for 
it was cut out and brought from the large lake above-mentioned. 
Rahlm-dad has made a wooden {yighdch) tdldr in his garden, and 

had been altered before Babur saw it but as it was only about 10 years old at that time, 
it was in its first form, presumably. Perhaps Babur saw it in a l^ad light. The 
dimensions Cunningham gives of it suggest that the high dome must have been 
frequently ill-lighted. 

* The word ICilar, having various applications, is not easy to match with a single 
English word, nor can one be sure in all cases what it means, a platform, a hall, or 
etc. To find an equivalent for its diminutive taldr-ghlna is still more difficult. 
Rahlm -dad's (alSr-tXiQ will have stood on the flat centre of the dome, raised on four 
pillars or perhaps with its roof only so-raised ; one is sure there would be a roof as 
protection against sun or moon. It may be noted that the dome is not visible outside 
from below, but is hidden by the continuation upwards of walls which form a mean- 
looking parallelogram of masonry. 

» T. tiirytil. Concerning this hidden road see Cunningham p. 350 and Plate Ixxxvii. 
^ baghcha. The context shews that the garden was for flowers. For Babur's 
distinctions between baghcha, bagh and baghat, see Index s.nn. 

* shaft-aln i.e. the rosy colour of peach-flowers, perhaps lip-red (Steingass). 
Babur's contrast seems to be between those red oleanders of Hindustan that are rosy- 
red, and the deep red ones he found in Guallar. 

5 kul, any large sheet of water, natural or artificial (Babur). This one will be the 
Suraj-kund (Sun-tank). 

* This is the Teli Mandir, or Telingana Mandir (Luard). Cf. Cunningham, p. 356 
and Luard p. 227 for accounts of it ; and G. of I. s.n. Tellagarhi for Tell Rajas 



935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 TO SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 6ii 

porches at the gates, which, after the Hindustani fashion, are 
somewhat low and shapeless. 

(^. The Urwdh-v alley ^ 

{Sep. 28th) Next day {Muh. 13th) at the Mid-day Prayer we 
rode out to visit places in Guallar we had not yet seen. We 
saw the Hmdrat called Badalgar ^ which is part of Man-sing's 
fort {qila'), went through the Hatl-pul and across the fort to 
a place called Urwa (Urwah), which is a valley-bottom (^^//) on its 
western side. Though Urwa is outside the fort-wall running 
along the top of the hill, it has two stages {murtabd) of high 
wall at its mouth. The higher of these walls is some 30 or 40 
qdrl (yards) high ; this is the longer one ; at each end it joins Fol. 342. 
the wall of the fort. The second wall curves in and joins the 
middle part of the first ; it is the lower and shorter of the two. 
This curve of wall will have been made for a water-thief ; ^ 
within it is a stepped well {wd'in) in which water is reached by 
10 or 15 steps. Above the Gate leading from the valley to this 
walled-well the name of SI. Shihabu'd-din Ailtmlsh (Altamsh) 
is inscribed, with the date 630 (ah. — 1233 AD.). Below this 
outer wall and outside the fort there is a large lake which seems 
to dwindle (at times) till no lake remains ; from it water goes 
to the water-thief There are two other lakes inside Urwa the 
water of which those who live in the fort prefer to all other. 

Three sides of Urwa are solid rock, not the red rock of Blana 
but one paler in colour. On these sides people have cut out 
idol-statues, large and small, one large statue on the south side 
being perhaps 20 qdri (yds.) high.3 These idols are shewn quite 

^ This is a large outwork reached from the Gate of the same name. Babur may- 
have gone there specially to see the Gujarl Mandir said by Cunningham to have been 
built by Man-sing's Gujar wife Mriga-nayana (fawn-eyed). Cf. Cunningham p. 35 1 and, 
for other work done by the same Queen, in the s.e. corner of the fort, p. 344 ; Luard 
p. 226. In this place "construction" would serve to translate ''i/ndrat (f. 340 n.). 

^ db-duzd, a word conveying the notion of a stealthy taking of the water. The walls 
at the mouth of Urwa were built by Altamsh for the protection of its water for the fort. 
The date Babur mentions (a few lines further) is presumably that of their erection. 

3 Cunningham, who gives 57 ft. as the height of this statue, says Babur estimated 
it at 20 gaz, or 40 ft. , but this is not so. Babur's word is notgaz a measure of 24 fingers- 
breadth, but qdri, the length from the tip of the shoulder to the fingers-ends ; it is 
about 33 inches, not less, I understand. Thus stated in qdris Babur's estimate of the 
height comes very near Cunningham's, being a good 55 ft. to 57 ft. (I may note that 
I have usually translated qdri hy "yard", as the yard is its nearest English equivalent. 
The Pers. trs. of the B. N. translates hy gaz, possibly a larger ^as than that of 24 fingers- 
breadth i.e. inches.) 


naked without covering for the privities. Along the sides of 
Fol. 342i. the two Urwa lakes 20 or 30 wells have been dug, with water 
from which useful vegetables {^sabzi kdrltkldr), flowers and trees 
are grown. Urwa is not a bad place ; it is shut in (T. tilr) ; the 
idols are its defect ; I, for my part, ordered them destroyed.^ 

Going out of Urwa into the fort again, we enjoyed the window ^ 
of the Sultani-pul which must have been closed through the pagan 
time till now, went to Rahlm-dad's flower-garden at the Evening 
Prayer, there dismounted and there slept. 

{h. A son of Rand Sangd nego dates with Bdbur.) 

{Sep. 2gth) On Tuesday the 14th of the month came people 
from Rana Sanga's second son, Bikramajit by name, who with 
his mother PadmawatI was in the fort of Rantanbur. Before 
I rode out for Guallar,^ others had come from his great and 
trusted Hindu, Asuk by name, to indicate Bikramajlt's sub- 
mission and obeisance and ask a subsistence-allowance of 70 laks 
for him ; it had been settled at that time that parganas to the 
amount he asked should be bestowed on him, his men were given 
leave to go, with tryst for Guallar which we were about to visit. 
They came into Guallar somewhat after the trysting-day. The 
Hindu Asuk 4 is said to be a near relation of Bikramajlt's mother 
PadmawatI ; he, for his part, set these particulars forth father- 
Tol. 343- like and son-like ; S they, for theirs, concurring with him, agreed 
to wish me well and serve me. At the time when SI. Mahmud 
{Khtiji) was beaten by Rana Sanga and fell into pagan captivity 

* The statues were not broken up by Babur's agents ; they were mutilated ; their 
heads were restored with coloured plaster by the Jains (Cunningham p. 365 ; Luard 

rozan [or, a«c.-«] . . . tafarruj qlHb. Neither Cunningham nor Luard mentions 
this window, perhaps because Erskine does not ; nor is this name of a Gate found. 
It might be that of the Dhonda-paur (Cunningham, p. 339). The 1st Pers. trs. 
[I.O. 215 f. 210] omits the word rozan (or, auz:n) ; the 2nd (I.O. 217 f. 236*5] renders 
It by ><?'/-, place. Manifestly the Gate was opened by Babur, but, presumably, not 
precisely at the time of his visit. I am inclined to understand that rozan . . . 
tafarruj karda means enjoying the window formerly used by Muhammadan rulers. 
If auz:n be the right reading, its sense is obscure. 

3 This will have occurred in the latter half of 934 ah. of which no record is now 

*> He is mentioned under the name Asuk Mai Rajput, as a servant of Rana Sanga 
by the A/trat-i-sikandari, lith. ed. p. 161. In Bayley's Translation p. 273 he is called 
Awasuk, manifestly by clerical error, the sentence being az jdnib-i-au Asftk Mai 
KSjput dar &n {qila') hiida ... *> j . 

s &t&-lik, aughul-llk, i.e. he spoke to the son as a father, to the mother as a son. 


^^^ 935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 to SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 613 

'H (925 AH. — 1 5 19 AD.) he possessed a famous crown-cap {tdj-kuld) 
P and golden belt, accepting which Sanga let him go free. That 
crown-cap and golden belt must have become Bikramajlt's ; his 

» elder brother Ratan-sT, now Rana of Chltur in his father's place, 
had asked for them but Bikramajit had not given them up,^ and 
now made the men he sent to me, speak to me about them, and 

task for Biana in place of Rantanbur. We led them away from 
the Blana question and promised Shamsabad in exchange for 
Rantanbur. To-day {Muh. 14th) they were given a nine days' 

I tryst for Biana, were dressed in robes of honour, and allowed 
to go. 
(J. Hindu temples visited.) 

We rode from the flower-garden to visit the idol-houses of 
Guallar. Some are two, and some are three storeys high, each 
storey rather low, in the ancient fashion. On their stone plinths 
iizdra) are sculptured images. Some idol-houses, College-fashion, 
have a portico, large high cupolas ^ and viadrdsaASk^ cells, each 
topped by a slender stone cupola.3 In the lower cells are idols 
carved in the rock. Fol. 343^. 

After enjoying the sight of these buildings {'imdratldr) we left 
the fort by the south Gate,^ made an excursion to the south, and 
went (north) to the Char-bagh Rahim-dad had made over-against 
the Hatl-puL- He had prepared a feast of cooked-meat {ds/i) 
for us and, after setting excellent food before us, made offering 
of a mass of goods and coin worth 4 laks. From his Char-bagh 
I rode to my own. 

(y. Excursion to a waterfall?) 

{Sep. "^^oth.) On Wednesday the 15th of the month I went to 
see a waterfall 6 kurohs ( 1 2 m.) to the south-east of Guallar. Less 

^ The Mirdt-i-sikandari (lith. ed. p. 234, Bayley's trs. p. 372) confirms Babur's state- 
ment that the precious things were at Bikramajlt's disposition. Perhaps they had 
been in his mother's charge during her husband's life. They were given later to 
Bahadur Shah of Gujrat. 

^ The Tell Mandir has not a cupola but a waggon-roof of South Indian style, whence 
it may be that it has the southern name Telingana, suggested by Col. Luard. 

3 See Luard's Photo. No. 139 and P. Mundy's sketch of the fort p. 62. 

"> This will be the Ghargaraj-gate which looks south though it is not at the south 
end of the fort-hill where there is only a postern approached by a flight of stone steps 
(Cunningham p. 332). 

5 The garden will have been on the lower ground at the foot of the ramp and not 
near the Hati-pul itself where the scarp is precipitous. 


than that must have been ridden ; ^ close to the Mid-day Prayer 
we reached a fall where sufficient water for one mill was coming 
down a slope {qia) an arghamchi^ high. Below the fall there 
is a large lake ; above it the water comes flowing through solid 
rock ; there is solid rock also below the fall. A lake forms 
wherever the water falls. On the banks of the water lie piece 
after piece of rock as if for seats, but the water is said not 
always to be there. We sat down above the fall and ate mdjun, 
went up-stream to visit its source {badayaf), returned, got out on 
higher ground, and stayed while musicians played and reciters 
Fol. 344. repeated things {tiima aitlldr). The Ebony-tree which Hindis 
call tindu, was pointed out to those who had not seen it before. 
We went down the hill and, between the Evening and Bed-time 
Prayers, rode away, slept at a place reached near the second 
watch (midnight), and with the on-coming of the first watch of 
day (6 a.m. Muh. i6ih-0ct. ist) reached the Char-bagh and dis- 

{k. Saldhu'd- din's birth-placed) 3 

{Oct. 2nd) On Friday the 17th of the month, I visited the 
garden of lemons and pumeloes isadd-fat) in a valley-bottom 
amongst the hills above a village called Sukhjana (?) 4 which is 
Salahu'd-din's birth-place. Returning to the Char-bagh, I dis- 
mounted there in the first watch.s 

(/. Incidents of the march from GUdlidr.) 

{Oct. 4th) On Sunday the 19th of the month, we rode before 
dawn from the Char-bagh, crossed the Kawarl-water and took our 
nooning {tUshldnduk). After the Mid-day Prayer we rode on, 
at sunset passed the Charnbal-water, between the Evening and 
Bed-time Prayers entered Dulpur-fort, there, by lamp-light, 

• Mundin kichikr&q atldmlghdn aikatidtir. This may imply that the distance 
mentioned to Babur was found by him an over-estimate. Perhaps the fall was on the 

'Rope (Shaw) : corde quisert h attacker le bagage stir les chameaux (de Courteille) ; 
a thread of 20 cuoits long for weaving (Steingass) ; I have the impression that an 
arghamchi is a horse's tether. 

3 For information about this opponent of Babur in the battle of Kanwa, see the 
Astatic Reznew, Nov. 191 5, H. Beveridge's art. Silhadi, and the Mirat-i-sikandari. 

* Colonel Luard has suggested to us that the Babur-nama word Sukhjana may stand 
for Salwai or Sukhalhari, the names of two villages near Gualiar. 

5 Presumably of night, 6-9 p.m., of Saturday Muh. i8th-0ct. 2nd. 


935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 TO SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 615 

visited a Hot-bath which Abu'1-fath had made, rode on, and 
dismounted at the dam-head where the new Char-bagh is in 

{^Oct. StJi) Having stayed the night there, at dawn (^Monday 
20th) I visited what places had been ordered made.^ The face 
{yilz) of the roofed-tank, ordered cut in the soHd rock, was not 
being got up quite straight ; more stone-cutters were sent for 
who were to make the tank-bottom level, pour in water, and, by 
help of the water, to get the sides to one height. They got the 
face up straight just before the Other Prayer, were then ordered 
to fill the tank with water, by help of the water made the sides Fol, 344*. 
match, then busied themselves to smooth them. I ordered 
a water-chamber idb-khdna) made at a place where it would be 
cut in the solid rock ; inside it was to be a small tank also cut 
in the solid rock. 

{Here the record of 6 days is wanting.) ^ 

{Oct. 1 2th?) To-day, Monday (-?//// .^), there was a nidjiln party. 
{Oct. 13th) On Tuesday I was still in that same place. {Oct. iph) 
On the night of Wednesday,3 after opening the mouth and eating 
something'^ we rode for SikrI. Near the second watch (mid- 
night), we dismounted somewhere and slept ; I myself could 
not sleep on account of pain in my ear, whether caused by cold, 
as is likely, I do not know. At the top of the dawn, we bestirred 
ourselves from that place, and in the first watch dismounted at 

^ f. 330/5 and f. 339^. 

' Between the last explicit date in the text, viz. Sunday, Muh. 19th, and the one 
next following, viz. Saturday, Safar 3rd, the diary of six days is wanting. The gap 
seems to be between the unfinished account of doings in Dhulpur and the incomplete 
one of those of the Monday of the party. For one of the intermediate days Babur 
had made an appointment, when in Guallar (f. 343), with the envoys of BikramajTt, the 
trysting-day being Muh. 23rd {i.e. 9 days after Muh. 14th). Babur is likely to have 
gone to Blana as planned ; that envoys met him there may be surmised from the 
circumstance that when negociations with BikramajTt were renewed in Agra (f.345)> 
two sets of envoys were present, a " former " one and a " later " one, and this although 
all envoys had been dismissed from Gualiar. The "former" ones will have_ been 
those who went to Biana, were not given leave there, but were brought on to Agra ; 
the "later" ones may have come to Agra direct from Ranthambhor. It suits all 
round to take it that pages have been lost on which was the record of the end of the 
Dhulpur visit, of the journey to the, as yet unseen, fort of Blana, of tryst kept by the 
envo3'S, of other doings in Blana where, judging from the time taken to reach SikrI, 
it may be that the ma'jiin party was held. 

3 Anglice, Tuesday after 6 p.m. 

* aghaz alchib nima yib, which words seem to imply the breaking of a fast. 


the garden now in making at Sikrl. The garden-wall and well- 
buildings were not getting on to my satisfaction ; the overseers 
therefore were threatened and punished. We rode on from 
Slkri between the Other and Evening Prayers, passed through 
Marhakur, dismounted somewhere and slept. 

{Oct. isth) Riding on {Thursday 30th), we got into Agra 
during the first watch (6-9 a.m.). In the fort I saw the honoured 
Khadija-sultan Beglm who had stayed behind for several reasons 
when Fakhr-i-jahan Beglm started for Kabul. Crossing Jian 
(Jumna), I went to the Garden-of-eight paradises.^ 

{in. A rrival of kinswomeit.) 

{Oct. 17th) On Saturday the 3rd of Safar, between the Other 
and Evening Prayers, I went to see three of the great-aunt 
begims,^ Gauhar-shad Beglm, Badl'u'l-jamal Beglm, and Aq 
Beglm, with also, of lesser beglms,3 SI. Mas'ud Mirza's daughter 
Khan-zada Beglm, and Sultan-bakht Beglm's daughter, and my 
yinkd chlchds grand-daughter, that is to say, Zainab-sultan 
Beglm.'^ They had come past Tuta and dismounted at a small 
Fol. 345. standing-water {qard sii) on the edge of the suburbs. I came 
back direct by boat. 

{n. Despatch of an envoy to receive charge of Ranthambhor?) 

{Oct. rgth) On Monday the 5th of the month of Safar, HamusT 
son of Dlwa, an old Hindu servant from Bhira, was joined with 
Bikramajlt's former 5 and later envoys in order that pact and 
agreement for the surrender of Ranthanbur and for the 
conditions of Bikramajlt's service might be made in their own 
(Hindu) way and custom. Before our man returned, he was to 
see, and learn, and make sure of matters ; this done, if that 

' Doubtless the garden owes its name to the eight heavens or paradises mentioned 
in the Quran (Hughes' Dictionary of Islam s.n. Paradise). Babur appears to have 
reached Agra on the 1st of Safar; the 2nd may well have been spent on the home 
affairs of a returned traveller. 

= The great, or elder trio were daughters of SI. Abii-sa'id Mirza, Babur's paternal- 
aunts^therefore, of his dutiful attendance on whom, Gul-badan writes. 

3 " Lesser," i.e. younger in age, lower in rank as not being the daughters of 
a sovereign Mlrza, and held in less honour because of a younger generation. 

* Gul-badan mentions the arrival in Hindustan of a khanim of this name, who was 
a daughter of SI. Mahmud Khan Chaghatai, Babur's maternal-uncle ; to this maternal 
relationship the word chicha (mother) mav refer. Ylnka, uncle's or elder brother's 
wife, has occurred before (ff. 192, 207), chicha not till now. 

s Cf. f. 344^ and n.5 concerning the surmised movements of this set of envoys. 

935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 TO SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 617 

person {i.e. Bikramajit) stood fast to his spoken word, I, for my 
part, promised that, God bringing it aright, I would set him in 
his father's place as Rana of Chitur.^ 

{Here the record of J days is wanting.) 

{0. A levy on stipendiaries.) 

{Oct. 22nd) By this time the treasure of Iskandar and Ibrahim 
in Dihll and Agra was at an end. Royal orders were given 
therefore, on Thursday the 8th of Safar, that each stipendiary 
{wajhddr) should drop into the Dlwan, 30 in every 100 of his 
allowance, to be used for war-material and appliances, for equip- 
ment, for powder, and for the pay of gunners and matchlockmen. 

(/. Royal letters sent into Khiirdsdn?) 

{Oct. On Saturday the loth of the month. Pay-master 
SI. Muhammad's foot-man Shah Qasim who once before had 
taken letters of encouragement to kinsfolk in Khurasan,^ was 
sent to Herl with other letters to the purport that, through God's 
grace, our hearts were at ease in Hindustan about the rebels and Fol. 345^. 
pagans of east and west ; and that, God bringing it aright, we 
should use every means and assuredly in the coming spring 
should touch the goal of our desire.3 On the margin of a royal 
letter sent to Ahmad Afshdr {Turk) a summons to Farldun the 
^^^«^-player was written with my own hand. 

{Here the record of 11 days is wanti?tg.) 

^ This promise was first proffered in Guallar (f. 343). 

^ These may be Bal-qara kinsfolk or Miran-shahis married to them. No record of 
Shah Qasim's earUer mission is preserved ; presumably he was sent in 934 AH. and the 
record will have been lost with much more of that year's. Khwand-amir may well 
have had to do with this second mission, since he could inform Babur of the discomfort 
caused in Herl by the near leaguer of 'Ubaidu'1-lah Auzbeg. 

3 Albatia auzwitizni har nu'' qllib tigfcrkumiz dur. The following versions of this 
sentence attest its difficulty : — WaqVat-i-baburl, 1st trs. I. O. 215 f. 212, albatta khudra 
ba har tttVi ka bashad dar an khub khwahlm rasanad; and 2nd trs. I.O. 217 f. 238^5, 
albatta dar har mi'' karda khudra nil rasdnim ; Memoirs p. 388, " I would make an 
effort and return in person to Kabul" ; M^moires ii, 2,^6, Je ferais tous mes efforts pour 
pousser en avant. I surmise, as Payanda-i-hasan seems to have done (ist Pers. trs. 
supra), that the passage alludes to Babur's aims in Hindustan which he expects to 
touch in the coming spring. What seems likely to be implied is what Erskine says 
and more, viz. return to Kabul, renewal of conflict with the Auzbeg and release of 
Khurasan kin through success. As is said by Babur immediately after this, Tahmasp 
of Persia had defeated 'Ubaidu'1-lah ^ws^i??- before Babur's letter was written. 


In today's forenoon {Tuesday 20th ?) I made a beginning of 
eating quicksilver.^ 

{q. News from Kabul and Khurasan^ ^ 

{Nov. 4th) On Wednesday the 21st of the month {Safar) 
a Hindustani foot-man {pidda) brought dutiful letters {'arz- 
ddshtldr) from Kamran and Khwaja Dost-i-khawand. The 
Khvvaja had reached Kabul on the loth of Zu'l-hijja3 and will 
have been anxious to go on 4 to Humayun's presence, but there 
comes to him a man from Kamran, saying, " Let the honoured 
Khwaja come (to see me) ; let him deliver whatever royal orders 
there may be ; let him go on to Humayun when matters have 
been talked over." 5 Kamran will have gone into Kabul on the 
17th of Zu'1-hijja {Sep. 2nd), will have talked with the Khwaja 
and, on the 28th of the same month, will have let him go on for 
Fort Victory {Qila'-i-zafar). 

There was this excellent news in the dutiful letters received : — 
that Shah-zada Tahmasp, resolute to put down the Auzbeg,^ had 
overcome and killed Rinlsh (var. Zinish) Auzbeg in Damghan 
and made a general massacre of his people ; that 'Ubaid Khan, 
getting sure news about the Qlzll-bdsh (Red-head) had risen from 
round Herl, gone to Merv, called up to him there all the sultans 
of Samarkand and those parts, and that all the sultans of 
Ma wara'u'n-nahr had gone to help him.7 
Fol. 346. This same foot-man brought the further news that Humayun 
was said to have had a son by the daughter of Yadgar Taghal, 

' Simab yim&kni bnnyadqildim, a statement which would be less abrupt if it followed 
a record of illness. Such a record may have been made and lost. 

" The preliminaries to this now somewhat obscure section will have been lost in the 
gap of 934 AH. They will have given Babur's instructions to Khwaja Dost-i-khawand 
and have thrown light on the unsatisfactory state of Kabul, concerning which a good 
deal comes out later, particularly in Babur's letter to its Governor Khwaja Kalan. It 
may be right to suppose that Kamran wanted Kabul and that he expected the Khwaja 
to bring him an answer to his request for it, whether made by himself or for him, 
through some-one, his mother perhaps, whom Babur now sent for to Hindustan. 

5 934 AH.— August 26th 1 528 AD. 

< The useful verb tlbramdk which connotes agitation of mind with physical move- 
ment, will here indicate anxiety on the Khwaja's part to fulfil his mission to Humayun. 

s Kamran's messenger seems to repeat his master's words, using the courteous 
imperative of the 3rd person plural. 

Though Babur not infrequently writes of e.g. Bengalis and Auzbegs and Turks in 
the smgular, the Bengali, the Auzbeg, the Turk, he seems here to mean 'Ubaidu'1-lah, 
the then dominant Auzbeg, although Kuchum was Khaqan. 

^ This muster preceded defeat near Jam of which Babur heard some 19 days later. 


935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 TO SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 619 

and that Kamran was said to be marrying in Kabul, taking the 
daughter of his mother's brother SI. 'Ah Mirza {^Begchlk)} 

(r. Honours for an artificer^ ^ 

On this same day Sayyid Daknl of Shiraz the diviner {ghaiba- 
gar ?) was made to wear a dress of honour, given presents, and 
ordered to finish the arched (?) well {khwdrallq-chdh) as he best 
knew how. 

{s. The Wdlidiyyah-risdla {Parental- tract).) 

{Nov. 6th) On Friday the 23rd of the month 3 such heat 4 
appeared in my body that with difficulty I got through the 
Congregational Prayer in the Mosque, and with much trouble 
through the Mid-day Prayer, in the book-room, after due time, 
and little by little. Thereafter s having had fever, I trembled 
less on Sunday {Nov. 28th). During the night of Tuesday ^ the 
27th of the month Safar, it occurred to me to versify {nasm qllmdq) 

^ Humayun's wife was Bega Begim, the later Hajl Begim ; Kamran's bride was 
her cousin perhaps named Mah-afriiz (Gul-badan's Humdytm-nama f. (>^b). The 
hear-say tense used by the messenger allows the inference that he was not accredited to 
give the news but merely repeated the rumour of Kabul. The accredited bearer-of- 
good-tidings came later (f, 346i5). 

- There are three enigmatic words in this section. The first is the Sayyid's 
cognomen ; was he daknl, rather dark of hue, or zakni, one who knows, or ruknt, 
one who props, erects scaffolding, etc. ? The second mentions his occupation ; was 
he & ghaiba-gar, diviner (Erskine, water-finder), 2.jiba-gar, cuirass-maker, ox & j'ibd- 
gar, cistern-maker, which last suits with well-making ? The third describes the kind 
of well he had in hand, perhaps the stone one of f. 353^ ; had it scaffolding, or was it 
for drinking-water only (khwdraliq) ; had it an arch, or was it chambered {khwdzaliq) ? 
If Babur's orders for the work had been preserved, — they may be lost from f. 344^, 
trouble would have been saved to scribes and translators, as an example of whose 
uncertainty it may be mentioned that from the third word {khwdraliq'^) Erskine 
extracted "jets d'eau and artificial water-works", and de Courteille '''' tailU dans le 
roc vtf". 

3 AH Babur's datings in Safar are inconsistent with his of Muharram, if a Muharram 
of 30 days [as given by Gladwin and others]. 

^ hardrat. This Erskine renders by "so violent an illness " (p. 388), de Courteille 
by '"''line inflammation d^etit rat lies ^^ (iij 357)? both swayed perhaps by the earlier 
mention, on Muh. loth, of Babur's medicinal quick-silver, a drug long in use in 
India for internal affections (Erskine). Some such ailment may have been recorded 
and the record lost (f. 345*^ and n. 8), but the heat, fever, and trembling in the illness 
of Safar 23rd, taken with the reference to last's year's attack of fever, all point to 
climatic fever. 

5 alndinl (or, dndlni). Consistently with the readings quoted in the preceding 
note, E. and de C. date the onset of the fever as Sunday and translate atndini to 
mean ' ' two days after ". It cannot be necessary however to specify the interval between 
Friday and Sunday ; the text is not explicit ; it seems safe to surmise only that the 
cold fit was less severe on Sunday ; the fever had ceased on the following Thursday. 

^ AngHce, Monday after 6 p.m. 


the Wdlidiyyah-risdla of his Reverence Khwaja *Ubaidu'l-lah/ 
I laid it. to heart that if I, going to the soul of his Reverence ^ for 
protection, were freed from this disease, it would be a sign that 
my poem was accepted, just as the author of the Qasidatu'l- 
biirda 3 was freed from the affliction of paralysis when his poem 
Fol. 346^. had been accepted. To this end I began to versify the tract, 
using the metre ^ of Maulana 'Abdu'r-rahim Jdnits Subhatul- 
abrdr (Rosary of the Righteous). Thirteen couplets were made 
in that same night. I tasked myself not to make fewer than 10 
a day ; in the end one day had been omitted. While last year 
every time such illness had happened, it had persisted at least 
a month or 40 days,s this year, by God's grace and his Reverence's 
favour, I was free, except for a little depression {afsurda), on 
Thursday the 29th of the month i^Nov. 12th). The end of 
versifying the contents of the tract was reached on Saturday 
the 8th of the first Rabf {Nov. 20th). One day 52 couplets had 
been made.^ 

(/. Troops warned for service?) 

{Nov. nth) On Wednesday the 28th of the month royal 
orders were sent on all sides for the armies, saying, " God 

' The Rashahat-i-^ainu'l-hayat (Tricklings from the fountain of life) contains an 
interesting and almost contemporary account of the Khwaja and of his Walidiyyah- 
risala. A summary of what in it concerns the Khwaja can be read in the JRAS. 
Jan. 1916, H. lieveridge's art. The tract, so far as we have searched, is now known 
in European literature only through Babur's metrical translation of it ; and this, again, 
is known only through the Rdtnpur Diwan. [It may be noted here, though tlie topic 
belongs to the beginning of the BdSur-ndma (f. 2), that iheRaska/zaicontSiins particulars 
about Ahrarl's interventions for peace between Babur's father 'Umar Shaikh and those 
with whom he quarrelled.] 

' "Here unfortunately, Mr. Elphinstone's Turki copy finally ends" (Erskine), 
that is to say, the Elphinstone Codex belonging to the Faculty of Advocates of 

3 This work, Al-busir!'s famous poem in praise of the Prophet, has its most recent 
notice in M. Ken^ Basset's article of the £ncyc/oj>(edtao//s/dm{Leyden2ind London). 

* Babur's technical terms to describe the metre he used are, ramal musaddas 
makhbun ^aruz and zarb gdh abtar gdh makhbun muhzuf wazn. 

s aiiikdn yll (k) har mahal fnunddq 'drizat klvi buldi, from which it seems correct 
to omit the u (and), thus allowing the reference to be to last year's illnesses only ; 
because no record, of any date, survives of illness lasting even one full month, and 
no other year has a lacuna of sufficient length unless one goes improbably far back : for 
these attacks seem to be of Indian climatic fever. One in last year (934 AH.) lasting 
25-26 days (f. 331) might be called a month's illness ; another or others may have 
happened in the second half of the year and their record be lost, as several have been 
lost, to the detriment of connected narrative. 

« Mr. Erskine's rendering {Memoirs p. 388) of the above section shows something 
of what is gained by acquaintance which he had not, with the Rashahdt-i-'ainu'l-haydl 
and with Babur's versified Wdlidiyyah-risdla. 

935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 TO SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 621 

bringing it about, at an early opportunity my army will be got to 
horse. Let all come soon, equipped for service." 

{Here the record of g days is wanting.) ^ 

(u. Messengers from Humdyun?) 

{Nov. 2ist) On Sunday the 9th of the first Rabi', Beg 
Muhammad tdalluqchi^ came, who had been sent last year 
(934AH.) at the end of Muharram to take a dress of honour and 
a horse to Humayun.3 

{Nov. 22nd) On Monday the loth of the month there came 
from Humayun's presence Wais Z^^//^rr.f (son) Beg-glna (Little 
Beg) and Blan Shaikh, one of Humayun's servants who had come 
as the messenger of the good tidings of the birth of Humayun's 
son whose name he gave as Al-aman. Shaikh Abu'1-wajd found 
Shah sa'ddatinand^ to be the date of his birth. Fol. 347. 

{v. Rapid travel.) 

Blan Shaikh set out long after Beg-glna. He parted from 
Humayun on Friday the 9th of Safar {Oct. 2jrd) at a place 
below Kishm called Dii-shamba (Monday) ; he came into Agra 
on Monday the loth of the first Rabf {Nov. 23rd). He came 
very quickly ! Another time he actually came from Qila'-i-zafar 
to Qandahar in 1 1 days.5 

' This gap, like some others in the diary of 935 AH. can be attributed safely to 
loss of pages, because preliminaries are now wanting to several matters which Babur 
records shortly after it. Such are (i) the specification of the three articles sent to 
NasratShah, (2) the motive for the feast of f. 35i<J, (3) the announcement of the approach 
of the surprising group of envoys, who appear without introduction at that entertain- 
ment, in a manner opposed to Babur's custom of writing, (4) an account of their arrival 
and reception. 

^ Ij&xv'iAxoX^&x {see Hobson-Jobsons.n. talookdar). 

3 The long detention of this messenger is mentioned in Babur's letter to Humayun 

* These words, if short a be read in Shah, make 934 by abjad. The child died in 
infancy ; no son of Humayun's had survived childhood before Akbar was born, some 
14 years later. Concerning Abii'l-wajd Farighl, see Hablbu^ s-siyar, lith. ed. ii, 347 ; 
MuntakhabttU-tawarikh, Bib. Ind. ed. i, 3 ; and Index i-.w. 

s I am indebted to Mr. A. E. Hinks, Secretary of the Royal Geographical Society, 
for the following approximate estimate of the distances travelled by Bian Shaikh : — 
(a) From Kishm to Kabul 240m. — from Kabul to Peshawar 175 m. — from Peshawar 
to Agra (railroad distance) 759 m. — total 1174m. ; dailyaverage«V. 38 miles; ((5) Qila'-i- 
zafar to Kabul 264m. — Kabul to Qandahar 316m. — total 580m. ; daily average cir. 
53 miles. The second journey was made probably in 913 AH. and to inform Babur of 
the death of the Shah of Badakhshan (f. 213^). 



{w. News of TaJwiasp's victory over the Auzbegs.) 

Bian Shaikh brought news about Shah-zada Tahmasp's 
advancing out of 'Iraq and defeating the Auzbeg.^ Here are 
his particulars: — Shah-zada Tahmasp, having come out of 'Iraq 
with 40,000 men arrayed in Rum! fashion of matchlock and cart,^ 
advances with great speed, takes Bastam, slaughters Rinlsh (var. 
ZinTsh) Aiizbeg and his men in Damghan, and'from there passes 
right swiftly on.3 Kiplk Bl's son Qarnbar-i-'all Beg is beaten 
by one of the Qizil-bdsh (Red-head)'s men, and with his few 
followers goes to 'Ubaid Khan's presence. 'Ubaid Khan finds 
it undesirable to stay near Herl, hurriedly sends off gallopers 
to all the sultans of Balkh, Hisar, Samarkand, and Tashkend 
(Tashklnt) and goes himself to Merv. Siunjak Sl.'s younger son 
Baraq SI. from Tashkend, KuchQm Khan, with (his sons) Abu 
-sa'ld SI. and Pulad SI., and JanI Beg SI. with his sons, from 
Fol. 347^. Samarkand and Mlan-kal, Mahdl Sl.'s and Hamza Sl.'s sons 
from Hisar, Kitln-qara SI. from Balkh, all these sultans assemble 
right swiftly in Merv. To them their informers {til-cht) take 
news that Shah-zada, after saying, " 'Ubaid Khan is seated near 
Herl with few men only," had been advancing swiftly with his 
40,000 men, but that when he heard of this assembly {i.e. in 
Merv), he made a ditch in the meadow of Radagan4 and seated 

' On Muh. loth 934 AH. — Sep. 26th 1528 ad. For accounts of the campaign see 
Rieu's Suppl. Persian Cat. under Histories of Tahmasp (Churchill Collection) ; the 
Habibu' s-siyar and the 'Alam-arai-'abbasi, the last a highly rhetorical work. Babur's 
accounts (Index s.n. Jam) are merely repetitions of news given to him ; he is not 
responsible for mistakes he records, such as those of f. 354. [It must be mentioned 
that Mr. Erskine has gone wrong in his description of the battle, the starting-point 
of error being his reversal of two events, the encampment of Tahmasp at Radagan and 
liis passage through Mashhad. A century ago less help, through maps and travel, 
was available than now.] 

» tu/ak u araba, the method of array Babur adopted from the Riimi-Persian model. 

3 Tahmasp's main objective, aimed at earlier than the Auzbeg muster in Merv, 
was Herat, near which 'Ubaid Khan had been for 7 months. He did not take the 
shortest route for Mashhad, viz. the Damghan-Sabzawar-Nishapiir road, but went 
from Damghan for Mashhad by way of Kalpiish {'Alam-ardi lith. ed. p. 45) and 
Radagan. Two military advantages are obvious on this route ; ( I ) it approaches 
Mashhad by the descending road of the Kechef-valley, thus avoiding the climb into 
that valley by a jxiss beyond Nishapur on the alternative route ; and (2) it passes 
through the fertile lands of Radagan. [For Kalpiish and the route see Fr. military map, 
bheets Astarabad and Merv, n.e. of Bastam.] 

* 7 m. from Kushan and 86 m. from Mashhad. As Lord Curzon reports {Persia, 
n, 120) that his interlocutors on the spot were not able to explain the word " Radkan," 
It may be useful to note here that the town seems to borrow its name from the ancient 
tower standing near it, the Mll-i-radagan, or, as Rdclus gives it, Tour de mHmandan, 
both names meaning, Tower of the bounteous (or, beneficent, highly-distinguished, 


935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 to SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 623 

Timself there.^ Here-upon the Auzbegs, with entire disregard 
of their opponents,^ left their counsels at this : — " Let all of us 
sultans and khans seat ourselves in Mashhad ; 3 let a few of us 
be told off with 20,000 men to go close to the Qizll-bash camp^ 
and not let them put head out ; let us order magicians s to work 
their magic directly Scorpio appears ;^ by this stratagem the 
enemy will be enfeebled, and we shall overcome." So said, they 
march from Merv. Shah-zada gets out of Mashhad.7 He 
confronts them near Jam-and-Khirgird.^ There defeat befalls the 
Auzbeg side.9 A mass of sultans are overcome and slaughtered. 

In one letter it {khild) was written, "It is not known for certain Fol. 348. 
that any sultan except Kuchum Khan has escaped ; not a man 
who went with the army has come back up to now." The 

etc. ). (Cf. Vullers Diet. s.n. rdd; Reclus' VAsie AntSrietire p. 219 ; and O'Donovan's 
Merv Oasis.) Perhaps light on the distinguished people [rddagdn) is given by the 
Ddbistdit's notice of an ancient sect, the Radlyan, seeming to be fire-worshippers whose 
chief was Rad-guna, an eminently brave hero of the latter part of Jamshid's reign 
(800B.C. ?). Of the town Radagan Daulat Shah makes frequent mention. Asecond 
town so-called and having a tower lies north of Ispahan. 

' In these days of trench-warfare it would give a wrong impression to say that 
Tahmasp entrenched himself; he did what Babur did before his battles at Panipat 
and Kanwa {q.v.). 

"^ The Auzbegs will have omitted from their purview of affairs that Tahmasp's men 
were veterans. 

3 The holy city had been captured by 'Ubaid Khan in 933 ah. (1525 ad. ), but nothing 
in Blan Shaikh's narrative indicates that they were now there in force. 

^ Presumably the one in the Radagan-meadow. 

5 using i\\& yada-tdsh to ensure victory (Index s.n.). 

* If then, as now, Scorpio's appearance were expected in Oct. -Nov., the Auzbegs 
had greatly over-estimated their power to check Tahmasp's movements ; but it seems 
fairly clear that they expected Scorpio to follow Virgo in Sept. -Oct. according to the 
ancient view of the Zodiacal Signs which allotted two houses to the large Scorpio and, 
if it admitted Libra at all, placed it between Scorpio's claws (Virgil's Georgics i, 32 
and Ovid's Metamorphoses, ii, 195. — H.B. ). 

7 It would appear that the Aiizbegs, after hearing that Tahmasp was encamped at 
Radagan, expected to interpose themselves in his way at Mashhad and to get their 
20,000 to Radagan before he broke camp. Tahmasp's swiftness spoiled their plan ; 
he will have stayed at Radagan a short time only, perhaps till he had further news of 
the Auzbegs, perhaps also for commissariat purposes and to rest his force. He visited 
the shrine of Imam Reza, and had reached Jam in time to confront his adversaries as 
they came down to it from Zawarabad (Pilgrims'-town). 

^ or,_Khirjard, as many MSS. have it. It seems to be a hamlet or suburb of Jam. 
The ^Alain-drdi (lith. ed. p. 40) writes Khusrau-jard-i-Jam (the Khusrau-throne of 
Jam), perhaps rhetorically. The hamlet is Maulana 'Abdu'r-rahman Jdmfs birthplace 
(Daulat Shah's Tazkirat, E. G. Browne's ed. p. 483). Jam now appears on maps as 
Turbat-i-Shaikh Jami, the tomb {turbat) being that of the saintly ancestor of Akbar's 
mother Hamida-banii. 

^ The ''Alam-drdl (lith. ed. p. 31) says, but in grandiose language, that 'Ubaid Khan 
placed at the foot of his standard 40 of the most eminent men of Transoxania who 
prayed for his success, but that as his cause was not good, their supplications were 
turned backwards, and that all were slain where they had prayed. 


sultans who were in Hisar abandoned it. Ibrahim Jdnts son 
Chalma, whose real name is Isma'Il, must be in the fort/ 

{x. Letters written by Bdbur.) 

{Nov. 2yth and 28th) This same Bian Shaikh was sent quite 
quickly back with letters for Humayun and Kamran. These 
and other writings being ready by Friday the 14th of the month 
{Nov, 27th) were entrusted to him, his leave was given, and on 
Saturday the 1 5th he got well out of Agra. 

Copy of a Letter to Humayun.^ 
"The first matter, after saying, 'Salutation' to Humayun 
whom I am longing to see, is this : — 

Exact particulars of the state of affairs on that side and on 
this 3 have been made known by the letters and dutiful representa- 
tions brought on Monday the lOth of the first Rabi* by Beg-glna 
and Bian Shaikh. 

( Turki) Thank God ! a son is born to thee ! 

A son to thee, to me a heart-enslaver [dil-bandi). 

May the Most High ever allot to thee and to me tidings as 
joyful ! So may it be, O Lord of the two worlds ! " 

" Thou sayest thou hast called him Al-aman ; God bless and 
prosper this ! Thou writest it so thyself {i.e. Al-aman), but hast 

' Here the 1st Pers. trs. (I.O. 215 f. 2 14) mentions that it was Chahna who wrote and 
despatched the exact particulars of the defeat of the Auzbegs. This information explains 
the presumption Babur expresses. It shows that Chalma was in Hisar wliere he may 
have written his letter to give news to Humayun. At the time Bian Shaikh left, 
the Mirza was near Kishm ; if he had been the enterprising man he was not, one 
would surmise that he had moved to seize the chance of the sultans' abandonment of 
Hisar, without waiting for his father's urgency (f. 348/^), Whether he had done so 
and was the cause of the sultans' flight, is not known from any chronicle yet come to 
our hands. Chalma's father Ibrahim Jam died fighting for Babur against Shaibaq 
Khan in 906 ah. (f. 90^). 

As the sense of the name-of-office Chalma is still in doubt, I suggest that it may be 
an equivalent of q//<7<5a^Ai", bearer of the water-bottle on journeys. T. chalma can 
mean a water-vessel carried on the saddle-bow ; one Chalma on record was a safarchi; 
if, in this word, safar be read to mean journey, an approach is made to aftabacht 
(fol. 153 and note ; Blochmann's A.-i-A. p. 378 and n.3). 

' The copies of Babur's Turki letter to Humayun and the later one to Khwaja Kalan 
(f-359) are m some MSS. of the Persian text translated only (I.O. 215 f. 214) ; in 
!*« »*^ appear «n Turki only (I.O. 217 f. 240) ; in others appear in Turki and Persian 
(B.M. Add. 26,000 and I.O. 2989) ; while in Muh. Shirazi's lith. ed. they are omitted 
altogether (p. 228). 

3 Trans- and Cis-Hindukush. Payanda-hasan (in one of his useful glosses to the 
1st Pers. trs.) amplifies here by " Khurasan, Mawara'u'n-nahr and Kabul". 

935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 TO SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 625 

"over-looked that common people mostly say aldmd or aildmdn} Fol. 348^. 
Besides that, this ^/ is rare in names.^ May God bless and 
prosper him in name and person ; may He grant us to keep 
Al-aman (peace) for many years and many decades of years ! 3 
May He now order our affairs by His own mercy and favour ; 
not in many decades comes such a chance as this ! " ^ 

"Again : — On Tuesday the i ith of the month {Nov.2jrd)cdiVC\^ 
the false rumour that the Balkhls had invited and were fetching 
Qurban 5 into Balkh." 

" Again : — Kamran and the Kabul begs have orders to join 
thee ; this done, move on Hisar, Samarkand, Her! or to what- 
ever side favours fortune. Mayst thou, by God's grace, crush 
foes and take lands to the joy of friends and the down-casting 
of adversaries ! Thank God ! now is your time to risk life and 
slash swords.^ Neglect not the work chance has brought ; slothful 
life in retirement befits not sovereign rule : — 

[Persian) He grips the world who hastens ; 
Empire yokes not with delay ; 
All else, confronting marriage, stops, 
Save only sovereignty. ? 

If through God's grace, the Balkh and Hisar countries be won 
and held, put men of thine in Hisar, Kamran's men in Balkh. 
Should Samarkand also be won, there make thy seat. Hisar, Fol. 349. 
God willing, I shall make a crown-domain. Should Kamran 
regard Balkh as small, represent the matter to me ; please God ! 
I will make its defects good at once out of those other countries." 
"Again : — As thou knowest, the rule has always been that 

' The words Babur gives as mispronunciations are somewhat uncertain in sense ; 
manifestly both are of ill-omen : — Al-aman itself [of which the aldmd of the Hai. MS. 
andllminsky maybe an abbreviation,] is the cry of the vanquished, "Quarter ! mercy ! "; 
Aildmdn and also dldtnan can represent a Turkman raider. 

- Presumably amongst Timurids. 

3 Perhaps Babur here makes a placatory little joke. 

* i.e. that offered by Tahmasp's rout of the Auzbegs at Jam. 

5 He was an adherent of Babur. Cf. f.353. 

^ The plural "your " will include Humayun and Kamran. Neither had yet shewn 
himself the heritor of his father's personal dash and valour ; they had lacked the stress 
which shaped his heroism. 

7 My husband has traced these Imes to Nigaml's Khusrau and Shirln. [They occur 
on f. z^db in his MS. of 317 folios.] Babur may have quoted from memory, since his 
version varies. The lines need their context to be understood ; they are part of 
Shirin's address to Khusrau when she refuses to marry him because at the time he is 
fighting for his sovereign position ; and they say, in effect, that while all other work 
stops for marriage {kadkhuddi), kingly rule does not. 


when thou hadst six parts, Kamran had five ; this having been 
constant, make no change." 

" Again : — Live well with thy younger brother. Elders must 
bear the burden ! ^ I have the hope that thou, for thy part, wilt 
keep on good terms with him ; he, who has grown up an active 
and excellent youth, should not fail, for his part, in loyal duty 
to thee." 2 

" Again : — Words from thee are somewhat few ; no person has 
Foi. 349*. come from thee for two or three years past ; the man I sent to 
thee (Beg Muhammad tdalluqchi) came back in something over 
a year ; is this not so ? " 

"Again : — As for the "retirement", "retirement", spoken of in 
thy letters, — retirement is a fault for sovereignty ; as the honoured 
(Sa'dl) says : — 3 

{Persian) If thy foot be fettered, choose to be resigned ; 
If thou ride alone, take thou thine own head. 

No bondage equals that of sovereignty ; retirement matches not 
with rule." 

" Again : — Thou hast written me a letter, as I ordered thee to 
do ; but why not have read it over ? If thou hadst thought of 
reading it, thou couldst not have done it, and, unable thyself to 
read it, wouldst certainly have made alteration in it. Though by 
taking trouble it can be read, it is very puzzling, and who ever 
saw an enigma in prose ? ^ Thy spelling, though not bad, is not 
quite correct ; thou writest zltafdt with td {iltafdi) and qulinj 
with^i {qiltnj}).^ Although thy letter can be read if every sort 

' Aulughlar kiitarlmlik kirdk ; 2nd Pers. trs. buzurgan bardasht ml bald kardand. 
This dictum may be a quotation. I have translated it to agree with Babur's reference 
to the ages of the brothers, but a«/«^/i/ar expresses greatness of position as well as 
seniority in age, and the dictum may be taken as a TurkI version of ''Noblesse oblige ", 
and may also mean " The great must be magnanimous". (Cf. de C.'s Diet. s.n. 
kutdnmllk.) [It may be said of the verb bardashtan used in the Pers. trs., that 
Abu 1-fazl, perhaps translating kutdrlmllk reported to him, puts it into Babur's mouth 
when, after praying to take Humayun's illness upon himself, he cried with conviction, 

I have borne it away" (A.N. trs. H.B. i, 276).] 

' If Babur had foreseen that his hard-won rule in Hindustan was to be given to the 
winds of one son's frivolities and the other's disloyalty, his words of scant content with 
what the Hindustan of his desires had brought him, would have expressed a yet keener 
pain KKampur Dlwdn E.D.R.'s ed. p.15 I.5 fr.ft.). 

3 Bostdn,ca.^. Advice of Noshirwdn to Hurmuz (H.B.). 

* A little joke at the expense of the mystifying letter. 
For yd, Mr. Erskine writes be. What the mistake was is an open question ; I have 
guessed an exchange off for «, because such an exchange is not infrequent amongst 
Turki long vowels. Mb 

W of pain 

935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 to SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 627 

of pains be taken, yet it cannot be quite understood because of 
that obscure wording of thine. Thy remissness in letter-writing 
seems to be due to the thing which makes thee obscure, that is 
to say, to elaboration. In future write without elaboration ; use 
plain, clear words. So will thy trouble and thy reader's be less." 

" Again : — Thou art now to go on a great business ; ^ take 
counsel with prudent and experienced begs, and act as they say. 
If thou seek to pleasure me, give up sitting alone and avoiding 
society. Summon thy younger brother and the begs twice daily 
to thy presence, not leaving their coming to choice ; be the 
business what it may, take counsel and settle every word and 
act in agreement with those well-wishers." 

" Again : — Khwaja Kalan has long had with me the house- 
friend's intimacy ; have thou as much and even more with him. Fol. 350. 
If, God willing, the work becomes less in those parts, so that 
thou wilt not need Kamran, let him leave disciplined men in 
Balkh and come to my presence." 

" Again : — Seeing that there have been such victories, and such 
conquests, since Kabul has been held, I take it to be well-omened ; 
I have made it a crown-domain ; let no one of you covet it." 

" Again : — Thou hast done well (^yakhshl qillb sin) ; thou hast 
won the heart of SI. Wais ; ^ get him to thy presence ; act by 
his counsel, for he knows business." 

" Until there is a good muster of the army, do not move out." 

*' Blan Shaikh is well-apprized of word-of-mouth matters, and 
will inform thee of them. These things said, I salute thee and 
am longing to see thee." — 

The above was written on Thursday the 13th of the first Rabi' 
{Nov. 26th). To the same purport and with my own hand, 
I wrote also to Kamran and Khwaja Kalan, and sent off the 
letters (by Bian Shaikh). 

{Here the record fails fro7n Rabt iSth to igth.) 

{y. Plans of campalgft.) 

{Dec. 2nd) On Wednesday the 19th of the month {Rabi' I.) 
the mirzas, sultans, Turk and Hind amirs were summoned for 

' That of reconquering Timurid lands. 

' of Kulab ; he was the father of Haram Begim, one of Gul-badan's personages. 


counsel, and left the matter at this : — That this year the army 
must move in some direction ; that 'Askarl should go in advance 
towards the East, be joined by the sultans and amirs from beyond 
Gang (Ganges), and march in whatever direction favoured fortune. 
These particulars having been written down, Ghlasu'd-dln the 
Fol. 350^. armourer was given rendezvous for 16 days,^ and sent galloping 
off, on Saturday the 22nd of the month, to the amirs of the East 
headed by SI. Junaid Barlds. His word-of-mouth message was, 
that 'Askarl was being sent on before the fighting apparatus, 
culverin, cart and matchlock, was ready ; that it was the royal 
order for the sultans and amirs of the far side of Gang to muster 
in 'Askari's presence, and, after consultation with well-wishers 
on that side, to move in whatever direction, God willing ! might 
favour fortune ; that if there should be work needing me, please 
God ! I would get to horse as soon as the person gone with the 
(16 days) tryst {mtdd) had returned ; that explicit representation 
should be made as to whether the Bengali (Nasrat Shah) were 
friendly and single-minded ; that, if nothing needed my presence 
in those parts, I should not make stay, but should move else- 
where at once ; ^ and that after consulting with well-wishers, they 
were to take 'Askari with them, and, God willing ! settle matters 
on that side. 

{Here the record of S days is wanting?) 

{z. 'A skarl receives the insignia and rank of a royal commander. ) 

{Dec. 1 2th) On Saturday the 29th of the first Rabf, 'Askarl 
was made to put on a jewelled dagger and belt, and a royal 
dress of honour, was presented with flag, horse-tail standard, 
Fol. 351. drum, a set (6-8) of tipUchdq (horses), 10 elephants, a string 
of camels, one of mules, royal plenishing, and royal utensils. 
Moreover he was ordered to take his seat at the head of a Diwdn. 
On his mulla and two guardians were bestowed jackets having 
buttons 3 ; on his other servants, three sets of nine coats. 

-. '»*« <»^''"|««^*>* m:ljarbila, as on f. 354*, and with exchange of T. m:ljdr for P. 
mt*ad, f. 355*. ^ -^ 

' Probably into Rajput lands, notably into those of Salahu'd-din. 

3 tukhmaltg chakmdnldr ; as iukhma means both button and gold-embroidery, it 
may be right, especially of Hindustan articles, to translate sometimes in the second 


935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 to SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 629 

{aa. Bdbur visits one of his officers?) 

{Dec. 13th) On Sunday the last day of the month {Raht' I. jothY 
I went to SI. Muhammad Bakhshis house. After spreading 
a carpet, he Wought gifts. His offering in money and goods 
was more than 2laks^ When food and offering had been set 
out, we went into another room where sitting, we ate ina'jiin. 
We came away at the 3rd watch (midnight ?), crossed the water, 
and went to the private house. 

{bb. The Agra- Kabul road measured^ 

{Dec. lyth) On Thursday the 4th of the latter RabI', it was 
settled that Chlqmaq Beg with Shahl tamghdchis^ clerkship, 
should measure the road between Agra and Kabul. At every 
9th kuroh {cir. 1 8 m.), a tower was to be erected I2qdris high 4 and 
having a chdr-dara 5 on the top ; at every 18th kuroh {cir. 36 m.),^ 
6 post-horses were to be kept fastened ; and arrangement was to 
be made for the payment of post-masters and grooms, and for 
horse-corn. The order was, "If the place where the horses are 
fastened up,7 be near a crown-domain, let those there provide for 
the matters mentioned ; if not, let the cost be charged on the beg 

' These statements of date are consistent with Babur's earlier explicit entries and 
with Erskine's equivalents of the Christian Era, but at variance with Gladwin's and 
with Wlistenfeldt's calculation that Rabl' II. ist was Dec. 13th. Yet Gladwin {Revenue 
Accounts, ed. 1790 ad. p. 22) gives Rabl' I. 30 days. Without in the smallest degree 
questioning the two European calculations, I follow Babur, because in his day there 
may have been allowed variation which finds no entry in methodical calendars. 
Erskine followed Babur's statements ; he is likely nevertheless to have seen Gladwin's 

= Erskine estimated this at ;[^5oo, but later cast doubts on such estimates as being 
too low {History of India, vol. i, App. D. ). 

3 The bearer of the stamp {tamgha) who by impressing it gave quittance for the 
payment of tolls and other dues. 

•♦ Either 24 ft. or 36 ft. according to whether the short or long qdrl be meant 
{infra). These towers would provide resting-place, and some protection against ill- 
doers. They recall the two niil-i-rddagdn of Persia (f. 347 n. 9), the purpose of which 
is uncertain. Babur's towers were not '''' kos rnindrs", nor is it said that he ordered 
each kuroh to be marked on the road. Some of the kos mlndrs on the " old Mughal 
roads" were over 30ft. high ; a considerable number are entered and depicted in the 
Annual Progress Report of the Archoeological Survey for 19 14 (Northern Circle, p. 45 
and Plates 44, 45). Some at least have a lower chamber. 

5 Four-doored, open-on-all-sides. We have not found the word with this meaning 
in Dictionaries. It may translate H. chaukandi. 

^ Erskine makes ^kos {kurohs) to be I3-I4miles, perhaps on the basis of the smaller 
gaz of 24 inches. 

7 altl ydm-dti bdghldghdlldr which, says one of Erskine's manuscripts, is called 
a ddk-choki. 


in whose pargana the post-house may be." Chlqmaq Beg got 
out of Agra with Shah! on that same day, 

Fol. 351^- {Author^ $ note on the kuroh.) These kurohs were established in relation to 

the mil, in the way mentioned in the Mubln : — ' 

{Turkr) Four thousand paces {qadam) are one tnil ; 
Know that Hind people call this a kuroh ; 
The pace {qadam) they say is a qdrt and a half (36 in. ) ; 

Know that each qdi-i (24 in.) is six hand-breadths [tutdm) 
That each tiiidm is four fingers {ailik). 

Each ailik, six barley-corns. Know this knowledge.'' 

The measuring-cord {tandb)^ was fixed at ^oqdri, each being the one-and- 
a-half qdri mentioned above, that is to say, each is 9 hand-breadths. 

{cc. A feast.) 

{Dec. i8tJi) On Saturday the 6th of the month (Rabf II.) 
there was a feast 4 at which were present Qlzil-bash (Red-head), 
and Auzbeg, and Hindu envoys.5 The Qlzil-bash envoys sat 

* Neither Erskine {Mems. p. 394), nor de Courteille {Mims. ii, 370) recognized the 
word Miibin here, although each mentions the poem later (p. 431 and ii, 461), deriving 
his information about it from the Akbar-ndma, Erskine direct, de Courteille by way 
of the Turk! translation of the same Akbar-ndma passage, which Ilminsky found in 
Kehr's volume and which is one of the much discussed " Fragments",, at first taken 
to be extra writings of Babur's (cf. Index in loco s.n. Fragments). Ilminsky (p. 455) 
prints the word clearly, as one who knows it ; he may have seen that part of the poem 
itself which is included in Beresine's Chrestomathie Turque (p. 226 to p. 272), under the 
title Fragment dUm pohne inconnu de Bdbour, and have observed that Babur himself 
shews his title to be Mubin, in the lines of his colophon (p. 271), 
Cha bidn qildim dndd shar'^iydt, 
Ni ""ajab gar Mubin didim dt? 
(Since in it I have made exposition of Laws, what wonder if I named it Mubin 
(exposition)?) Cf. Translator's Note, p. 437. [Beresine says (Ch. T. ) that he prints 
half of his ''''unique manuscrit" of the poem.] 

' The passage Babur quotes comes from the Mubin section on tayammum masdUa 
(purification with sand), where he tells his son sand may be used, Suyurdq bUlsd sindin 
air bir mil (if from thee water be one mil distant), and then interjects the above 
explanation of what the mil is. Two lines of his original are not with the Bdbur- 

3 The /awd/^ was thus 120ft. long. Cf. A.-i-A. Jarrett i, 414 ; Wilson's Glossary oj 
Itidian Terms and Gladwin's Revenue Accounts, p. 14. 

* Babur's customary method of writing allows the inference that he recorded, in 
due place, the coming and reception of the somewhat surprising group of guests now 
mentioned as at this entertainment. That preliminary record will have been lost in one 
ormore of the small gaps in his diary of 935 AH. The envoys from the Samarkand 
Auzbegs and from the Persian Court may have come in acknowledgment of the Fdth- 
nima which announced victory over Rana Sanga ; the guests from Farghana will have 
accepted the invitation sent, says Gul-badan, " in all directions," after Babur's defeat 
of 81. Ibrahim LUdi, to urge hereditary servants and Timurid and Chinglz-khanid 
kinsfolk to come and see prosperity with him now when "the Most High has bestowed 
sovereignty" (f. 293a ; Gul-badan's H.N. f. ll). 

5 Hindu here will represent Rajput. D'Herb^lot's explanation of the name Qlzll- 
bash (Red-head) comes in usefully here : — " Kezel basch or KiziL basch. Mot 
Turc qui signifie Tete rouge. Les Turcs appellent les Persans de ce nom, depuis 
qu'Ismael Sofi, fondateur de la Dynastie des princes qui regnent aujourd'hui en Perse, 


935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 TO SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 631 

under an awning placed some 70-80 qdris ^ on my right, of the 
begs Yunas-i-*ah being ordered to sit with them. On my left 
the Auzbeg envoys sat in the same way, of the begs *Abdu'l-lah 
being ordered to sit with them. I sat on the north side of 
a newly-erected octagonal pavilion {tdldr) covered in with khas ^. 
Five or six qdris on my right sat Tukhta-bugha SI. and 'Askarl, 
with Khwaja 'Abdu'sh-shahid and Khwaja Kalan, descendants of 
his Reverence the Khwaja,3 and Khwaja Chishtl (var. Husaini), 
and Khalifa, together with the hdfizes and mullds dependent on 
the Khwajas who had come from Samarkand. Five or six qdris 
on my left sat Muhammad-i-zaman M. and Tang-atmlsh SI. 4 FoI. 352. 
and Sayyid Rafi', Sayyid Ruml, Shaikh Abu'1-fath, Shaikh 
JamalI,Shaikh Shihabu'd-dln'^r^*^ and Sayyid Daknl(var.ZaknI, 
Ruknl). Before food all the sultans, khans, grandees, and amirs 
brought gifts 5 of red, of white, of black,^ of cloth and various 
other goods. They poured the red and white on a carpet I had 
ordered spread, and side by side with the gold and silver piled 
plenishing, white cotton piece-cloth and purses ibadrd) of money. 
While the gifts were being brought and before food, fierce camels 
and fierce elephants 7 were set to fight on an island opposite,^ 
so too a i^^ rams ; thereafter wrestlers grappled. After the 

commanda a ses soldats de porter un bonnet rouge autour duquel il y a une echarpe ou 
Turban a douze plis, en memoire et a Thonneur des 12 Imams, successeurs d'Ali, 
desquels il pretendoit descendre. Ce bonnet s'appelle en Persan, Tilj, et fut institue 
I'an 9076 de I'Heg." Tahmasp himself uses the name Qizll-bash ; Babur does so too. 
Other explanations of it are found (Steingass), but the one quoted above suits its use 
without contempt. (Cf. f. 354 n.3). 

' cir. 1 40- 1 50 ft. or more if the 36 in. qdri be the unit. 

'^ Andropogon muruatus, the scented grass of which the roots are fitted into window 
spaces and moistened to mitigate dry, hot winds. Cf. Hobson-Jobson s.n. Cusctiss. 

3 A nephew and a grandson of Ahrari's second son Yahya (f. 347<5) who had 
stood staunch to Babur till murdered in 906AH.-1500AD. (80(5). They are likely to 
be those to whom went a copy of the Mubln under cover of a letter addressed to 
lawyers of Ma wara'u'n-nahr (f. 351 n. i). The Khwajas were in Agra three weeks 
after Babur finished his metrical version of their ancestor's Walidiyyah-risala ; 
whether their coming (which must have been announced some time before their 
arrival), had part in directing his attention to the tract can only be surmised (f. 346). 

'* He was an Auzbeg (f. 371) and from his association here with a Bal-qara, and, 
later with Qasim-i-husain who was half Bal-qara, half Auzbeg, seems likely to be of 
the latter's family (Index s.nn.). 

s sachaq kiurdi {kllturdi?) No record survives to tell the motive for this feast ; 
perhaps the gifts made to Babur were congratulatory on the birth of a grandson, the 
marriage of a son, and on the generally-prosperous state of his affairs. 

^ Gold, silver and copper coins. 

7 Made so by bhang or other exciting drug. 

^ dral, presumably one left by the winter-fall of the Jumna ; or, a peninsula. 


chief of the food had been set out, Khwaja 'Abdu'sh-shahld and 
Khwaja Kalan were made to put on surtouts {jabbah) of fine 
muslin/ spotted with gold-embroidery, and suitable dresses of 
honour, and those headed by Mulla Farrukh and Hdfiz ^ had 
jackets put on them. On Kuchum Khan's envoy 3 and on Hasan 
Chalabi's younger brother 4 were bestowed silken head-wear 
{bdshltq) and gold-embroidered surtouts of fine muslin, with 
suitable dresses of honour. Gold-embroidered jackets and silk 
coats were presented to the envoys of AbO-sa'ld SI. {Ailzbeg), 
of Mihr-ban Khanlm and her son Pulad SI., and of Shah Hasan 
Fol. 352.^. {Arghiin). The two Khwajas and the two chief envoys, that is 
to say Kuchum Khan's retainer and Hasan Chalabis younger 
brother, were presented with a silver stone's weight of gold and 
a gold stone's weight of silver. 

{Author's note on the Turkl stone-weight. ) The gold stone {tdsh) is 500 misqdls, 
that is to say, one Kabul sir ; the silver stone is 250 misqdls, that is to say, half 
a Kabul sir A 

To Khwaja Mir Sultan and his sons, to Hafiz of Tashkint, 
to Mulla Farrukh at the head of the Khwajas' servants, and 
also to other envoys, silver and gold were given with a quiver.^ 
Yadgar-i-nasir 7 was presented with a dagger and belt. On Mir 

' Scribes and translators have been puzzled here. My guess at the Turkl clause is 
aurang alrallk klsh jabbah. In reading nnislin, I follow Erskine who worked in 
India and could take local opinion ; moreover gifts made in Agra probably would be 

' For one Hafiz of Samarkand see f. 237^. 

3 Kuchum was Khaqan of the Auzbegs and had his seat in Samarkand. One of 
his sons, Abu-sa'id, mentioned below, had sent envoys. With Abfi-sa'id is named 
Mihr-ban who was one of Kuchum's wives ; Pulad was their son. Mihr-ban was, 
I thmk, a half-sister of Babur, a daughter of 'Umar Shaikh and Umid of Andijan 
(f.9), and a full-sister of Nasir. No doubt she had been captured on one of the 
occasions when Habur lost to the Auzbegs. In 925AH.-1519AD. (f. 237/^) when he 
sent his earlier Dlwdn to Pulad SI. ( Translator's Note, p. 438) he wrote a verse on its 
back which looks to be addressed to his half-sister through her son. 

♦ Tahmasp's envoy ; the title ChalabI shews high birth. 

5 This statement seems to imply that the weight made of silver and the weight made 
of gold were of the same size and that the differing specific gravity of the two metals,— 
that of silver being cir. 10 and that of gold cir. 20— gave their equivalents the proportion 
ISabur states. Persian Dictionaries give sang {tdsh), a weight, but without further 
information. We have not found mention of the tdsh as a recognized Turk! weight ; 
perhaps the word tash stands for an ingot of un worked metal of standard size. (Cf. inter 
altos Itbros, A.-i-A. Rlochmann p. 36, Codrington's Musalman Numismatics p. 1 17, 
concerning the mtsqdl, dinar, etc. ) 

« tarkdsh blla. These words are clear in the Hai. MS. but uncertain in some 
others, h. and de C. have no equivalent of them. Perhaps the coins were given by 
tne quiverful ; that a quiver of arrows was given is not expressed. 

Kabur s half-nephew ; he seems from his name Keepsake-of-nasir to have been 

935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 TO SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 633 

Muhammad the raftsman who was deserving of reward for the 
excellent bridge he had made over the river Gang (Ganges),^ 
a dagger was bestowed, so too on the matchlockmen Champion 
\j)ahlawdn'\ Hajl Muhammad and Champion Buhlul and on Wall 
the cheeta-keeper {pdrschi) ; one was given to Ustad 'All's son 
also. Gold and silver were presented to Sayyid Daud Garm- 
siri. Jackets having buttons,^ and silk dresses of honour were 
presented to the servants of my daughter Ma'suma^ and my 
son Hind-al. Again : — presents of jackets and silk dresses of 
honour, of gold and silver, of plenishing and various goods were 
given to those from Andijan, and to those who had come from 
Sukh and Hushlar, the places whither we had gone landless and 
homeless."* Gifts of the same kind were given to the servants 
of Qurban and Shaikhl and the peasants of Kahmard.5 yo\. 353. 

After food had been sent out, Hindustani players were 
ordered to come and show their tricks. Lulls came.^ Hindustani 
performers shew several feats not shewn by (Tramontane) ones. 
One is this : — They arrange seven rings, one on the forehead, 
two on the knees, two of the remaining four on fingers, two on 
toes, and in an instant set them turning rapidly. Another is 
this : — Imitating the port of the peacock, they place one hand 
on the ground, raise up the other and both legs, and then in an 
instant make rings on the uplifted hand and feet revolve rapidly. 
Another is this : — In those (Tramontane) countries two people 
grip one another and turn two somersaults, but Hindustani lulls, 
clinging together, go turning over three or four times. Another 
is this : — a lull sets the end of a 12 or i4foot pole on his middle 
and holds it upright while another climbs up it and does his Fol. 353^. 
tricks up there. Another is this : — A small /z//i" gets upon a big 
one's head, and stands there upright while the big one moves 

' 934AH.-1528AD. (f. 336). 

* Or, gold-embroidered. 

3 Wife of Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza. 

■* These Highlanders of Asfara will have come by invitation sent after the victory at 
Panipat ; their welcome shows remembrance of and gratitude for kindness received 
a quarter of a century earlier. Perhaps villagers from Dikh-kat will have come too, 
who had seen the Padshah run barefoot on their hills {Index s.nn.). 

s Here gratitude is shewn for protection given in 910 ah. -1504 ad. to the families of 
Babur and his men when on the way to Kabul. Qurban and Shaikh! were perhaps 
in Fort Ajar (f. \Z2b, f. 126). 

* Perhaps these acrobats were gipsies. 


quickly from side to side shewing his tricks, the little one shewing 
his on the big one's head, quite upright and without tottering. 
Many dancing-girls came also and danced. 

A mass of red, white, and black was scattered {sdchildt) on 
which followed amazing noise and pushing. Between the 
Evening and Bed-time Prayers I made five or six special people 
sit in my presence for over one watch. At the second watch of 
the day (9 a.m., Sunday, Rabi' IL 7th) having sat in a boat, I went 
to the Eight- Paradises. 

{dd. 'Askarz starts eastwards.) 

{Dec. 20th) On Monday {8th) 'Askarl who had got (his army) 
out (of Agra) for the expedition, came to the Hot-bath, took 
leave of me and marched for the East. 

{ee. A visit to DhfilpUr.) 

{Dec. 2ist) On Tuesday {Rabt II. gth) I went to see the 
buildings for a reservoir and well at Dulpur.^ I rode from the 
(Agra) garden at one watch {pahr) and one gari {g.22 a.m.), and 
I entered the Dulpur garden when $garis of the 1st night-watch 
{pds)^ had gone (7.40p.m.).3 

{Dec. 2jrd) On Thursday the nth day of the month the 
stone-well {sangtn-chdh), the 26 rock-spouts {tdsh-tdr-nau) and 
rock-pillars {tdsh-sitiin), and the water-courses {driqldr) cut on 
the solid slope {yakpdra qid) were all ready.4 At the 3rd watch 
{pahr) of this same day preparation for drawing water from the 
well was made. On account of a smell {aid) in the water, 
it was ordered, for prudence' sake, that they should turn the 
well-wheel without rest for 1 5 days-and-nights, and so draw off 
the water. Gifts were made to the stone-cutters, and labourers, 
Fol. 354. and the whole body of workmen in the way customary for 
master-workmen and wage-earners of Agra. 

' This may be the one with which Sayyid Dakni was concerned (f. 346). 

' Babur obviously made the distinction between pahr and pas that he uses the first 
for day-watches, the second for those of the night. 

3 Anglic^, Tuesday, Dec. 21st ; by Muhammadan plan, V^ednesday 22nd. Dhulpur 
is 34 m. s. of Agra ; the journey of lohrs. 20 m. would include the nooning and the 
time taken in crossing rivers. 

* The well was to fill a cistern ; the 26 spouts with their 26 supports were to take 
water into (26?) conduits. Perhaps tdsh means that they were hewn in the solid rock ; 
perhaps that they were on the outer side of the reservoir. They will not have been 
built of hewn stone, or the word would have been sangin or tashdin. 

935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 TO SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 635 

{Dec. 24th) We rode from Dulpiir while one gm^i of the 
I St watch {pakr) of Friday remained {cir. 8.40a.m.), and we 
crossed the river (Jumna) before the Sun had set. 

{Here the record of J days is wanting.) ^ 

{ff. A Persian account of the battle of fdrn.) 

{Dec. 28th) On Tuesday the i6th of the month {Rabt' II.) 
came one of Div Sl.'s ^ servants, a man who had been in the fight 
between the Qlzil-bash and Auzbeg, and who thus described 
it : — The battle between the Aijzbegs and Turkmans 3 took place 
on 'Ashur-day {Muh. loth) near Jam-and-Khirgird.'^ They 
fought from the first dawn till the Mid-day Prayer. The 
Aijzbegs were 300,000 ; the Turkmans may have been (as is 
said ?) 40 to 50,000 ; he said that he himself estimated their 
dark mass at 100,000 ; on the other hand, the Aiizbegs said 
they themselves were 100,000. The Olzll-bash leader {ddam) 
fought after arraying cart, culverin and matchlockmen in the 
Rum! fashion, and after protecting himself.5 Shah-zada^ and 
Juha SI. stood behind the carts with 20,000 good braves. The 
rest of the begs were posted right and left beyond the carts. Fol. 354<J. 
These the Auzbeg beat at once on coming up, dismounted and 

^ One occupation of these now blank days is indicated by the date of the '^'' Rdntpiir 
Diwdn", Thursday Rabl' II. 15th (Dec. 27th). 

^ The demon (or, athlete) sultan of Rumelia {Rumlu) ; once Tahmasp's guardian 
{Tazkirat-i-Tahnmsp, Bib. Ind. ed. Phillott, p. 2). Some writers say he was put to 
death by Tahmasp {let. 12) in 933 ah. ; if this were so, it is strange to find a servant 
described as his in 935 AH. (An account of the battle is given in the Sharaf-ndma, 
written in 1 005 ah. by Sharaf Khan who was reared in Tahmasp's house. The book 
has been edited by Veliaminof-Zernof and translated into French by Charmoy ; cf. 
Trs. vol. ii, part i, p. 555. — H. Beveridge.) 

3 This name, used by one who was with the Shah's troops, attracts attention ; it 
may show the composition of the Persian army ; it may differentiate between the 
troops and their " QizU-bash leader". 

•♦ Several writers give Saru-qamsh (Charmoy, roseau j'aune) as the name of the 
village where the battle was fought ; Sharaf Khan gives 'Umarabad and mentions 
that after the fight Tahmasp spent some time in the meadow of Saru-qamsh. 

5 The number of Tahmasp's guns being a matter of interest, reference should be 
made to Babur's accounts of his own battles in which he arrayed in RumI (Ottoman) 
fashion ; it will then be seen that the number of carts does not imply the number of 
guns (Index j-.w. ardha, cart). 

^ This cannot but represent Tahmasp who was on the battle-field {ste\\\% own story 
infra). He was 14 years old; perhaps he was called Shah-zada, and not Shah, on 
account of his youth, or because under guardianship (?). Readers of the Persian 
histories of his reign may know the reason. Babur hitherto has always called the boy 
Shah-zada ; after the victory at Jam, he styles him Shah. Juha SI. {Taklu) who was 
with him on the field, was Governor of Ispahan. 


overcame many, making all scurry off. He then wheeled to the 
(Qlzll-bash) rear and took loot in camel and baggage. At length 
those behind the carts loosed the chains and came out. Here 
also the fight was hard. Thrice they flung the Auzbeg back ; 
by God's grace they beat him. Nine sultans, with Kuchum 
Khan, 'Ubaid Khan and Abu-said SI. at their head, were 
captured ; one, Abu-sa'ld SI. is said to be alive ; the rest have 
gone to death.^ 'Ubaid Khan's body was found, but not his 
head. Of Aiizbegs 50,000, and of Turkmans 20,000 were slain.^ 

{Here matter seems to have been lost.) 3 

{gg. Plait of ca?npaign.) 

{Dec. joth) On this same day (Thursday Rabi^ II. i8th) came 
Ghlagu'd-din the armourer"^ who had gone to Juna-pur (JunpOr) 
with tryst of 16 days,5 but, as SI. Juriaid and the rest had led 

' If this Persian account of the battle be in its right place in Babur's diary, it is 
singular that the narrator should be so ill-informed at a date allowing facts to be 
known ; the three sultans he names as killed escaped to die, Kiachum in 937AH. — 
1530 AD., Abu-sa'id in 940 ah. — 1533 ad., 'Ubaid in 946 ah. — 1539AD. (Lane- 
Poole's Mtihamtnadan Dynasties). It would be natural for Babur to comment on the 
mistake, since envoys from two of the sultans reported killed, were in Agra. There 
had been time forthe facts to be known : the battle was fought on Sep. 26th ; the 
news of it was in Agra on Nov. 23rd ; envoys from both adversaries were at Babur's 
entertainment on Dec. 19th. From this absence of comment and for the reasons 
indicated in note 3 {infra)., it appears that matter has been lost from the text. 

" Tahmasp's account of the battle is as follows ( 7\ -i- T. p. 1 1 ) : — " I marched against 
the Auzbegs. The battle took place outside Jam. At the first onset, Auzbeg 
prevailed over Qlzll-bash. Ya'qub SI. fled and SI. Walama TaklU and other officers 
of the right wing were defeated and put to flight. Putting my trust in God, I prayed 
and advanced some paces. . . . One of my body-guard getting up with 'Ubaid struck 
him with a sword, passed on, and occupied himself with another. Qullj Bahadur and 
other Auzbegs carried off" the wounded 'Ubaid ; KuchkunjI (Kuchum) Khan and 
Jani Khan Beg, when they became aware of this state of affairs, fled to Merv. Men 
who had fled from our army rejoined us that day. That night I spent on the barren 
plain {sahra'). I did not know what had happened to 'Ubaid. I thought perhaps 
they were devising some stratagem against me." The 'A. -'A. says that 'Ubaid's 
assailant, on seeing his low stature and contemptible appearance, left him for a more 
worthy foe. 

3 Not only does some comment from Babur seem needed on an account of deaths he 
knew had not occurred, but loss of matter may be traced by working backward from 
his next explicit date {Friday 19M), to do which shows fairly well that the "same 
day will be not Tuesday the i6th but Thursday the i8th. GhTasu'd-dln's reception 
was on the day preceding Friday 19th, so that part of Thursday's record (as shewn 
by • on this same day "), the whole of Wednesday's, and (to suit an expected comment 
by Babur on the discrepant story of the Auzbeg deaths) part of Tuesday's are missing. 
The gap may well have contained mention of Hasan ChalabVs coming (f. 357), or 
explam why he had not been at the feast with his younger brother. 
♦ qiirchi, perhaps body-guard, life-guardsman, 
s As on f. 350A {q.v. p. 628 n. i) aun alii giinluk biiljdr (or, m:ljdr) blla. 

935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 TO SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 637 

out their army for Kharld/ he (Ghlasu'd-din) was not able to be 
back at the time fixed.^ SI. Junaid said, by word-of-mouth, 
" Thank God ! through His grace, no work worth the Padshah's 
attention has shewn itself in these parts ; if the honoured Mlrza 
(*Askarl) come, and if the sultans, khans and amirs here-abouts 
be ordered to move in his steps, there is hope that everything in 
these parts will be arranged with ease." Though such was SI. Fol'. 355. 
Junaid's answer, yet, as people were saying that Mulla Muhammad 
Mazhab, who had been sent as envoy to Bengal after the Holy- 
battle with Sanga the Pagan,3 would arrive today or tomorrow, 
his news also was awaited. 

(^Dec. 31st) On Friday the 19th of the month I had eaten 
ma'jun and was sitting with a special few in the private house, 
when Mulla Mazhab who had arrived late, that is to say, in the 
night of Saturday,'^ came and waited on me. By asking one 
particular after another, we got to know that the attitude of the 
Bengali 5 was understood to be loyal and single-minded. 

^Jan. 2nd) On Sunday {Rabi' II. 21st), I summoned the Turk 
and Hind amirs to the private house, when counsel was taken 
and the following matters were brought forward : — i\s the 
Bengali (Nasrat Shah) has sent us an envoy ^ and is said to be 
loyal and single-minded, to go to Bengal itself would be 
improper ; if the move be not on Bengal, no other place on that 
side has treasure helpful for the army ; several places to the west 
are both rich and near, 

( Turk!) Abounding wealth, a pagan people, a short road ; 
Far though the East lie, this is near. 

At length the matter found settlement at this : — As our westward 

road is short, it will be all one if we delay a few days, so that 

our minds may be at ease about the East. Again Ghlasu'd-din Fol. 355^- 

the armourer was made to gallop off, with tryst of 20 days,7 to 

' A sub-division of the Ballia district of the United Provinces, on the right bank of 
the Ghogra. 

^ i.e. in 16 days ; he vv'as 24 or 25 days away. 

3 The envoy had been long in returning ; Kanwa was fought in March, 1527 ; it is 
now the end of 1 52S AD, 

* Rabr II. 20th — ^January 1st 1 5 29 ad. ; Anglice, Friday, after 6p.m. 

s This " Bengali" is territorial only ; Nasrat Shah was a Sayyid's son (f. 271). 

^ Isma'il Mita (f. 357) who will have come with Mulla Mazhab. 

7 mVdd, cf. f. 350^ and f. 354^. Ghiasu'd-din may have been a body-guard. 



convey written orders to the eastern amirs for all the sultans, 
khans, and amirs who had assembled in 'Askarl's presence, to 
move against those rebels.^ The orders delivered, he was to 
return by the trysted day with what ever news there might be. 

{Jih. Baluchi incursions?) 

In these days MuhammadlKukuldash made dutiful representa- 
tion that again Baluchls had come and overrun several places. 
Chln-tlmur SI. was appointed for the business ; he was to gather 
to his presence the amirs from beyond Sihrind and Samana 
and with them, equipped for 6 months, to proceed against the 
Baluchls; namely, such amirs as *Adil Sultan, SI. Muh. Dulddi, 
Khusrau Kukuldash, Muhammad 'All Jang-jang, 'Abdu'l-'azlz 
the Master-of-the-horse, Sayyid 'All, Wall Qlzil, Qaracha, Halahil, 
'Ashiqthe House-steward, Shaikh 'All, Kitta {Beg Kuhbur), Gujur 
Khan, Hasan 'All Siwddi. These were to present themselves at 
the Sultan's call and muster and not to transgress his word by road 
or in halt.^ The messenger 3 appointed to carry these orders was 
'Abdu'l-ghaffar ; he was to deliver them first to Chln-tlmur SI., 
Fol. 356. then to go on and shew them to the afore-named begs who were 
to present themselves with their troops at whatever place the 
Sultan gave rendezvous {bUljdr) ; 4 'Abdu'l-ghaffar himself was 
to remain with the army and was to make dutiful representation 
of slackness or carelessness if shewn by any person soever ; this 
done, we should remove the offender from the circle of the 
approved {inuwajjah-jirgdsi) and from his country or pargana. 
These orders having been entrusted to 'Abdu'l-ghaffar, words- 
of-mouth were made known to him and he was given leave to go. 

{The last explicit date is a week back.) 

* LudI Afghans and their friends, including Biban and Bayazld. 

^yulliiq tttrdlik; Memoirs, p. 398, "should act in every respect in perfect conformity 
to his commands" ; Mimoires ii, 379, '' chacun suivant son rang et sa dignity'' 

3 tmvdchi. Bahur's uses of this word support Erskine in saying that ' ' the tawdchi 
IS an officer who corresponds very nearly to the Turkish chdwtish, or special messenger" 
(Zenker, p. 346, col. iii) " but he was also often employed to act as a commissary for 
providmg men and stores, as a commissioner in superintending important affairs, as 
an aide-de-camp in carrying orders, etc.'" 

r^A^^^^^"^^ *■**'' ^^" ^^^ '^^ full-vowelled form, buljdr. Judging from what that 
Codex writes, buljdr may be used for a rendezvous of troops, nidjdr or bUjdr for any 
other kind of tryst (f. 350, p. 628 n. i; Index s.nn.), also for a shelter. 

935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 TO SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 639 

J.i. News of the loss of Bihar reaches Dhulpilr?) 

{Jan. gth) On the eve of Sunday the 28th of the month 
{Rabi' II.) we crossed the Jun (Jumna) at the 6th gari of the 
3rd watch (2.1 5 a.m.) and started for the Lotus-garden of Dulpur. 
The 3rd watch was near ^ (Sunday mid-day) when we reached it. 
Places were assigned on the border of the garden, where begs 
and the household might build or make camping-grounds for 

{Jan. ijth) On Thursday the 3rd of the first Jumada, a place 
was fixed in the s.e. of the garden for a Hot-bath ; the ground 
was to be levelled ; I ordered a plinth (?) {kursi) erected on the 
levelled ground, and a Bath to be arranged, in one room of which 
was to be a reservoir 10 x 10. 

On this same day Khalifa sent from Agra dutiful letters of 
QazI Jia and Bir-sing Deo, saying it had been heard said that 
Iskandar's son Mahmiad {Ludi) had taken Bihar (town). This 
news decided for getting the army to horse. 

{Jan. 14th) On Friday {Jumada I. 4th)y we rode out from the 
Lotus-garden at the 6th. gari (8.15 a.m.) ; at the Evening Prayer 
we reached Agra. We met Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza on the 
road who would have gone to Dulpur, Chln-tlmur also who must 
have been coming into Agra.^ 

{Jan. iSth) On Saturday {Sth) the counselling begs having 
been summoned, it was settled to ride eastwards on Thursday 
the loth of the month {Jan. 21st). 

{jj. News of Badakhshdn.) 

On this same Saturday letters came from Kabul with news FoI. 356^. 
that Humayun, having mustered the army on that side (Tra- 
montana), and joined SI. Wais to himself, had set out with 
40,000 men for Samarkand ; 3 on this SI. Wais' younger brother 

' yawushub aldi, which I translate in accordance with other uses of the verb, as 
meaning approach, but is taken by some other workers to mean " near its end". 

"^ Though it is not explicitly said, Chin-tlmur may have been met with on the road ; 
as the "also" {ham) suggests. 

3 To the above news the Akbar-ndma adds the important item reported by Humayun, 
that there was talk of peace. Babur replied that, if the time for negotiation were not 
past, Humayun was to make peace until such time as the affairs of Hindustan were 
cleared off. This is followed in the A.N. by a seeming quotation from Babur's letter, 
saying in effect that he was about to leave Hindustan, and that his followers in Kabul 
and Tramontana must prepare for the expedition against Samarkand which would be 
made on his own arrival. None of the above matter is now with the Bdbur-ndJtta ; 


Shah-qull goes and enters Hisar, TarsQn Muhammad leaves 
Tirmiz, takes Qabadlan and asks for help ; Humayun sends 
Tulik Kukuldash and Mir Khwurd ^ with many of his men and 
what Mughuls there were, then follows himself ^ 
{Het'e 4 days record is wanting?) 

{kk. Bdbur starts for the East.) 

{Jan. 20th) On Thursday the lOth of the first Jumada, I set 
Fol. 357. out for the East after the 3rd gari {cir. 7.10a.m.), crossed Jun 
by boat a little above Jalisir, and went to the Gold-scattering- 
garden.3 It was ordered that the standard {tugh), drum, stable 
and all the army-folk should remain on the other side of the 
water, opposite to the garden, and that persons coming for an 
interview ^ should cross by boat. 

(//. Arrivals?) 

(Jan. 22nd) On Saturday {12th) Ismail Mita, the Bengal 
envoy brought the Bengah's offering (Nasrat Shah's), and waited 
on me in Hindustan fashion, advancing to within an arrow's 
flight, making his reverence, and retiring. They then put on him 
the due dress of honour {khi'lat) which people call * * * * 5^ and 

either it was there once, was used by Abu'1-fazl and lost before the Persian trss. were 
made ; or Abu'1-fazl used Babur's original, or copied, letter itself. That desire for 
peace prevailed is shewn by several matters : — Tahmasp, the victor, asked and obtained 
the hand of an Auzbeg in marriage ; Auzbeg envoys came to Agra, and with them Turk 
Khwajas having a mission likely to have been towards peace (f. 357(5) ; Babur's wish 
for peace is shewn above and on f. 359 in a summarized letter to Humayun. (Cf. Abii'l- 
ghazi's Shajarat-i- Turk \_Histoire des Mongols, Desmaisons' trs. p. 216] ; Akbar-ndma, 
H.B.'s trs. i, 270.) 

A here-useful slip of reference is made by the translator of the Akbar-nama {I.e. n. 3) 
to the Fragment {Mimoires ii, 456) instead of to the Babur-ndma translation {Mdmoires 
ii, 381). The utility of the sHp lies in its accompanying comment that deC.'s translation 
is in closer agreement with the Akbar-nama than with Babur's words. Thus the 
Akb&r-nama passage is brought into comparison with what it is now safe to regard as 
its off-shoot, through Turk! and French, in the Fragment. When the above comment 
on their resemblance was made, we were less assured than now as to the genesis of 
the P'ragment (Index s.n. Fragment). 

' Hind-al's guardian (G. B.'s Hiunayun-nama trs. p. 106, n. i). 

' Nothing more about Humayun's expedition is found in the B.N. ; he left 
Badakhshan a few months later and arrived in Agra, after his mother (f. 38o(5), at a date 
in August of which the record is wanting. 

3 under 6 m. from Agra. Gul-badan (f. 16) records a visit to the garden, during 
which her father said he was weary of sovereignty. Cf. f. 331^, p. 589 n. 2. 

* kumlsh kllkan klshilar. 

5 MSS. vary or are indecisive as to the omitted word. I am unable to fill the gap. 
Erskine has ^^ Sir Mdwineh (or hair-twist)" (p. 399), De Courteille, Sir-mouineh 
(ii, 382). Muina means ermine, sable and other fine fur {Shamsu' l-lughdt, p 274, 
col. 1). 

935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1258 to SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 641 

brought him before me. He knelt thrice in our fashion, advanced, 
handed Nasrat Shah's letter, set before me the offering he had 
brought, and retired. 

{Jan. 24th) On Monday {i^-tk) the honoured Khwaja 'Abdu'l 
-haqq having arrived, I crossed the water by boat, went to his 
tents and waited on him.^ 

{^Jan. 2StJi) On Tuesday {13th) Hasan Chalabl arrived and 
waited on me.^ 

{mm. Incidents of the eastward march.) 

On account of our aims {chdpduq) for the army,3 some days 
were spent in the Char-bagh. 

{Jan. 2yth) On Thursday the 17th of the month, that ground 
was left after the 3rd gari (7.10a.m.), I going by boat. It was 
dismounted 7 kurohs (14 m.) from Agra, at the village of Anwar.4 

{Jan. 30th) On Sunday {Jumdda I. 20th), the Aijzbeg envoys 
were given their leave. To Kuchum Khan's envoy Amin Mirza 
were presented a dagger with belt, cloth of gold,S and 70,000 
tankas^ Abu-sa'id's servant Mulla Taghal and the servants of Fol. 357^. 
Mihr-ban Khanim and her son Pulad SI. were made to put on 
dresses of honour with gold-embroidered jackets, and were 
presented also with money in accordance with their station. 

{Jan. 31st}) Next morning7 {Monday 21st}) leave was given to 
Khwaja *Abdu'l-haqq for stay in Agra and to Khwaja Yahya's 

' His brother Hazrat Makhdum! Nura (Khwaja Khawand Mahmud) iS much 
celebrated by Haidar Mirza, and Babur describes his own visit in the words he uses of 
the visit of an inferior to himself. Cf. Tarikh-i-rashidi trs. pp. 395, 478 ; Akbar- 
nama trs., i, 356, 360. 

^ No record survives of the arrival of this envoy or of why he was later in coming 
than his brother who was at Babur's entertainment. Cf. f. 361 (5. 

3 Presumably this refers to the appliances mentioned on f. 350(5. 

'^ f. 332, n.3. 

5 zarbaft in:l:k. Amongst gold stuffs imported into Hindustan, Abu'1-fazl mentions 
wf/a/^ which may be Babur's cloth. It came from Turkistan (A.-i-A. Blochmann, 
p. 92 and n.). 

^ A tang is a small silver coin of the value of about a penny (Erskine). 

7 tangldsi, lit. at its dawning. It is not always clear whether tanglasi means, 
Anglice, next dawn or day, which here would be Monday, or whether it stands for 
the dawn (daylight) of the Muhammadan day which had begun at 6 p.m. on the previous 
evening, here Sunday. When Babur records, e.g. a late audience, tanglasi, following, 
will stand for the daylight of the day of audience. The point is of some importance 
as bearing on discrepancies of days, as these are stated in MSS., with European 
calendars ; it is conspicuously so in Babur's diary sections. 


grandson Khvvaja Kalan for Samarkand, who had come by way 
of a mission from Auzbeg khans and sultans/ 

In congratulation on the birth of Humayun's son and Kamran's 
marriage, Mulla Tabriz! and Mirza Beg Taghal ^ were sent with 
gifts {sdchdq) to each Mirza of 10,000 shdhrukhis, a coat I had 
worn, and a belt with clasps. Through Mulla Bihishtl were 
sent to Hind-al an inlaid dagger with belt, an inlaid ink-stand, 
a stool worked in mother-o'pearl, a tunic and a girdle,3 together 
with the alphabet of the Baburl script and fragments {qitdldr) 
written in that script. To Humayun were sent the translation 
{tarjunia) and verses made in Hindustan.4 To Hind-al and 
Khwaja Kalan also the translation and verses were sent. They 
were sent too to Kamran, through Mirza Beg Taghai, together 
with head-lines {sar-khat) in the Baburl script.5 

{Feb. 1st) On Tuesday, after writing letters to be taken by 
those going to Kabul, the buildings in hand at Agra and Dulpur 
Fol. 358 were recalled to mind, and entrusted to the charge of Mulla 
Qasim, Ustad Shah Muhammad the stone-cutter, Mirak, Mir Ghlas, 
Mir Sang-tarash (stone-cutter) and Shah Baba the spadesman. 
Their leave was then given them. 

{Feb. 2nd) The first watch (6a.m.) was near ^ when we rode 
out from Anwar ( Wednesday, Jumdda I. 2jrd) ; in the end,7 we 
dismounted, at the Mid-day Prayer, in the village of Abapur, one 
kuroh (2 m.) from Chandawar.^ 

{Feb. 3rd) On the eve of Thursday {24tk)'^ 'Abdu'l-maluk 
the armourer^° was joined with Hasan Chalabz a^nd sent as envoy 

* risSlat tariql bila ; their special mission may have been to work for peace (f. 359/5, 
n. I). 

» He may well be Kamran's father-in-law SI. 'All Mirza Taghai Begchik. 

3 nlmcha u takband. The tak-battd is a silk or woollen girdle fastening with 
a "hook and eye" (Steingass), perhaps with a buckle. 

*• This description is that of the contents of the " Kavipiir Dlwan " ; the tarjuma 
being the Wiilidiyyah-risala (f. 361 and n. ). What is said here shows that four copies 
went to Kabul or further north. Cf. Appendix Q. 

s Sar-khatm^y mean "copies" set for Kamran to imitate. 

^ btr pahr yawushub aldl ', I. O. 215 f. 221, qarlb yak pas roz biid. 

7 ikhar^ a word which may reveal a bad start and uncertainty as to when and where 
to halt. 

_ ® This, and not Chandwar (f. 33 1«^), appears the correct form. Neither this place nor 
Abapur is mentioned in the G. of I.'s Index or shewn in the I.S. Mapof 1900 (cf. f. Hib 
n. 3). Chandawar lies s.w. of Firuzabad, and near a village called Sufipur. 

' Anglic^, Wednesday after 6 p.m. 

'° or life-guardsman, body-guard. 

935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 to SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 643 

to the Shah ^ ; and Chapuq ^ was joined with the Aiizbeg envoys 
and sent to the Auzbeg khans and sultans. 

We moved from AbapOr while 4 garis of the night remained 
(4.30a.m.). After passing Chandawar at the top of the dawn, 
I got into a boat. I landed in front of RaprI and at the Bed-time 
Prayer got to the camp which was at Fathpur.3 

{Feb. 4-th and St h) Having stayed one day {Friday) at Fathpur, 
we got to horse on Saturday {26th) after making ablution {wazii) 
at dawn. We went through the Morning Prayer in assembly near 
RaprI, Maulana Muhammad of Farab being the leader (/w^;;^). At 
sun-rise I got into a boat below the great crook 4 of RaprI. 

Today I put together a line-marker {inistar) of eleven lines 5 
in order to write the mixed hands of the translation.^ Today 

' This higher title for Tahmasp, which first appears here in the B. N. , may be an 
early slip in the Turk! text, since it occurs in many MSS. and also because " Shah 
-zada " reappears on f. 359. 

^ Slash-face, balafri ; perhaps Vox^kivax Begchik (Index j.«. ), but it is long since he 
was mentioned by Babur, at least by name. He may however have come, at this time 
of reunion in Agra, with Mirza Beg Taglial (his uncle or brother ?), father-in-law of 

3 The army will have kept to the main road connecting the larger towns mentioned 
and avoiding the ravine district of the Jumna. What the boat-journey will have been 
between high banks and round remarkable bends can be learned from the G. of I. and 
Neave's District Gazetteer of MainpUrl. RaprI is on the road from Firiizabad to the 
ferry for Bateswar, where a large fair is held annually. (It is misplaced further east 
in the I. S. Map of 1900.) There are two Fathpurs, n.e. of RaprI. 

^ aulugh tughdlnlng tubi. Here it suits to take the Turki word tughal to mean 
bend of a river, and as referring to the one shaped (on the map) like a soda-water 
bottle, its neck close to Rapri. Babur avoided it by taking boat below its mouth. — 
In neither Persian translation has tiighai been read to mean a bend of a river ; the 
first has az pdydn riila Rdpri, perhaps referring to the important ford (paydn) ; the 
second has az zir bulatidl kaldn Kdprl, perhaps referring to a height at the meeting of 
the bank of the ravine down which the road to the ford comes, with the high bank 
of the river. Three examples of tUghdl or tiigdi [a synonym given by Dictionaries], 
can be seen in Abu'l-ghazl's Shajrat-i-Turk, Fraehn's imprint, pp. 106, 107, 119 
(Desmaisons' trs. pp. 204, 205, 230). In each instance Desmaisons renders it by 
coude, elbow, but one of the examples may need reconsideration, since the word has 
the further meanings of wood, dense forest by the side of a river (Vambery), prairie 
(Zenker), and reedy plain (Shaw). 

5 Blochmann describes the apparatus for marking lines to guide writing (A. -i- A. 
trs. p. 52 n.5) : — On a card of the size of the page to be written on, two vertical lines 
are drawn within an inch of the edges ; along these lines small holes are pierced at 
regular intervals, and through these a string is laced backwards and forwards, care 
being taken that the horizontal strings are parallel. Over the lines of string the pages 
are placed and pressed down ; the strings then mark the paper sufficiently to guide the 

^ tarklb (mng) khatl blla tarjuma bltir auchun. The Rdmpur Dlwdn may supply 
the explanation of the uncertain words tarkib khatl. The "translation" [tarjuma), 
mentioned in the passage quoted above, is the Wdlidiyyah-risdla, the first item of the 
Dlwdn, in which it is entered on crowded pages, specially insufficient for the larger 
hand of the chapter-headings. The number of lines per page is 13 ; Babur now 


the words of the honoured man-of-God admonished my 

(^Feb. 6th) Opposite Jakin,^ one of the RaprI parganas, we 
Fol. 358/^. had the boats drawn to the bank and just spent the night in 
them. We had them moved on from that place before the dawn 
{^Sunday 2ph), after having gone through the Morning Prayer. 
When I was again on board, Pay-master SI. Muhammad came, 
bringing a servant of Khwaja Kalan, Shamsu'd-din Muhammad, 
from whose letters and information particulars about the affairs of 
Kabul became known.3 Mahdl Khwaja also came when I was in 
the boat.4 At the Mid-day Prayer I landed in a garden opposite 
Etawa, there bathed {ghust) in the Jun, and fulfilled the duty of 
prayer. Moving nearer towards Etawa, we sat down in that 
same garden under trees on a height over-looking the river, and 
there set the braves to amuse us.5 Food ordered by Mahdl 
Khwaja, was set before us. At the Evening Prayer we crossed 
the river ; at the bed-time one we reached camp. 

There was a two or three days' delay on that ground both to 
collect the army, and to write letters in answer to those brought 
by Shamsu'd-din Muhammad. 
{fin. Letters various^ 

{Feb. gtk) On Wednesday the last day (jo//^) of the 1st Jumada, 
we marched from Etawa, and after doing ^kurohs (i6m.), dis- 
mounted at Murl-and-Adusa.^ 

fashions a line-marker for 1 1. He has already despatched 4 copies of the translation 
(f- 357^) ; he will have judged them unsatisfactory ; hence to give space for the 
mixture of hands i^tarklb khatl), i.e. the smaller hand of the poem and the larger of 
the headings, he makes an 1 1 line marker. 

' Perhaps Ahrari's in the Walidiyyah-risala, perhaps those of Muhammad. A 
quatrain in the Rampur Dlwan connects with this admonishment [Plate xiv«, 2nd 

=■ Jakhan ((7. of Mainpurt). The G. of Etawa (Drake-Brockman) p. 213, gives this 
as some 18 m. n. w. of Etawa and as lying amongst the ravines of the Jumna. 

3 f. 359* allows some of the particulars to be known. 

< Mahdi may have come to invite Babur to the luncheon he served shortly after- 
wards. The Hai. MS. gives him the honorific plural ; either a second caller was 
with him or an early scribe has made a slip, since Babur never so-honours Mahdl. This 
small point touches the larger one of how Babur regarded him, and this in connection 
with the singular story Nizamu'd-din Ahmad tells in his Tabacjat-i-akbari about 
Khalifa s wish to supplant Humayun by Mahdl Khwaja (Index s.nn.). 

5 yiKitlarnl shokhliiqgha saldfiq, perhaps set them to make fun. Cf. f. 366, ylgltlar bir 
para shokhluq qildilar. Muh. Shirazi (p. 323>^/) makes the startling addition of dar 
ab Kandakhttm\ t.e. he says that the royal party flung the braves into the river. 

Tht Gazetteer oj Etawa (Drake-Brockman) p. 186, s.n. Baburpur, writes of two 
village sites [which from their position are Miiri-and- Adiisa], as known by the name 

935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 TO SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 645 

Several remaining letters for Kabul were written on this same 
ground. One to Humayun was to this purport : — If the work 
have not yet been done satisfactorily, stop the raiders and thieves 
thyself; do not let them embroil the peace now descending 
amongst the peoples.^ Again, there was this : — I have made Fol. 359. 
Kabul a crown-domain, let no son of mine covet it. Again : — that 
I had summoned Hind-al. 

Kamran, for his part, was written to about taking the best of 
care in intercourse with the Shah-zada,^ about my bestowal on 
himselfofMultan, making Kabul a crown-domain, and the coming 
of my family and train.3 

As my letter to Khwaja Kalan makes several particulars 
known, it is copied in here without alteration : — ^ 

[Copy of a Letter to Khwaja Kalan.] 
" After saying ' Salutation to Khwaja Kalan ', the first matter 
is that Shamsu'd-dln Muhammad has reached Etawa, and that 
the particulars about Kabul are known." 

" Boundless and infinite is my desire to go to those parts.5 
Matters are coming to some sort of settlement in Hindijstan ; 
there is hope, through the Most High, that the work here will soon 
be arranged. This work brought to order, God willing ! my start 
will be made at once." 

" How should a person forget the pleasant things of those 
countries, especially one who has repented and vowed to sin no 
more? How should he banish from his mind the permitted 
flavours of melons and grapes? Taking this opportunity,^ 

Sara! Baburpur from having been Babur's halting-place. They are 24 m. to the s.e. of 
Etawa, on the old road for Kalpi. Near the name Baburpur in the Gazetteer Map 
there is Muhuri (Murl ?) ; there is little or no doubt that Sarai Baburpur represents the 
camping-ground Mur!-and-Adusa. 

^ This connects with Kitin-qara's complaints of the frontier-begs (f. 361), and with 
the talk of peace (f. 356<J). 

^ This injunction may connect with the desired peace ; it will have been prompted 
by at least a doubt in Babur's mind as to Kamran's behaviour perhaps e.g. in manifested 
dislike for a Shia'. Concerning the style Shah-zada see f. 358, p. 643, n. i. 

3 Kamran's mother Gul-rukh Begchlk will have been of the party who will have 
tried in Kabul to forward her son's interests. 

"> f. 348, p. 624, n. 2. 

s Kabul and Tramontana. 

^ Presumably that of Shamsu'd-dln Muhammad's mission. One of Babur's couplets 
expresses longing for the fruits, and also for the "running waters", of lands other 
than Hindustan, with conceits recalling those of his English contemporaries in verse, 
as indeed do several others of his short poems {Rampur Dlwdn Plate xvii A. ). 


a melon was brought to me; to cut and eat it affected me strangely ; 
I was all tears ! " 

" The unsettled state ^ of Kabul had already been written of 

Fol. 359/^. to me. After thinking matters over, my choice fell on this : — 
How should a country hold together and be strong {marbut 
u viazbut), if it have seven or eight Governors ? Under this 
aspect of the affair, I have summoned my elder sister (Khan- 
zada) and my wives to Hindustan, have made Kabul and its 
neighbouring countries a crown-domain, and have written in 
this sense to both Humayun and Kamran. Let a capable person 
take those letters to the Mirzas. As you may know already, I had 
written earlier to them with the same purport. About the safe- 
guarding and prosperity of the country, there will now be no 
excuse, and not a word, to say. Henceforth, if the town-wall ^ 
be not solid or subjects not thriving, if provisions be not in store 
or the Treasury not full, it will all be laid on the back of the 
inefficiency of the Pillar-of-the State." 3 

" The things that must be done are specified below ; for some 
of them orders have gone already, one of these being, ' Let 
treasure accumulate.' The things which must be done are these : — 
First, the repair of the fort ; again : — the provision of stores ; 
again : — the daily allowance and lodging^ of envoys going back- 
wards and forwards 5 ; again : — let money, taken legally from 
revenue,^ be spent for building the Congregational Mosque; 
again : — the repairs of the Karwan-sara (Caravan-sarai) and the 
Hot-baths ; again : — the completion of the unfinished building 

Fol. 360. made of burnt-brick which Ustad Hasan 'Ah was constructing in 
the citadel. Let this work be ordered after taking counsel with 
Ustad SI. Muhammad ; if a design exist, drawn earlier by Ustad 

' Ilai. MS. na marbutjlghl \ so too the 2nd Pers. trs. but the 1st writes wairdni 
u karabi which suits the matter of defence. 

" qurghan, walled-town ; from the mazbiit following, the defences are meant. 

3 VIZ. Governor Khwaja Kalan, on whose want of dominance his sovereign makes 
good-natured reflection. 

* ''alufa u qitn'il ; cf. 364^. 

5 Following ai/cAi (envoys) there is in the Hai. MS. and in I.O. 217 a doubtful 
word, bumla.yumla ; I.O. 215 (which contains a Persian trs. of the letter) is obscure, 
Ilmmsky changes the wording slightly ; Erskine has a free translation. Perhaps it is 
yaumi, daily, misplaced {see above). 

^ Perhaps, endow the Mosque so as to leave no right of property in its revenues to 
their donor, here Babur. Cf. Hughes' Did. of Islam s.nn. shari\ masjidsindi waqf. 

935 AH.~SEP. 15th 1528 TO SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 647 

Hasan 'All, let Ustad SI. Muhammad finish the building precisely 
according to it ; if not, let him do so, after making a gracious and 
harmonious design, and in such a way that its floor shall be level 
with that of the Audience-hall ; again : — the Khwurd-Kabul 
dam which is to hold up the But-khak-water at its exit from the 
Khwurd-Kabul narrows ; again : — the repair of the Ghaznl 
dam ^ ; again : — the Avenue-garden in which water is short and 
for which a one-mill stream must be diverted^; again: — I had 
water brought from Tutum-dara to rising ground south-west of 
Khwaja Basta, there made a reservoir and planted young trees. 
The place got the name of Belvedere,3 because it faces the ford 
and gives a first-rate view. The best of young trees must be 
planted there, lawns arranged, and borders set with sweet-herbs 
and with flowers of beautiful colour and scent ; again : — Sayyid 
Qasim has been named to reinforce thee ; again : — do not neglect 
the condition of matchlockmen and of Ustad Muhammad Amin 
the armourer^; again : — directly this letter arrives, thou must get 
my elder sister (Khan-zada Beglm) and my wives right out of 
Kabul, and escort them to Nll-ab. However averse they may still 
be, they most certainly must start within a week of the arrival of Fol. 3603. 
this letter. For why ? Both because the armies which have gone 
from Hindustan to escort them are suffering hardship in a cramped 
place {tar ylrda), and also because they 5 are ruining the country." 
" Again : — I made it clear in a letter written to 'Abdu'1-lah 
i^asas), that there had been very great confusion in my mind 
idiighdugha)^ to counterbalance being in the oasis {wddi) of 
penitence. This quatrain was somewhat dissuading {mdnz^) : — ^ 

^ f. 139. Khwaja Kalan himself had taken from Hindustan the money for repairing 
this dam. 

^ sapqiin dlip ; the 2nd Pers. trs. as if from sdtqun dllp, kharida, purchasing. 

3 nazar-gah, perhaps, theatre, as showing the play enacted at the ford. Cf. ff. 137, 
236, 248^, Tiitun-dara will be Masson's Tutam-dara. Erskine locates Tutiin-dara 
some ?>kos (i6m.) n.w. of Hupian (Upian). Masson shews that it was a charming 
place {Journeys 171 Biluchistan, Afghanistan and the PanJ-db, vol. iii, cap. vi and vii). 

* jibachi. Babur's injunction seems to refer to the maintaining of the corps and the 
manufacture of armour rather than to care for the individual men involved. 

5 Either the armies in Nll-ab, or the women in the Kabul-country (f. 375). 

^ Perhaps what Babur means is, that both what he had said to 'Abdu'1-lah and 
what the quatrain expresses, are dissuasive from repentance. Erskine writes {Mems. 
p. 403) but without textual warrant, "I had resolution enough to persevere " ; de 
Courteille {Mems. ii, 390), " Void un qtiatrain qui expritne au juste les difficulty de 
ma position. " 


Through renouncement of wine bewildered am I ; 
How to work know I not, so distracted am I ; 
While others repent and make vow to abstain, 
I have vowed to abstain, and repentant am I. 

A witticism of Banal's came back to my mind: — One day when 
he had been joking in 'Ah-sher Beg's presence, who must have 
been wearing a jacket with buttons,^ 'Ah-sher Beg said, 'Thou 
makest charming jokes ; but for the buttons, I would give thee 
the jacket; they are the hindrance {mdni').' Said Banal, 'What 
hindrance are buttons ? It is button-holes {inddagi) that hinder.' ^ 
Let responsibility for this story lie on the teller! hold me excused 
for it ; for God's sake do not be offended by it.3 Again : — that 
quatrain was made before last year, and in truth the longing and 
craving for a wine-party has been infinite and endless for two 
years past, so much so that sometimes the craving for wine 
brought me to the verge of tears. Thank God ! this year that 
trouble has passed from my mind, perhaps by virtue of the 
Fol. 361 • blessing and sustainment of versifying the translation.^ Do thou 
also renounce wine ! If had with equal associates and boon- 
companions, wine and company are pleasant things ; but with 
whom canst thou now associate ? with whom drink wine ? If thy 
boon-companions are Sher-i-ahmad and Haidar-qull, it should 
not be hard for thee to forswear wine. So much said, I salute 
thee and long to see thee." 5 

The above letter was written on Thursday the i st of the latter 
Jumada {^Feb. loth). It affected me greatly to write concerning 

' The surface retort seems connected with the jacket, perhaps with a request for 
the gift of it. 

' Clearly what recalled this joke of Banal's long-silent, caustic tongue was that 
its point lay ostensibly in a baffled wish— in 'All-sher's professed desire to be generous 
and a professed impediment, which linked in thought with Babur's'desire for wine, 
baffled by his abjuration. So much Banal's smart verbal retort shows, but beneath 
this is the double-entendre which cuts at the Beg as miserly and as physically impotent, 
a defect which gave point to another jeer at his expense, one chronicled by Sam Mlrza 
and translated in Hammer- Purgstall's Geschichtevonschonen Redekunste Fersiens, art. 
CLV. (Cf. f. 179-80.)— The word mddagi is used metaphorically for a button-hole ; 
\^t n&mardi, it carries secondary meanings, miserliness, impotence, etc. (Cf. 
Wollaston s English- Persian Dictiottary s.n. button-hole, where only we have found 
mSdagi with this sense. ) 

3 The 1st Pers. trs. expresses "all these jokes", thus including with the double- 
meantngs of madagi, the jests of the quatrain. 

„.'* The 1st Pers. trs. fills out Babur's allusive phrase here with "of the Wdlidiyyah". 
His wording allows the inference that what he versified was a prose Turk! translation 
of a probably Arabic original. 

x;r^ ^"^Sic^ comments here on the non-translation into Persian of Babur's letters. 
Many MSS., however, contain a translation (f. 348, p. 624, n. 2 and E.'s n. f. 377*). 

935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 TO SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 649 

3e matters, with their mingling of counsel. The letters were 
entrusted to Shamsu'd-din Muhammad on Friday night/ he was 
apprized of word-of-mouth messages and given leave to go. 

{00. Complaints front Balkh.) 

{Feb. nth) On Friday {Jumdda II. 2nd) we did ^kzc7'ohs{i6m.) 
and dismounted at Jumandna.^ Today a servant of Kitln-qara 
SI. arrived whom the Sultan had sent to his retainer and envoy 
Kamalu'd-din Qidq,^ with things written concerning the behaviour 
of the begs of the (Balkh) border, their intercourse with himself, 
and complaints of theft and raid. Leave to go was given to 
Qidq, and orders were issued to the begs of the border to put an 
end to raiding and thieving, to behave well and to maintain 
intercourse with Balkh. These orders were entrusted to Kitin 
-qara Sl.'s servant and he was dismissed from this ground. 

A letter, accepting excuse for the belated arrival of Hasan 
Chalabi,^ was sent to the Shah today by one Shah-qull who had Fol. 361^. 
come to me from Hasan Chalabi and reported the details of the 
battle (of Jam).5 Shah-quli was given his leave on this same 
day, the 2nd of the month. 
(//. Incidents of the eastward march resumed?) 

{Feb. 1 2th) On Saturday {3rd) we did Zkurohs (i6m.) and 
dismounted in the Kakura and Chachawall ^ parganas of Kalpl. 

{Feb. JJth) On Sunday the 4th of the month, we did (^kurohs 
{ 1 8 m.) and dismounted in Dirapur 7 a pargana of Kalpi. Here 
I shaved my head,^ which I had not done for the past two 
months, and bathed in the Singar-water (Sengar). 

* Anglice, Thursday after 6 p.m. 

" What would suit measurement on maps and also Babur's route is "Jumoheen" 
which is marked where the Sara! Baburpur-Atsu-Phaphand road turns south, east of 
Phaphand (I.S. Map of 1900, Sheet 68). 

3 var. Qabdq, Qatdk, Qattdk, to each of which a meaning might be attached. Babur 
had written to Humayun about the frontier affair, as one touching the desired peace 
(f. 359). 

'* This will refer to the late arrival in Agra of the envoy named, who was not with 
his younger brother at the feast of f. 35i;5 (f, 357, p. 641, n. 2). — As to Tahmasp's style, 
see f. 354, f. 358. 

5 Shah-qull may be the ill-informed narrator off. 354. 

^ Both are marked on the southward road from Jumoheen (Jumandna?) for Auraiya. 

7 The old Kalpl pargana having been sub-divided, Dirapur is now in the district of 
Cawnpore (Kanhpiir). 

^ That this operation was not hair-cutting but head-shaving is shewn by the verbs 
T. qlrnidq and its Pers. trs. tai-dsh kardan. To shave the head frequently is common 
in Central Asia. 


{^Feb. i^tJi) On Monday {5th^ we did lA^kurohs (28m.), and 
dismounted in Chaparkada ^ one of the parganas of Kalpl. 

{^Feb. 15th) At the dawn of Tuesday {6tJt), a Hindustani servant 
of Qaracha's arrived who had taken a command {farmdn) from 
Mahim to Qaracha from which it was understood that she was 
on the road. She had summoned escort from people in Lahor, 
Bhira and those parts in the fashion I formerly wrote orders 
{parwdnas) with my own hand. Her command had been written 
in Kabul on the 7th of the ist Jumada {Jan. iJtJt)? 

{Feb. i6tJt) On Wednesday {jth) we did 7 kuroks (14m.), and 
dismounted in the Addim^m pargana.^ Today I mounted before 
dawn, took the road 4 alone, reached the Jun (Jumna), and went 
on along its bank. When I came opposite to Adampur, I had 
awnings set up on an island {ardl) near the camp and seated 
there, ate majiin. 

Today we set Sadiq to wrestle with Kalal who had come to 
Fol. 362. Agra with a challenge.s In Agra he had asked respite for 
20 days on the plea of fatigue from his journey ; as now 40-50 
days had passed since the end of his respite, he was obliged to 
wrestle. Sadiq did very well, throwing him easily. Sadiq was 
given 10,000 tankas\ a saddled horse, a head-to-foot, and a jacket 
with buttons ; while Kalal, to save him from despair, was given 
3000 tankas, spite of his fall. 

* This will be Chaparghatta on the Dlrapur-Bhognipur-Chaparghatta-Musanagar 
road, the affixes kada and ghatta both meaning house, temple, etc. 

' Mahim, and with her the child Gul-badan, came in advance of the main body of 
women. Babur seems to refer again to her assumption of royal style by calling her 
Wall, Governor (f. 369 and n.). It is unusual that no march or halt is recorded on 
this day._ 

3 or, Arampur. We have not succeeded in finding this place ; it seems to have 
been on the west bank of the Jumna, since twice Babur when on the east bank, writes 
of commg opposite to it {supra and f. 379). If no move was made on Tuesday, 
Jumada II. 6th (cf. last note), the distance entered as done on Wednesday would 
locate the halting-place somewhere near the AkbarpCir of later name, which stands on 
a road and at a ferry. But if the army did a stage on Tuesday, of which Babur omits 
mention, Wednesday's march might well bring him opposite to Hamirpur and to the 

Kampur -ferry. The verbal approximation of Arampur and " Rampur " arrests 
attention.— Local encroachment by the river, which is recorded in the District 
Gazetteers, may have something to do with the disappearance from these most useful 
bookstand from maps, oi pargana Adampur (or, Arampur). 

* tushldb. It suits best here, since solitude is the speciality of the excursion, to 
read tushm&k as meaning to take the road, Fr. cheminer. 

! fu""* u''{^' ¥''""• P-'^^^, challenge; Af^ms. ii, 391, /7 avait fait des famous, 
a truth probably, but one inferred only. -/ >- ' 


^^■^ 935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 to SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 651 

m The carts and mortar were ordered landed from the boats, 
B and we spent 3 or 4 days on this same ground while the road 
B was made ready, the ground levelled and the landing effected. 
^ {Feb. 21 St) On Monday the 12th of the month {Junidda IL), 
we did \2kur0hs (24m.) and dismounted at KOrarah.^ Today 
I travelled by litter. 

{Feb. 22nd-2^tJi) After marching 12 kurohs (24m.) from 
Kurarah {13 th), we dismounted in Kuria ^ dipargana of Karrah. 
From Kuria we marched Sy^^/r^/^j- (i6m.) and dismounted {14th) 
in Fathpur-Aswa.3 After ^kurohs (i6m.) done from Fathpur, 
we dismounted {iSth) at Sara! Munda.4 . . . Today at the Bed- 
time Prayer {Friday i6th, after dark), SI. Jalalu'd-din {Sharqi) 5 
came with his two young sons to wait on me. 

{Feb. 26th) Next day, Saturday the 17th of the month, we did 
^kurohs (i6m.), and dismounted at Dugdugi a Karrah pargana 
on the bank of the Gang.^ 

{Feb. 2'jtk) On Sunday {i8tk) came to this ground Muhammad 
SI. M., Nl-khub (or, Bl-khub) SI. and Tardika (or, T3.rd\ yakka, Fol. 362^. 

{Feb. 28th) On Monday {igtJi) *AskarI also waited on me. 
They all came from the other side of Gang (Ganges). 'Askarl 
and his various forces were ordered to march along the other 
bank of the river keeping opposite the army on this side, and 
wherever our camp might be, to dismount just opposite it. 

{qq. News of the Afghans^ 

While we were in these parts news came again and again that 
SI. Mahmud {Liidi) had collected 10,000 Afghans ; that he had 

^ This will be more to the south than Kura Khas, the headquarters of the large 
district; perhaps it is " Koora Khera" (? Kura-khiraj) which suits the route (I.S. 
Map, Sheet 88). 

^ Perhaps Kunda Kanak, known also as " Kuria, Koria, Kura and Kunra Kanak" 
{D.G. of Fathpur). 

3 Ilaswa or Hanswa. The conjoint name represents two villages some 6m. apart, 
and is today that of their railway-station. 

^ almost due east of Fathpur, on the old King's Highway {Bddshdhi Sar-rdh). 

5 His ancestors had ruled in Junpur from 1394 to 1476 ad., his father Husain 
Shah having been conquered by SI. Sikandar Liidl at the latter date. He was one 
of three rivals for supremacy in the East {Sharq), the others being Jalalu'd-din Nuhdni 
and Mahmud Ludl, — Afghans all three. Cf. Erskine's History of India, Bdbiir, i, 501. 

^ This name appears on the I. S. Map, Sheet 88, but too far north to suit Babur's 
distances, and also off the Sara! Munda-Kusar-Karrah road. The position of Naubasta 
suits better. 



detached Shaikh Bayazld and Biban with a mass of men towards 
Sarwar [Gorakhpur] ; that he himself with Fath Khan Sarwdnt 
was on his way along the river for Chunar ; that Sher Khan Sur 
whom I had favoured last year with the gift of several parganas 
and had left in charge of this neighbourhood,' had joined these 
Afghans who thereupon had made him and a few other amirs 
cross the water ; that SI. Jalalu'd-din's man in Benares had not 
been able to hold that place, had fled, and got away ; what he 
was understood to have said being, that he had left soldiers 
{sipahildr) in Benares-fort and gone along the river to fight 
SI. Mahmud.2 
{rr. Incidents of the march resumed^ 

{March ist) Marching from Dugdugl {Tuesday, Junidda 11. 
20th) the army did dkurohs (i2m.) and dismounted at Kusar,3 
3 or 4 kurohs from Karrah. I went by boat. We stayed here 3 or4 
Fol. 363. days because of hospitality offered by SI. Jalalu'd-dln. 

{March 4th) On Friday {23rd\ I dismounted at SI. Jalalu'd- 
din's house inside Karrah-fort where, host-like, he served me 
a portion of cooked meat and other viands.4 After the meal, 
he and his sons were dressed in unlined coats {yaktdi jamah) 
and short tunics {nimcha)> At his request his elder son was 
given the style SI. Mahmud.^ On leaving Karrah, I rode about 
one kuroh (2 m.) and dismounted on the bank of Gang. 

Here letters were written and leave was given to Shahrak 
Beg who had come from Mahim to our first camp on Gang 
{i.e. Dugdugl). As Khwaja Yahya's grandson Khwaja Kalan 

' Sher Khan was associated with Dudu Bib! in the charge of her son's affairs. 
Babur's favours to him, his son Humayun's future conqueror, will have been done during 
the Eastern campaign in 934 AH., of which so much record is missing. Cf. Tdrikh-i- 
sher-shahi, E. & D.'s History of India, iv, 301 et seq. for particulars of Sher Khan 
(Farid Khan SHr Afghan). 

' In writing " SI. Mahmud ", Babur is reporting his informant's style, he himself 
calling Mahmud " Khan " only (f. 363 and f. 363(5). 

3 This will be the more northerly of two Kusars marked as in Karrah ; even so, it 
is a very long ()kurohs (i2m.) from the Dugdugl of the I.S. Map (cf. n. supra). 

* hlr para ash u ta^dm, words which suggest one of those complete meals served, 
each item on its separate small dish, and all dishes fitting like mosaic into one tray. 
T. ash is cooked meat (f. 2 n. I and f. 343^) ; Ar. ta'am will be sweets, fruit, bread, 
perhapw rice also. 

s Thcyaktai, one-fold coat, contrasts with the du-tahi, two-fold (A. -i- A. Bib. Ind. 
ed., p. loi, and Blochmann's trs. p. 88). 

^ This acknowledgement of right to the style Sultan recognized also supremacy of 
the Sharql claim to rule over that of the Nuhan! and Ludi competitors. 

935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 TO SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 653 

had been asking for the records I was writing,^ I sent him by 
Shahrak a copy I had had made. 

{March S^^) ^^ Saturday move was made at dawn {2^th), 
I going by boat direct, and after A^kurohs done (8 m.), halt was 
made at Koh.^ Our ground, being so near, was reached quite 
early. After awhile, we seated ourselves inside 3 a boat where 
we ate ma'jun. We invited the honoured Khwaja 'Abdu'sh- 
shahld 4 who was said to be in Nur Beg's quarters {awi), invited 
also Mulla Mahmud {Fardbi}), bringing him from Mulla 'All 
Khan's. After staying for some time on that spot, we crossed 
the river, and on the other side, set wrestlers to wrestle. In 
opposition to the rule of gripping the strongest first, Dost-i-yasin Fol. 363^. 
-khair was told not to grapple with Champion Sadiq, but with 
others ; he did so very well with eight. 

{ss. News of the Afghan enemy.) 

At the Afternoon Prayer, SI. Muhammad the Pay-master came 
by boat from the other side of the river, bringing news that the 
army of SI. Iskandar's son Mahmud Khan whom rebels style 

^ mtndin biti turgdn waqal''. This passage Teufel used to support his view that 
Babur's title for his book was lVaqal\ and not Babur-ndma which, indeed, Teufel 
describes as the Kazancr Atisgabe adopt irte Tit el. Bdbur-ndma, however, is the 
title [or perhaps, merely scribe's name] associated both with Kehr's text and with the 
Haidarabad Codex. — I have found no indication of the selection by Babur of any 
title ; he makes no mention of the matter and where he uses the word waqdV or its 
congeners, it can be read as a common noun. In his colophon to the Rdvipiir Dlivdii, 
it is a parallel oi asW'dr, poems. Judging from what is found in the Alubin, it may 
be right to infer that, if he had lived to complete his book — now broken off j.a. 
914AH. (f. 2i6b) — he would have been explicit as to its title, perhaps also as to his 
grounds for choosing it. Such grounds would have found fitting mention in a preface 
to the now abrupt opening of the Bdbur-ndma (f. lb), and if the Alalfuzdt-i-ttinuri he. 
Timiir's authentic autobiography, this book might have been named as an ancestral 
example influencing Babur to write his own. Nothing against the authenticity of the 
Malffizdt can be inferred from the circumstance that Babur does not name it, because 
the preface in which such mention would be in harmony with e.g. his Walidiyyah 
preface, was never written. It might accredit the Malfuzdt to collate passages having 
common topics, as they appear in the Bdbiir-ndma, Malfuzdt -i-tiinuri and Zafa?-- 
ndma (cf. E. & D.'s H. of I. iv, 559 for a discussion by Dr. Sachau and Prof. Dowson 
on the Malffizdt). (Cf. Z.D.M. xxxvii, p. 184, Teufel's art. Bdbtir und'Abulfazl ; 
Smirnow's Cat. oi Manuscrits Turcs, p. 142 ; Index in loco s.nn. Mubin and Title.) 

^ Koh-khiraj, Revenue-paying Koh (H. G. Nevill's Z>. <7. of Alldhdbdd, p. 261). 

3 kima alchidd, which suggests a boat with a cabin, a bajrd {Hob son- Job son s. n. 

^ He had stayed behind his kinsman Khwaja Kalan. Both, as Babur has said, 
were descendants of Khwaja 'Ubaidu'1-lah Ahrdrl. Khwaja Kalan was a grandson of 
Ahrari's second son Yahya ; Khwaja 'Abdu'sh-shahid was the son of his fifth, Khwaja 
Abdu'1-lah (Khwajagan-khwaja). 'Abdu'sh-shahid returned to India under Akbar, 
received a fief, maintained 2,000 poor persons, left after 20 years, and died in 
Samarkand in 982 ah. — 1574-5 ad. (A.-i-A., Blochmann'strs. and notes, pp. 423, 539)- 



SI. Mahmud,^ had broken up. The same news was brought in 
by a spy who had gone out at the Mid-day Prayer from where 
we were ; and a dutiful letter, agreeing with what the spy had 
reported, came from Taj Khan Sdrang-khdni between the After- 
noon and Evening Prayers. SI. Muhammad gave the following 
particulars : — that the rebels on reaching Chunar seemed to have 
laid siege to it and to have done a little fighting, but had risen 
in disorderly fashion when they heard of our approach ; that 
Afghans who had crossed the river for Benares, had turned back 
in like disorder; that two of their boats had sunk in crossing and 
a body of their men been drowned. 

(//. Incidents of the eastward march resumed^ 

{March 6th) After marching at Sunday's dawn {2^th) and 
doing dkurohs (i2m.), Slr-auliya,^ a pargana of Piag * 3 was 
reached. I went direct by boat. 

Alsan-tlmur SI. and Tukhta-bugha SI. had dismounted half- 
way, and were waiting to see me.4 I, for my part, invited them 
into the boat. Tijkhta-bugha SI. must have wrought magic, for 
a bitter wind rose and rain began to fall. It became quite 
windy (?) 5 on which account I ate nia'jun, although I had done 
so on the previous day. Having come to the encamping- 
ground . . . ^ 

' f- 363, f. 363*. 

' Not found on maps ; OOjani or Ujahni about suits the measured distance. 

3 Prayag, Ilahabad, Allahabad. Between the asterisk in my text [supra) and the 
one followmg "ford" before the foliation mark f. 364, the Hai. MS. has a lacuna 
which, as being preceded and followed by broken sentences, can hardly be due 
to a scribe's skip, but may result from the loss of a folio. What I have entered 
above between the asterisks is translated from the Kehr-Ilminsky text ; it is in the 
two Persian translations also. Close scrutiny of it suggests that down to the end of 
the swimming episode it is not in order and that the account of the swim across the 
Ganges rnay be a survival of the now missing record of 934 AH. (f 339). It is singular 
that the Ters. trss. make no mention of Flag or of Sir-auliya ; their omission arouses 
speculation as to in which text, the Turk! or Persian, it was first tried to fill what remains 
a gap m the I.Iai. Codex. A second seeming sign of disorder is the incomplete 
sentence ^'Kr/^/4a kilio, which is noted below. A third is the crowd of incidents now 
standing under Tuesday". A fourth, and an important matter, is that on grounds 
noted at the end of the swimming passage (p. 655 n. 3) it is doubtful whether that 
I^ssage IS in >ts nght place.— It may be that some-one, at an early date after Babur's 
<»eatti, tried to fill the lacuna discovered in his manuscript, with help from loose folios 
or parts of them. Cf. Index s. n. swimming, and f. 377^, p. 680 n. 2. 

1 he Chaghatai sultans will have been with 'Askari east of the Ganges. 
turetrh Traill ' ^" ^^' ^^^^^^^e of the wind ; Mdms. ii, 398, une lempira- 

* yurtgha kiUb, an incomplete sentence. 


W (Ma 

935 AH.— SEP. 15th 152S TO SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 655 

{March yth ?) Next day {Monday 26th ?) we remained on the 
same ground. 

{March Sth ?) On Tuesday {27^1 ?) we marched on. 

Opposite the camp was what may be an island/ large and 
verdant. I went over by boat to visit it, returning to the boat 
during the ist watch (6-9a.m.). While I rode carelessly along 
the ravine {jar^ of the river, my horse got to where it was fissured 
and had begun to give way. I leapt off at once and flung myself 
on the bank ; even the horse did not go down ; probably, however, 
if I had stayed on its back, it and I would have gone down 

On this same day, I swam the Gang-river (Ganges), counting 
every stroke;^ I crossed with 33, then, without resting, swam 
back. I had swum the other rivers, Gang had remained to do.3 

We reached the meeting of the waters of Gang and Jun at the 
Evening Prayer, had the boat drawn to the Flag side, and got 
to camp at i watch, ^ garis (io.30p,m.). 

{March gth) On Wednesday {Junidda II. 28th) from the 1st 
watch onwards, the army began to cross the river J tin ; there were 
420 boats.-^ 

{March nth) On Friday, the 1st of the month of Rajab, 
I crossed the river. 

{March On Monday, the 4th of the month, the march 

' <7rrt/^<7rai"^aMdf«r, phrasing implying uncertainty ; there may have been an island, 
or such a peninsula as a narrow-mouthed bend of a river forms, or a spit or bluff 
projecting into the river. The word drdl represents Aiki-sii-drdst, Miydn-du-db, 
Entre-eaux, Twixt-two-streams, Mesopotamia. 

" qui; Pers. trss. dast anddkhtan and dast. Presumably the 33 strokes carried the 
swimmer across the deep channel, or the Ganges was crossed higher than Piag. 

3 The above account of Babur's first swim across the Ganges which is entered under 
datejumada II. 27th, 935 AH. (March Sth, 1529AD.), appears misplaced, since he 
mentions under date Rajab 25th, 935AH. (April 4th, l529An. f. 366^), that he had 
swum the Ganges at Baksara (Buxar) a year before, i.e. on or close to Rajab 25th, 
934 AH. (April 15th, 1528 AD. ). Nothing in his writings shews that he was near 
Piag (Allahabad) in 934AH. ; nothing indisputably connects the swimming episode 
with the "Tuesday" below which it now stands ; there is no help given by dates. 
One supposes Babur would take his first chance to swim the Ganges ; this was offered 
at Qanauj (f. 336), but nothing in the short record of that time touches the topic. The 
next chance would be after he was in Aud, when, by an unascertained route, perhaps 
down the Ghogra, he made his way to Baksara where he says (f. 3661^) he swam the 
river. Taking into consideration the various testimony noted, [Index j.«. swimming] 
there seems warrant for supposing that this swimming passage is a survival of the 
missing record of 934 ah, (f. 339). Qi. i-ZTlb, p. 680 and n. 2 for another surmised 
survival of 934AH. 

* "Friday" here stands for Anglice, Thursday after 6p.m.; this, only, suiting 
Babur's next explicit date Sha'ban 1st, Saturday. 



for Bihar began along the bank of Jun. After ^kurohs (lom.) 
done, halt was made at Lawaln.^ I went by boat. The people 
of the army were crossing the Jun up to today. They were 
ordered to put the culverin-carts ^ which had been landed at 
Adampur, into boats again and to bring them on by water from 

On this ground we set wrestlers to wrestle. Dost-i-yasin 
-khair gripped the boatman Champion of Labor ; the contest 
was stubborn ; it was with great difficulty that Dost gave the 
throw. A head-to-foot was bestowed on each. 

{March 15th and i6th) People said that ahead of us was 
a swampy, muddy, evil river called Tus.3 In order to examine 
the ford * ^ and repair the road, we waited two days ( Tuesday 
Ramzdn 5th and Wednesday 6th) on this ground. For the horses 
and camels a ford was found higher up, but people said laden carts 
could not get through it because of its uneven, stony bottom. 
Fol. 364. They were just ordered to get them through. 

{March 17th) On Thursday {yth) we marched on. I myself 
went by boat down to where the Tus meets the Gang (Ganges), 
there landed, thence rode up the Tus, and, at the Other Prayer, 

^ The march, beginning on the Jumna, is now along the united rivers. 

' zarb-zanlik ardhaldr. Here the carts are those carrying the guns. 

3 From the particulars Babur gives about the Tus (Tons) and Karma-nasa, it vvrould 
seem that he had not passed them last year, an inference supported by what is known 
of his route in that year: — He came from Guallar to the Kanar-passage (f. 336), there 
crossed the Jumna and went direct to Qanauj (f. 335), above Qanauj bridged the 
Ganges, went on to Bangarmau (f. 338), crossed the Gumtl and went to near the 
junction of the Ghogra and Sarda (f. 338/^). The next indication of his route is that 
he is at Baksara, but whether he reached it by water down the Ghogra, as his 
meeting with Muh. VLz.'xyxiFarmuli suggests (f. 377), or by land, nothing shews. From 
Baksara (f. 366) he went up-stream to Chausa (f. 365/5), on perhaps to Sayyidpur, 2 m. 
from the mouth of the Gumtl, and there left the Ganges for Junpur (f. 365). I have 
found nothing about his return route to Agra ; it seems improbable that he would go so 
far south as to near Piag ; a more northerly and direct road to Fathpiir and Sara! 
Baburpur may have been taken. — Concerning Babur's acts in 934 AH. the following 
item, (met with since I was working on 934 AH.), continues his statement (f. 338(5) that 
he spent a few days near Aud (Ajodhya) to settle its affairs. The D. G. of Fyzabaa 
(H. E. Nevill) p. 173 says " In 1528 ad. Babur came to Ajodhya (Aud) and halted 
a week. He destroyed the ancient temple" (marking the birth-place of Rama) "and 
on its site built a mosque, still known as Babur's Mosque ... It has two inscrip- 
tions, one on the outside, one on the pulpit ; both are in Persian ; and bear the date 
935 AH." This date may be that of the completion of the building. — {^Corrigendum : — 
On f. 339 n. I, I have too narrowly restricted the use of the name Sarju. Babur used it 
to describe what the maps of Arrowsmith and Johnson shew, and not only what the 
Gazetteer of India map of the United Provinces does. It applies to the Sarda (f. 339) 
as Babur uses it when writing of the fords. ) 
* Here the lacuna of the Hai. Codex ends. 


935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 TO SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 657 

reached where the army had encamped after crossing the ford. 
Today 6kurohs (12 m.) were done. 

{March i8iJi) Next day {Friday 8tJt), we stayed on that 

{March i^th) On Saturday (p///), we marched 12 kurohs and 
got to the bank of Gang again at NuHba.^ 

{March 20th) Marching on {Sunday loth), we did 6kurohs of 
road, and dismounted at Kintit.^ 

{March 21st) Marching on {Monday nth), we dismounted at 
Nanapur.3 Taj Khan Sdrang-khdni came from Chunar to this 
ground with his two young sons, and waited on me. 

In these days a dutiful letter came from Pay-master SI. 
Muhammad, saying that my family and train were understood to 
be really on their way from Kabul.4 

{March 2jrd) On Wednesday {ijth) we marched from that 
ground. I visited the fort of Chunar, and dismounted about 
one kuroh beyond it. 

During the days we were marching from Flag, painful boils 
had come out on m}^ body. While we were on this ground, an 
Ottoman Turk (Rumi) used a remedy which had been recently 
discovered in Rum. He boiled pepper in a pipkin ; I held the 
sores in the steam and, after steaming ceased, laved them with 
the hot water. The treatment lasted 2 sidereal hours. 

While we were on this ground, a person said he had seen 
tiger and rhinoceros on an drdl 5 by the side of the camp. 

{March 2/i.thT) In the morning (/^/// ?), we made the hunting- FoI. 364^. 
circle ^ on that drdl, elephants also being brought. Neither tiger 
nor rhino appeared ; one wild buffalo came out at the end of 
the line. A bitter wind rising and the whirling dust being 
very troublesome, I went back to the boat and in it to the camp 
which was 2 kurohs (4 m.) above Banaras. 

' Perhaps, where there is now the railwaj' station of " Nulibai " (I.S. Map). The 
direct road on which the army moved, avoids the windings of the river. 

"^ This has been read as T. klnt, P. dih, Eng. village and Fr. village. 

3 "Nankunpur" lying to the north of Puhari railway-station suits the distance 
measured on maps. 

■♦ These will be the women-travellers. 

s Perhaps jungle tracts lying in the curves of the river. 

^ jlrga, which here stands for the beaters' incurving line, witness the exit of the 
buffalo at the end. Cf. f. 367*^ for a jtrga of boats. 


(««. News of the Afghans.) 

{March 2^th{}) and 26th) Having heard there were many 
elephants in the Chunar jungles, I had left (Thursday's) ground 
thinking to hunt them, but Taj Khan bringing the news {Friday 
i^th (?)) that Mahmud Khan {Lildt) was near the Son-water, 
I summoned the begs and took counsel as to whether to fall 
upon him suddenly. In the end it was settled to march on 
continuously, fast' and far. 

{March 27th) Marching on {Sunday ijth), we did 9 ktirohs 
(i8m.), and dismounted at the Bilwah- ferry .^ 

{March 28th) On Monday night 3 the 1 8th of the month, 
Tahir was started for Agra from this camp (Bilwah-ferry), taking 
money-drafts for the customary gifts of allowance and lodging "^ 
to those on their way from Kabul. 

Before dawn next morning (Monday) I went on by boat. 
When we came to where the Gul-water (Gumtl) which is the 
water of Jiinpiir, meets the Gang-water (Ganges), I went a little 
Foi. 365. way up it and back. Narrower^ though it is, it has no ford ; the 
army-folk crossed it (last year) by boat, by raft, or by swimming 
their horses. 

To look at our ground of a year ago,^ from which we had started 
for Junpur,7 I went to about a kuroh lower than the mouth of 
the Junpur-water (GOmtl). A favourable wind getting up behind, 
our larger boat was tied to a smaller Bengali one which, spreading 
its sail, made very quick going. Two garis of day remained 
(5.15 p.m.) when we had reached that ground (Sayyidpur?), we 
went on without waiting there, and by the Bed-time Prayer had 
got to camp, which was a kuroh above Madan-Benares,^ long- 
before the boats following us. Mughul Beg had been ordered to 

' auzun auzagh, many miles and many hours ? 

' Bulloa? (I.S.Map). 

3 Anglice, Sunday after 6 p.m. 

* ^alufa u qunal (f. 359/i). 

' than the Ganges perhaps ; or narrowish compared with other rivers, e.g. Ganges, 
Ghogra, and Jun. 

* yil-turgi yurl, by which is meant, I think, close to the same day a year back, and 
not an indefinite reference to some time in the past year. 

J Maps make the starting-place likely to be Sayyidpur. 
re-named Zamania, after Akbar's officer 'All-qull Khan Khan-i-zaman, and now 
the head-quarters of the Zamania pargana of Ghazipiir. Madan-Benares was in 
Akbar's sark&r of Ghazipur. (It was not identified by E. or by de C. ) Cf. D, G. of 

935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 TO SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 659 

measure all marches from Chunar on the direct road, Lutfl Beg 
to measure the river's bank whenever I went by boat. The direct 
road today was said to be 1 1 kurohs (22 m.), the distance along 
the river, 18 (36 m.). 

{March 2gth) Next day {Tuesday 19th), we stayed on that 

{March joth) On Wednesday {20th), we dismounted a kuroh 
(2 m.) below GhazTpur, I going by boat. 

{March 31st) On Thursday (-?/.?/) Mahmud Khan Nuhdni'^ 
waited on me on that ground. On this same day dutiful letters ^ 
came from Bihar Khan Bihdri's son Jalal Khan {Nuhdnt),^ from 
Nasir Khan {Nuhdniys son Farld Khan,'^ from Sher Khan Siir, 
from 'Alaul Khan Sur 3.\so, and from other Afghan amirs. Today Fol. 365^^. 
came also a dutiful letter from 'Abdu'l-'azlz Master-of-the-horse, 
which had been written in Labor on the 20th of the latter Jumada 
{Feb. 2Qth), the very day on which Qaracha's Hindustani servant 
whom we had started off from near Kalpl,5 reached Labor. 
*Abdu'l-'azIz wrote that he had gone with the others assigned to 
meet my family at Nll-ab, had met them there on the 9th of the 
latter Jumada {Feb. 18 th), had accompanied them to Chln-ab 
(Chan-ab), left them there, and come ahead to Labor where he 
was writing his letter. 

{April 1st) We moved on, I going by boat, on Friday {Rajab 
22nd). I landed opposite Chausa to look at the ground of a year 
ago ^ where the Sun had been eclipsed and a fast kept.7 After 
I got back to the boat, Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza, coming up 
behind by boat, overtook me ; at his suggestion 7na'jun was eaten. 

The army had dismounted on the bank of the Karma-nasa- 
river, about the water of which Hindus are understood to be 
extremely scrupulous. They do not cross it, but go past its 

' In the earlier part of the Hai. Codex this Afghan tribal-name is written Nuhani, 
but in this latter portion a different scribe occasionally writes it LuhanI (Index s.n.). 

" ^arza-ddsht, i.e. phrased as from one of lower station to a superior. 

3 His letter may have announced his and his mother Dudii Bibi's approach (f. 368-9). 

^ NasIr Khan had been an amir of 81. Sikandar Liidi. Sher Khan i'wr married his 
widow "Guhar Kusain ", bringing him a large dowry (A.N. trs. p. 327 ; and Tdrikh- 
i-sher-shahi, E. & D.'s History of India iv, 346). 

s He started from Chaparghatta (f. 361^, p. 650 n. i). 

* yil-tHrgi yiirt. 

"> "This must have been the Eclipse of the loth of May 1528 ad. ; a fast is enjoined 
on the day of an eclipse " (Erskine). 


mouth by boat along the Gang (Ganges). They firmly believe 
that, if its water touch a person, the merit of his works is destroyed ; 
with this belief its name accords/ I went some way up it by 
Fol. 366. boat, turned back, went over to the north bank of Gang, and tied 
up. There the braves made a little fun, some wrestling. Muhsin 
the cup-bearer challenged, saying, *' I will grapple with four or 
five." The first he gripped, he threw ; the second, who was 
Shadman (Joyous), threw him, to Muhsin's shame and vexation. 
The (professional) wrestlers came also and set to. 

{April 2nd) Next morning, Saturday {2jrd) we moved, close 
to the 1st watch (6 a.m.), in order to get people off to look at the 
ford through the Karma-nasa-water. I rode up it for not less 
than a kuroh (2 m.), but the ford being still far on,^ took boat and 
went to the camp below Chausa. 

Today I used the pepper remedy again ; it must have been 
somewhat hotter than before, for it blistered {qdpdrdi) my body, 
giving me much pain. 

{April 3rd) We waited a day for a road to be managed across 
a smallish, swampy rivulet heard to be ahead.3 

{April ^tli) On the eve of Monday {s^th),'^ letters were written 
and sent off in answer to those brought by the Hindustani foot- 
man of 'Abdu'l-'aziz. 

The boat I got into at Monday's dawn, had to be towed because 
of the wind. On reaching the ground opposite Baksara (Buxar) 
Fol. 366^. where the army had been seated many days last year,5 we went 
over to look at it. Between 40 and 50 landing-steps had been 
then made on the bank ; of them the upper two only were left, 
the river having destroyed the rest. MdjUn was eaten after 
return to the boat. We tied up at an drdl^ above the camp, set 
the champions to wrestle, and went on at the Bed-time Prayer. 
A year ago {yil-tur\ an excursion had been made to look at the 
ground on which the camp now was, I passing through Gang 

' Karma-nasa means loss of the merit acquired by good works. 
» The I. S. Map marks a main road leading to the mouth of the Karma-nasa and no 
other leading to the river for a considerable distance up-stream. 
3 Perhaps " Thora-nadee " (I.S. Map). 
* Anglic^, Sunday after 6 p.m. 
5 aulkan yll. 
' Perhaps the du-aba between the Ganges and " Thora-nadee ". 

rW 935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 to SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 66i 

swimming (? dastak bild),^ some coming mounted on horses, some 
on camels. That day I had eaten opium. 
[vv. Incidents of the military operatio7is^ 

{April Slh) At Tuesday's dawn {26th), we sent out for news 
not under 200 effective braves led by Karlm-blrdl and Haidar 
the stirrup-holder's son Muhammad *AlI and Baba Shaikh. 

While we were on this ground, the Bengal envoy was com- 
manded to set forth these three articles : — - 

{April 6th) On Wednesday {27th) Yunas-i-'ali who had been 
sent to gather Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza's objections to Bihar, 
brought back rather a weak answer. 

Dutiful letters from the (Farmiill) Shaikh-zadas of Bihar gave 
news that the enemy had abandoned the place and gone off 

{April ytJi) On Thursday {28th) as many as 2000 men of 
the Turk and Hind amirs and quiver- wearers were joined to 
Muhammad 'A\\ Jajtg-Jang's son Tardl-muhammad, and he was Fol. 367. 
given leave to go, taking letters of royal encouragement to people 
in Bihar. He was joined also by Khwaja Murshid 'Iraqi who 
had been made Dlwan of Bihar. 

{April 8th (?)) Muhammad-i-zaman M. who had consented to 
go to Bihar, made representation of several matters through 

' yil-tiir . . . Gang-suT-din min dastak bila autub, ba^zi at, ba''zt tiwah tninib, 
kllib, sair qllllib aidi. Some uncertainty as to the meaning of the phrase dastak bila 
autub is caused by finding that while here de Courtcille agrees with Erskine in taking 
it to mean swimming, he varies later (f. 373/^) to appuyds sur tine piece debois. Taking 
the Persian translations of three passages about crossing water into consideration (p. 655 
after f. ^d^fi, f. 366(5 (here), f. 373<5), and also the circumstances that E. and de C. are 
once in agreement and that Erskine worked with the help of Oriental munshis, I incline 
to think that dastak bi la does express swimming. — The question of its precise meaning 
bears on one concerning Babur's first swim across the Ganges (p. 655, n. 3). — Perhaps 
I should say, however, that if the sentence quoted at the head of this note stood alone, 
without the extraneous circumstances supporting the reading of dastak bila to mean 
swimming, I should incline to read it as stating that Babur went on foot through the 
water, feeling his footing with a pole {dastak), and that his followers rode through the 
ford after him. Nothing in the quoted passage suggests that the horses and camels 
swam. But whether the Ganges was fordable at Baksara in Babur's time, is beyond 

= fasl soz, which, manifestly, were to be laid before the envoy's master. The articles 
are nowhere specified ; one is summarized merely on f. 365 . The incomplete sentence 
of the Turk! text {supra) needs their specification at this place, and an explicit state- 
ment of them would have made clearer the political relations of Babur with Nasrat 
Shah. — A folio may have been lost from Babur's manuscript ; it might have specified 
the articles, and also have said something leading to the next topic of the diary, now 
needing preliminaries, viz. that of the Mirza's discontent with his new appointment, 
a matter not mentioned earlier. 


Shaikh Zain and Yunas-i-'ali. He asked for reinforcement ; for 
this several braves were inscribed and several others were made 
his own retainers. 

{April gth) ^ On Saturday the 1st of the month of Sha'ban, we 
left that ground where we had been for 3 or 4 days. I rode to 
visit Bhujpur and Bihiya,^ thence went to camp. 

Muhammad 'All and the others, who had been sent out for 
news, after beating a body of pagans as they went along, reached 
the place where SI. Mahmud {Ludi) had been with perhaps 2000 
men. He had heard of our reconnaissance, had broken up, killed 
two elephants of his, and marched off. He seemed to have left 
braves and an elephant 3 scout-fashion ; they made no stand when 
our men came up but took to flight. Ours unhorsed a few of his, 
cut one head off, brought in a few good men alive. 

{ww. Incidertts of the eastward march resumed^ 

{April lOtJi) We moved on next day {Sunday 2nd), I going by 

boat. From our today's ground Muhammad-i-zaman M. crossed 

(his army) over the river (Son), leaving none behind. We spent 

2 or 3 days on this ground in order to put his work through and 

Fol. 367*. get him off. 

{April 13th) OnWednesdaythe4th4of the month, Muhammad- 
i-zaman M. was presented with a royal head-to-foot, a sword and 
belt, a tlpHcItdq horse and an umbrella.5 He also was made to 
V\\QQ\{yukiindiirilldt){or the Bihar country. Of the Bihar revenues 
one krUr and 25 laks were reserved for the Royal Treasury ; its 
DlwanI was entrusted to Murshid 'Iraqi. 

{April I left that ground by boat on Thursday {6th). 
I had already ordered the boats to wait, and on getting up with 
them, I had them fastened together abreast in line.^ Though all 

* This suits Balmr's series, but Gladwin and Wilstenfeld have loth. 

' The first is near, tlie second on the direct road from Buxar for Arrah. 
3 The Hai. MS. makes an elephant be posted as the sole scout ; others post a sarddr, 
or post braves ; none post man and beast. 

* This should be 5th ; perhaps the statement is confused through the gifts being 
given late, Anglice, on Tuesday 4th, Islamic^ on Wednesday night. 

s The Mlrza's iimririd birth and a desire in Babur to give high status to a repre- 
sentative he will have wished to leave in Bihar when he himself went to his western 
dominions, sufficiently explain the bestowal of this sign of sovereignty. 

' J^f^^- This instance of its use shews that Babur had in mind not a completed 
circle, but a line, or in sporting parlance, not a hunting-circle but a beaters'-line. 
[Cf. f. 251, f. 364/J and infra of the crocodile.] The word is used also for a governing- 
circle, a tribal-council. 


935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 to SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 663 

were not collected there, those there were greatly exceeded the 
breadth of the river. They could not move on, however, so- 
arranged, because the water was here shallow, there deep, here 
swift, there still. A crocodile {gharidl) shewing itself, a terrified 
fish leaped so high as to fall into a boat ; it was caught and 
brought to me. 

When we were nearing our ground, we gave the boats names : — I'o'- 368. 
a large ^ one, formerly the Baburl,^ which had been built in Agra 
before the Holy-battle with Sanga, was named Asalsh (Repose).^ 
Another, which Aralsh Khan had built and presented to me this 
year before our army got to horse, one in which I had had a 
platform set up on our way to this ground, was named Aralsh 
(Ornament). Another, a good-sized one presented to me by 
Jalalu'd-din Sharqi, was named the GunjaTsh (Capacious) ; in it 
I had ordered a second platform set up, on the top of the one 
already in it. To a little skiff, having a cJiaukandl,^ one used for 
every task i^har disJi) and duty, was given the name Farmalsh 

{April iStJi) Next day, Friday {yth), no move was made. 
Muhammad-i-zaman M. who, his preparations for Bihar complete, 
had dismounted one or two kurohs from the camp, came today to 
take leave of me.5 

{xx. News of the army of Bengal.) 

Two spies, returned from the Bengal army, said that Bengalis^ 
under Makhdum-i-'alam were posted in 24 places on the Gandak 
and there raising defences ; that they had hindered the Afghans 
from carrying out their intention to get their families across the 

' at'ilu^h [kima). Does auliigh [aiiluq, tiluq) connect with the "bulky Oolak or 
'^^ggage-Doat of Bengal " ? {Hohson-Jobson s.n. Woolock, oolock). 

^ De Courteille's reading of Ilminsky's "Baburi" (p. 476) as Balrl, old servant, 
hardly suits the age of the boat. 

'^ Babur anticipated the custom followed e.g. by the White Star and Cunard lines, 
when he gave his boats names having the same terminal syllable ; his is aish ; on it he 
makes the quip of the har aish of the Farmaish. 

■♦ As Vullers makes Ar. ghurfat a synonym of chaukandl^ the Farmalsh seems likely 
to have had a cabin, open at the sides. De Courteille understood it to have a rounded 
stern. [Cf. E. & D.'s History of India v, 347, 503 n. ; and Gul-badan's H.N. trs. 
p. 98, n. 2.] 

5 niindln rukhsat dldt; phrasing which bespeaks admitted equality, that of Timurid 

* i.e. subjects of the Afghan ruler of Bengal ; many will have been Biharls and 
Purbiyas. Makhdum-i-'alam was Nasrat Shah's Governor in Hajipur. 


river (Ganges?), and had joined them to themselves.^ This news 
making fighting probable, we detained Muhammad-i-zaman 
Mirza, and sent Shah Iskandar to Bihar with 3 or 400 men. 

(jyj. Incidents of the eastward march resumed?) 
Fol. 368^. {April i6th) On Saturday {8th) a person came in from Dudu 
and her son Jalal Khan (son) of Bihar Khan ^ whom the Bengali 
(Nasrat Shah) must have held as if eye-bewitched.3 After letting 
me know they were coming,^ they had done some straight fighting 
to get away from the Bengalis, had crossed the river,5 reached 
Bihar, and were said now to be on their way to me. 

This command was given today for the Bengal envoy Isma'Il 
Mita : — Concerning those three articles, about which letters have 
already been written and despatched, let him write that an answer 
is long in coming, and that if the honoured (Nasrat Shah) be loyal 
and of single-mind towards us, it ought to come soon. 

{April 17 th) In the night of Sunday {gth) ^ a man came in from 
Tardi-muhammad Jang-jang to say that when, on Wednesday 
the 5th of the month Sha'ban, his scouts reached Bihar from this 
side, the Shiqdar of the place went off by a gate on the other side. 

On Sunday morning we marched on and dismounted in the 
pargana of Arl (Arrah).7 

{zz. News and negociations.) 

To this ground came the news that the Kharid ^ army, with 
1 00- 1 50 boats, was said to be on the far side of the Saru near the 

* This might imply that the Afghans had been prevented from joining MahmudKhan 
Liidl near the Son. 

' SI. Muhammad Shah Nuhani Afghan, the former ruler of Bihar, dead within a 
year. He had trained Farid Khan Siir in the management of government affairs ; had 
given him, for gallant encounter with a tiger, the title Sher Khan by which, or its 
higher form Sher Shah, history knows him, and had made him his young son's 
"deputy", an office Sher Khan held after the father's death in conjunction with the 
boy's mother Dudu Bibi [Tdrikh-i-sher-shdhi, E. & D.'s History of India iv, 325 
et seq.). 

3 giiz baghi yiisunluq ; by which I understand they were held fast from departure, 
as e.g. a mouse by the fascination of a snake. 

* f-^ 365 mentions a letter which may have announced their intention. 

s (Janges ; they thus evaded the restriction made good on other Afghans. 

* Anglice, Saturday 8th after 6 p.m. 

7_The D. G. ofShdhdbad (pp. 20 and 127) mentions that " it is said Babur marched 
to Arrah after his victory over Mahmud LtidV\ and that "local tradition still points to 
a place near the Judge's Court as that on which he pitched his camp ". 

Kharid which is now 2. pargana of the Ballia district, lay formerly on both sides 
of the Ghogra. Wlien the army of Kharid opposed Babur's progress, it acted for Nasrat 
Shah, but this Babur diplomatically ignored in assuming that there was peace between 


935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 TO Sep. 5th 1529 AD. 665 

meeting of Saru and Gang (Ghogra and Ganges). As a sort of 
peace existed between us and the Bengali (Nasrat Shah Afghan), 
and as, for the sake of a benediction, peace was our first endeavour 
whenever such work was toward as we were now on, we kept to 
our rule, notwithstanding his unmannerly conduct in setting 
himself on our road ; ^ we associated Mulla Mazhab with his 
envoy Isma'il Mita, spoke once more about those three articles ^ol. 369. 
{fasl soz), and decided to let the envoy go. 

{April iStli) On Monday {loth) when the Bengal envoy came 
to wait on me, he was let know that he had his leave, and what 
follows was mentioned : ^ — " We shall be going to this side and 
that side, in pursuit of our foe, but no hurt or harm will be done 
to any dependency of yours. As one of those three articles said,3 
when you have told the army of Kharld to rise off our road and 
to go back to Kharld, let a few Turks be joined with it to reassure 
these Kharld people and to escort them to their own place.4 If 
they quit not the ferry-head, if they cease not their unbecoming 
words, they must regard as their own act any ill that befalls 
them, must count any misfortune they confront as the fruit of 
their own words." 

{April 20th) On Wednesday {12th) the usual dress of honour 
was put on the Bengal envoy, gifts were bestowed on him and 
his leave to go was given. 

{April 2 1st) On Thursday {ijih) Shaikh Jamali was sent with 
royal letters of encouragement to Dudij and her sonjalal Khan. 

Today a servant of Mahlm's came, who will have parted from 
the Wall (?) 5 on the other side of the Bagh-i-safa. 

Bengal and himself. — At this time Nasrat Shah held the riverain on the left bank of the 
Ghogra but had lost Kharid of the right bank, which had been taken from him by 
Jimaid Barlas. A record of his occupation still survives in Kharld-town, an inscription 
dated by his deputy as for 1529 ad. {District Gazetteer of Ballia (H. R. Nevill), and 
D.G. ofSdran (L. L. S. O'Malley), Historical Chapters). 

^ Babur's opinion of Nasrat Shah's hostihty is more clearly shev^^n here than in the 
verbal message of f. 369. 

^ This will be an unceremonious summary of a vvord-of-mouth message. 

3 Cf. f.366<5, p. 661 n. 2. 

* This shews that Babur did not recognize the Saran riverain down to the Ganges 
as belonging to Kharid. His offered escort of Turks would safe-guard the Kharidis 
if they returned to the right bank of the Ghogra which was in Turk possession. 

s The Hai. MS. has wdli, clearly written ; which, as a word representing Mahim 
would suit the sentence best, may make playful reference to her royal commands 
(f. 3613), by styling her the Governor {wall). Erskine read the word as a place-name 
Dipali, which I have not found ; De Courteille omits Ilminsky's w:ras (p. 478). The 
MSS. vary and are uncertain. 


{April 2j;rd) On Saturday (/5/'//)an envoy from 'Iraq, Murad 
Qajar^ the life-guardsman, was seen. 

{April 24th) On Sunday {i6th) Mulla Mazhab received his 
usual keepsakes {yddgdrldr) and was given leave to go. 
rol.369i. {April 2^th) On Monday {17th) Khalifa was sent, with several 
begs, to see where the river (Ganges) could be crossed. 

{April 2ytJi) On Wednesday, {igtJi) Khalifa again was sent 
out, to look at the ground between the two rivers (Ganges and 

On this same day I rode southward in the Arl (Arxsih) pargana 
to visit the .sheets of lotus ^ near Arl. During the excursion 
Shaikh Guran brought me fresh-set lotus-seeds, first-rate little 
things just like pistachios. The flower, that is to .say, the nilufar 
(lotus), Hindustanis call kuwul-kikri (lotus-pistachio), and its 
seed dfidah (soot). 

As people said, *' The Son is near," we went to refresh ourselves 
on it. Masses of trees could be seen down-stream ; " Munir is 
there," said they, " where the tomb is of Shaikh Yahya the father 
of Shaikh Sharafu'd-din Mufiiriy 3 It being so close, I crossed 
the Son, went 2 or 3 kurohs down it, traversed the MunIr orchards, 
made the circuit of the tomb, returned to the Son-bank, made 
ablution, went through the Mid-day Prayer before time, and 
made for camp. Some of our horses, being fat,'^ had fallen behind ; 
some were worn out ; a {^v^ people were left to gather them 
together, water them, rest them, and bring them on without 
pressure ; but for this many would have been ruined. 

When we turned back from MunIr, I ordered that some-one 

Fol. 370. .should count a horse's steps between the Son-bank and the camp. 

They amounted to 23,100, which is 46,200 paces, which is \\\ 

• This is the * ' Kadjar " of R^clus' VAsie antMeure and is the name of the Turkman 
tril)e to which the present ruling house of Persia belongs. "Turkman" might be 
taken as applied to Shah Tahmasp by Dlv Sultan's servant on f. 354. 

'^ Ne.lumbium speciosum, a water-bean of great beauty. 

3 Shaikh Yahya had been the head of the Chishtl Order. His son (d. 782 ah. — 
1380-1 AU.) was the author of works named by AbiVl-fazl as read aloud to Akbar, a 
discursive detail which pleads in my excuse that those who know Babur well cannot 
but see in his grandson's character and success the fruition of his mental characteristics 
and of his laboursin Hindustan. (For Sharafu'd-din Munirl, cf. Khazinatu' l-asfrya 
ii. 39p-92 ; 2S\^ Ayln-i-akbari s.n.) 

< Ko.stenko's Turkistan Region describes a regimen for horses which Babur will 
have seen in practice in his native land, one which prevented the defect that hindered 
his at Munir from accomplishing more than some 30 miles before mid -day. 


935 AH.— Sep. 15th 1528 to Sep. 5th 1529 AD. 667 

kurohs (23 m.).^ It is about half a kuroh from Munir to the Son ; 
the return journey from Munir to the camp was therefore 12 kurohs 
(24 m.). In addition to this were some 15-16 kurohs done in 
visiting this and that place ; so that the whole excursion was one 
of some 30 kurohs (60 m.). Six garis of the 1st night-watch had 
passed [8.15 p.m.] when we reached the camp. 

{April 28th) At the dawn of Thursday {Sha'bdn igth) SI. 
Junaid Barlds came in with the Junpur braves from Junpur. I let 
him know my blame and displeasure on account of his delay ; 
I did not see him. QazI Jia I sent for and saw. 

{aaa. Plan of the approaching battle with the Bengal army.) 

On the same day the Turk and Hind amirs were summoned 
for a consultation about crossing Gang (Ganges), and matters 
found settlement at this ^ : — that tjstad *All-qulI should collect 
mortar, jiringi,^ and culverin ^ to the point of rising ground 
between the rivers Saru and Gang, and, having many match- 
lockmen with him, should incite to battle from that place ; 5 that 

' The distance from Munir to the bank of the Ganges will have been considerably 
longer in Babur's day than now because of the change of the river's course through 
its desertion of the Burh-ganga channel (cf. next note). 

"^ In trying to locate the site of Babur's coming battle with the forces of Nasrat 
Shah, it should be kept in mind that previous to the 1 8th century, and therefore, 
presumabl}', in his day, the Ganges flowed in the "Burh-ganga" (Old Ganges) channel 
which now is closely followed by the western boundary of the Ballia/ar^^zwa of Du-aba ; 
that the Ganges and Ghogra will have met where this old channel entered the bed of 
the latter river ; and also, as is seen from Babur's narrative, that above the confluence 
the Ghogra will have been confined to a narrowed channel. When the Ganges flowed 
in the Burh-ganga channel, the now Ballia pargana of Du-aba was a sub-division of 
Bihiya and continuous with Shahabad. From it in Bihiya Babur crossed the Ganges 
into Kharid, doing this at a place his narrative locates as some 2 miles from the con- 
fluence. Cf. D.G. of Ballia, pp. 9, 192-3, 206, 213. It may be observed that the 
former northward extension of Bihiya to the Burh-ganga channel explains Babur's 
estimate (f. 370) of the distance from Munir to his camp on the Ganges ; his \2k. 
(24m.) may then have been correct ; it is now too high. 

3 De Courteille, pierrier, which may be a balista. Babur's writings give no indica- 
tion of other than stone-ammunition for any projectile-engine or fire-arm. Cf. R. W. F. 
Payne-Gallwey's Projectile-throwing engines of the ancients. 

* Sir R. W. F. Payne-Gallwey writes in The Cross-bow (p. 40 and p. 41) what may 
apply to Babur's zarb-zan (culverin?) and //(/a«^ (matchlock), when he describes the 
larger culverin as a heavy hand-gun of from i6-i8lb., as used by the foot-soldier and 
requiring the assistance of an attendant to work it ; also when he says that it became 
the portable arquebus which was in extensive use in Europe by the Swiss in 1476 ad. ; 
and that between 1510 and 1520 the arquebus described was superseded by what is 
still seen amongst remote tribes in India, a matchlock arquebus. 

s The two positions Babur selected for his guns would seem to have been opposite 
two ferry-heads, those, presumably, which were blocked against his pursuit of Biban 
and Bayazid. 'Ali-quli's emplacement will have been on the high bank of old alluvium 
of south-eastern Kharid, overlooking the narrowed channel demanded by Babur's 


Mustafa, he also having many matchlockmen, should get his 
material and implements ready on the Bihar side of Gang, a little 
below the meeting of the waters and opposite to where on an 
island the Bengalis had an elephant and a mass of boats tied 
up, and that he should engage battle from this place ; ^ that 
Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza and the others inscribed for the work 
should take post behind Mustafa as his reserve ; that both for 
Qstad 'All-qull and Mustafa shelters (^muljdr) for the culverin- 
firers should be raised by a mass of spadesmen and coolies {kahdr) 
Fol. 370^. under appointed overseers ; that as soon as these shelters were 
ready, 'Askarl and the sultans inscribed for the work should cross 
quickly at the Haldl-passage ^ and come down on the enemy ; 
that meantime, as SI. Junaid and Qazi Jia had given information 
about a crossing-place^ Zkurohs{\6Ti\?) higher up,4 Zard-rui(Pale- 
face ?) should go with a few raftsmen and some of the people of 
the Sultan, Mahmud Khan Nuhdnl and QazI JIa to look at that 
crossing ; and that, if crossing there were, they should go over 
at once, because it was rumoured that the Bengalis were planning 
to post men at the Haldi-passage. 

A dutiful letter from Mahmud Khan the Military-collector 
{shiqddr) of Sikandarpur now came, saying that he had collected 
as many as 50 boats at the Haldl-passage and had given wages 
to the boatmen, but that these were much alarmed at the rumoured 
approach of the Bengalis. 

{April 30th) As time pressed 5 for crossing the Saru, I did not 
wait for the return of those who had gone to look at the passage, 

narrative, one pent in presumably by kankar reefs such as there are in the region. As 
illustrating what the channel might have been, the varying breadth of the Ghogra along 
the 'Azamgarh District may be quoted, viz. from 10 miles to 2/5 m., the latter being 
where, as in Kharld, there is old alluvium with kankar reefs preserving the banks. Cf. 
Reid's Report of Settlement Operations in '■ Azarngarh, Sikandarpur, and Bhadaon. — 
Firishta gives Badru as the name of one ferry (lith. ed. i. 210). 

' Mustafa, like ' All-quli, was to take the offensive by gun-fire directed on the opposite 
bank. Judging from maps and also from the course taken by the Ganges through the 
liurh-ganga channel and from Babur's narrative, there seems to have been a narrow 
reach of the Ghogra just below the confluence, as well as above. 

' This ferry, bearing the common name Haldl (turmeric), is located by the course 
of events as at no great distance above the enemy's encampment above the confluence. 
It cannot be the one of Sikandarpur West. 

3 guzr, which here may mean a casual ford through water low just before the Rains. 
As it was not found, it will have been temporary. 

* i.e. above Babur's positions. 

s sarwar (or dar) wagt. 

935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 to SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 669 

It on Saturday {21st) summoned the bej^s for consultation and 
said, "As it has been reported that there are (no?) crossing-places 
(fords?) along the whole of the ground from Chatur-muk in Sikan- 
darpur to Baraich and Aud/ let us, while seated here, assign the 
large force to cross at the Haldl-passage by boat and from there Fol. 371. 
to come down on the enemy ; let Ustad 'All-qull and Mustafa 
engage battle with gun {top), matchlock, culverin diud fij'ingi, and 
by this draw the enemy out before 'Askarl comes up.^ Let us 
after crossing the river (Ganges) and assigning reinforcement to 
Ustad 'All-qull, take our stand ready for whatever comes ; if 
'Askarl's troops get near, let us fling attack from where we are, 
cross over and assault ; let Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza and those 
appointed to act with him, engage battle from near Mustafa on 
the other side of Gang." 

The matter having been left at this, the force for the north of 
the Gang was formed into four divisions to start under 'Askarl's 
command for the Haldl-passage. One division was of 'Askarl 
and his retainers ; another was SI. Jalalu'd-din Sharqi\ another 
was of the Auzbeg sultans Oasim-i-husain Sultan, Bl-khub Sultan 
and Tang-altmlsh Sultan, together with Mahmud Khan Nuhd7ii 
of GhazTpur, Baba Oashqa's KukI, Tulmlsh Auzbeg, Qurban of 
Chirkh, and the Darya-khanls led by Hasan Khan ; another was 
of Musa SI. {Farmiilt) and SI. Junaid with what-not of the Junpur 
army, some 20,000 men. Officers were appointed to oversee the 
getting of the force to horse that very night, that is to say, the Fol. 371/^. 
night of Sunday.3 

{ATay 1st) The army began to cross Gang at the dawn of 
Sunday {Sha'bdn 22nd) ; I went over by boat at the 1st watch 
(6a.m.). Zard-rul and his party came in at mid-day; the ford 
itself they had not found but they brought news of boats and of 
having met on the road the army getting near them.4 

' The preceding sentence is imperfect and varies in the MSS. The 1st Pers. trs. , the 
wording of which is often explanatory, says that there were no passages, which, as there 
were many ferries, will mean fords. The Haldl-guzr where 'Askarl was to cross, will 
have been far below the lowest Babur mentions, viz. Chatur-miik (Chaupara). 

This passage presupposes that guns in Kharid could hit the hostile camp in Saran. 
If the river narrowed here as it does further north, the Ghaz! mortar, which seems to 
have been the only one Babur had with him, would have carried across, since it threw 
a stone 1,600 paces {qadam, f. 309). Cf. Reid's Report quoted above. 
3 Anglice, Saturday after 6 p.m. 

'' yaqin bulghdnfauj, var. ta''in bulgkdnfauj, the army appointed (to cross). The 
boats will be those collected at the Haldi-ferry, and the army 'Askarl's. 



{May 3rd) On Tuesday {S ha' ban 2ph) we marched from 
where the river had been crossed, went on for nearly one kurok 
(2 m.) and dismounted on the fighting-ground at the confluence.^ 
I myself went to enjoy Ustad 'AlT-qull's firing of culverin and 
firingi) he hit two boats today with Jiringi-stonQs, broke them 
and sank them. Mustafa did the same from his side. I had 
the large mortar^ taken to the fighting-ground, left Mulla Ghulam 
to superintend the making of its position, appointed a body of 
vasdwals 3 and active braves to help him, went to an island facing 
the camp and there ate rndjmi. 

Whilst still under the influence of the confection ^ I had the 
boat taken to near the tents and there slept. A strange thing 
happened in the night, a noise and disturbance arising about the 
3rd watch (midnight) and the pages and others snatching up 
pieces of wood from the boat, and shouting " Strike ! strike ! " 
Foi. 372. What was said to have led to the disturbance was that a night- 
guard who was in the Farmalsh along-side the Asalsh in which 
I was sleeping,S opening his eyes from slumber, sees a man with 
his hand on the Asalsh as if meaning to climb into her. They 
fall on him ; ^ he dives, comes up again, cuts at the night-guard's 
head, wounding it a little, then runs off at once towards the river.7 
Once before, on the night we returned from Munir, one or two 
night-guards had chased several Hindustanis from near the boats, 
and had brought in two swords and a dagger of theirs. The Most 
High had me in His Keeping ! 

{Persian) Were the sword of the world to leap forth, 
It would cut not a vein till God will.^ 

' i.e. near 'Ali-quli's emplacement. = Cf. f. 303, f, 309, f. 337 and n.4. 

3 " The_j'ajJwrt/ is an officer who carries the commands of the prince, and sees them 
enforced " (Erskine). Here he will have been the superintendent of coolies moving 

* ma*jun-nak which, in these days of Babur's return to obedience, it maybe right to 
translate in harmony with his psychical outlook of self-reproach, by ;«ay««-polluted. 
Though he had long ceased to drink wine, he still sought cheer and comfort, in his 
laborious days, from inspiriting and forbidden confections. 

5 Probably owing to the less precise phrasing of his Persian archetype, Erskine here 
has reversed the statement, made in the TurkI, that Babur slept in the Asalsh (not the 

' austidd tashldr. An earlier reading of this, viz. that stones were thrown on the 
intruder is negatived by Babur's mention of wood as the weapon used. 

"> su sari which, as the boats were between an island and the river's bank, seems 
likely to mean that the man went off towards the main stream. Mems. p. 41 5, "made 
his escape in the river" ; M^ms. ii, 418, dans la direction du large. 

^ This couplet is quoted by Jahanglr also ( 7«s«y6, trs. Rogers & Beveridge, i, 348). 


935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 TO SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 671 

{May ^tli) At the dawn of Wednesday {2^th), I went in the 
boat Gunjaish to near the stone-firing ground {tdsh-dtdr-yir) and 
there posted each soever to his work. 

{bbb. Details of the engagement^ 

Aughan-blrdr Mughul, leading not less than 1,000 men, had 
been sent to get, in some way or other, across the river (Saru) one, 
two, three kurohs (2, 4, 6 m.) higher up. A mass of foot-soldiers, 
crossing from opposite 'Askarl's camp,'^ landed from 20-30 boats 
on his road, presumably thinking to show their superiority, but 
Aughan-blrdi and his men charged them, put them to flight, took 
a few and cut their heads off, shot many with arrows, and got 
possession of 7 or 8 boats. Today also Bengalis crossed in a few 
boats to Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza's side, there landed and Fol. 372^. 
provoked to fight. When attacked they fled, and three boat- 
loads of them were drowned. One boat was captured and brought 
to me. In this affair Baba the Brave went forward and exerted 
himself excellently. 

Orders were given that in the darkness of night the boats 
Aughan-blrdi had captured should be drawn ^ up-stream, and 
that in them there should cross Muhammad SI. Mirza, Yakka 
Khwaja, Yunas-i-'ali, Aiighan-bTrdl and those previously assigned 
to go with them. 

Today came a man from 'Askarl to say that he had crossed 
the [Saru]-water, leaving none behind, and that he would come 
down on the enemy at next day's dawn, that is to say, on 
Thursday's. Mere-upon those already ordered to cross over 
were told to join 'Askarl and to advance upon the enemy 
with him. 

At the Mid-day Prayer a person came from Usta, saying 
"The stone is ready; what is the order?" The order was, "Fire 
this stone off ; keep the next till I come." Going at the Other 
Prayer in a very small Bengali skiff to where shelter {muljdr) 
had been raised, I saw Usta fire off one large stone and several 

This, taken with the positions of other crossing-parties, serves to locate 'Askari's 
llaldl-passage"' at no great distance above 'Ali-qull's emplacement at the confluence, 
and above the main Bengal force. 

^ perhaps, towed from the land. I have not found Babur using any word which 
clearly means to row, unless indeed a later rawdn does so. The force meant to cross 
in the boats taken up under cover of night was part of Babur's own, no doubt. 


small firingi ones. Bengalis have a reputation for fire-working ; ^ 
we tested it now ; they do not fire counting to hit a particular 
spot, but fire at random. 

At this same Other Prayer orders were given to draw a few 
boats up-stream along the enemy's front. A few were got past 
without a " God forbid ! " ^ from those who, all unprotected, drew 
Fol. 373. them up. Alsan-tlmur SI. and Tukhta-bugha SI. were ordered 
to stay at the place those boats reached, and to keep watch over 
them. I got back to camp in the 1st night-watch of Thursday.3 

Near midnight came news from (Aiighan-bTrdl's) boats which 
were being drawn up-stream, " The force appointed had gone 
somewhat ahead ; we were following, drawing the boats, when 
the Bengalis got to know where we were drawing them and 
attacked. A stone hit a boatman in the leg and broke it, we 
could not pass on." 

{May 5th) At dawn on Thursday {Shdbdn 26th) came the 
news from those at the shelter, " All the boats have come from 
above.4 The enemy's horse has ridden to meet our approaching 
army." On this, I got our men mounted quickly and rode out 
to above those boats 5 that had been drawn up in the night. 
A galloper was sent off with an order for Muhammad SI. M. and 
those appointed to cross with him, to do it at once and join 
'Askarl. The order for Alsan-tlmijr SI. and Tukhta-bugha SI. 
who were above these boats,^ was that they should busy them- 
selves to cross. Baba SI. was not at his post.7 

* atisk-bSzi \\t. fire-playing, if a purely Persian compound ; [[dlish be Turki, it 
means discharge, shooting. The word ' ' fire-working " is used above under the nearest 
to contemporary guidance known to me, viz. that of the list of persons who suffered in 
the Patna massacre "during the troubles of October 1763 ad.", in which list are the 
names of four Lieutenants fire-workers {Calcutta Review, Oct. 1884, and Jan. 1885, 
art. 7'ke Patna Massacre, H. Beveridge). 

' bi tah&shT, without protest or demur. 
3 Anglic^, Wednesday after 6p.m. 

* Perhaps those which had failed to pass in the darkness ; perhaps those from 
Haldi-guzr, which had been used by 'Askari's troops. There appear to be obvious 
reasons for their keeping abreast on the river with the troops in Saran, in order to 
convey reinforcements or to provide retreat. 

s kimalar austlda, which may mean that he came, on the high bank, to where the 
boats lay below. 

^ as in the previous note, kimalar aUstldd. These will have been the few drawn 
up-stream along the enemy's front. 

7 The reproach conveyed by Babur's statement is borne out by the strictures of 
Haidar Mirza DUghlat on Baba SulJ^an's neglect of duty {Tdrikh-i-rashidi trs. 
cap. Ixxvii). 

935 AH.- SEP. 15th 1528 to SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 673 

I V Alsan-timur SI. at once crosses, in one boat with 30-40 of his 
;B retainers who hold their horses by the mane at the boat-side. Fol. 373^. 
K A second boat follows. The Bengalis see them crossing and 
" start off a mass of foot-soldiers for them. To meet these go 7 or 
8 of Alsan-tlmur Sl.'s retainers, keeping together, shooting off 
arrows, drawing those foot-soldiers towards the Sultan who mean- 
time is getting his men mounted ; meantime also the second boat 
is moving {rawdn). When his 30-35 horsemen charge those 
foot-soldiers, they put them well to flight. Alsan-tlmiar did 
distinguished work, first in crossing before the rest, swift, steady, 
and without a "God forbid !", secondly in his excellent advance, 
with so few men, on such a mass of foot, and by putting these to 
flight. Tijkhta-bugha SI. also crossed. Then boats followed 
one after another. Lahoris and Hindustanis began to cross 
from their usual posts ^ by swimming or on bundles of reeds.^ 
Seeing how matters were going, the Bengalis of the boats opposite 
the shelter (Mustafa's), set their faces for flight down-stream. 

Darwish-i-muhammad Sdrbdn, Dost Lord-of-the-gate, Nur 
Beg and several braves also went across the river. I made a man 
gallop off to the Sultans to say, " Gather well together those who Fol. 374. 
cross, go close to the opposing army, take it in the flank, and 
get to grips." Accordingly the Sultans collected those who 
crossed, formed up into 3 or 4 divisions, and started for the foe. 
As they draw near, the enemy-commander, without breaking his 
array, flings his foot-soldiers to the front and so comes on. Kuki 
comes up with a troop from 'Askarl's force and gets to grips on 
his side ; the Sultans get to grips on theirs ; they get the upper 
hand, unhorse man after man, and make the enemy scurry off. 
Kukl's men bring down a Pagan of repute named Basant Rao 
and cut off his head ; lO or 15 of his people fall on Kuki's, and 
are instantly cut to pieces. Tukhta-bugha SI. gallops along the 
enemy's front and gets his sword well in. Mughul 'Abdu'l- 

^ yusimluq tiishl, Pers. trss. tarf khiid, i.e. their place in the array, a frequent 

^ dastak blla dosta-i-qdmlsh blla. Cf. f. 363^^ and f. 366/J, for passages and notes 
connected with swimming and dastak. Erskine twice translates dastak blla by 
swimming ; but here de Courteille changes from his earlier h la nage (f. Z^db) to 
appiiyh sur une piece de bois. Perhaps the swift current was crossed by swimming 
with the support of a bundle of reeds, perhaps on rafts made of such bundles (cf. 
Illustrated London News, Sep. i6th, 1916, for a picture of Indian soldiers so crossing 
on rafts). 


vvahhab and his younger brother gets theirs in well too. Mughul 
though he did not know how to swim, had crossed the river 
holding to his horse's mane. 

I sent for my own boats which were behind ; ^ the Farmalsh 
coming up first, I went over in it to visit the Bengalis' encamping- 
grounds. I then went into the Gunjalsh. " Is there a crossing- 
place higher up ? " I asked. Mir Muhammad the raftsman 
represented that the Saru was better to cross higher up ; ^ 
accordingly the army-folk 3 were ordered to cross at the higher 
place he named. 

While those led by Muhammad SI. Mirza were crossing the 
Fol. 374*. river,4 the boat in which Yakka Khwaja was, sank and he went 
to God's mercy. His retainers and lands were bestowed on his 
younger brother Qasim Khwaja. 

The Sultans arrived while I was making ablution for the Mid- 
day Prayer ; I praised and thanked them and led them to expect 
guerdon and kindness. 'Askarl also came ; this was the first 
affair he had seen ; one well-omened for him ! 

As the camp had not yet crossed the river, I took my rest in 
the boat Gunjalsh, near an island. 

{ccc. Various incidents of the days following the battle^ 

{May 6th) During the day of Friday {Sha'bdn 2jtli) we landed 

at a village named Kundlh 5 in the Nirhun pai'gana of Kharld on 

the north side of the Saru.^ 

{May 8th) On Sunday {2gth) Kuki was sent to Hajipur for 


' perhaps they were in the Burh-ganga channel, out of gun-fire. 

= If the Ghogra flowed at this point in a narrow channel, it would be the swifter, 
and less easy to cross than where in an open bed. 

3 chirik-aili, a frequent compound, but one of which the use is better defined in the 
latter than the earlier part of Babur's writings to represent what then answered to an 
Army Service Corps. This corps now crosses into Saran and joins the fighting force. 

* This appears to refer to the crossing effected before the fight. 

s or Kundbah. I have not succeeded in finding this name in the Wxxhyxu pargana ; 
it may have been at the southern end, near the "Domaigarh" of maps. In it was 
Tir-muhani, perhaps a village (f. 377, f. 381). 

* This passage justifies Erskine's surmise {Memoirs, p. 41 1, n. 4) that the Kharid- 
country lay on both banks of the Ghogra. His further surmise that, on the east bank 
of the Ghogra, it extended to the Ganges would be correct also, since the Ganges 
flowed, in Babur's day, through the Burh-ganga (Old Ganges) channel along the 
southern edge of the present Kharid, and thus joined the Ghogra higher than it 
now docs. 

935 AH.~SEP. 15th 1528 TO SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 675 

Shah Muhammad (son) of Ma'ruf to whom in last year's 
campaign (934 AH.) I had shown great favour and had given the 
Saran-country, had done well on several occasions, twice fighting 
and overcoming his father Ma'ruf^ At the time when SI. 
Mahmud Lildl perfidiously took possession of Bihar and was 
opposed by Shaikh Bayazld and Biban, Shah Muhammad had 
no help for it, he had to join them ; but even then, when people 
were saying wild words about him, he had written dutifully 
to me. When 'Askarl crossed at the Haldi-passage, Shah f"«'' 375- 
Muhammad had come at once with a troop, seen him and with 
him gone against the Bengalis. He now came to this ground 
and waited on me. 

During these days news came repeatedly that Biban and 
Shaikh Bayazld were meaning to cross the Saru-river. 

In these days of respite came the surprising news from Sanbal 
(Sambhal) where 'All-i-yusuf had stayed in order to bring the 
place into some sort of order, that he and a physician who was 
by way of being a friend of his, had gone to God's mercy on 
one and the same day. *Abdu'I-lah {kitdbddr) was ordered to go 
and maintain order in Sanbal. 

{May 13th) On Friday the 5th of the month Ramzan, 'Abdu'I- 
lah was given leave for Sanbal.^ 

{ddd. News frovi the ivestward.) 

In these same days came a dutiful letter from Chln-timur SI. 
saying that on account of the journey of the family from Kabul, 
several of the begs who had been appointed to reinforce hirh, had 
not been able to join him ; 3 also that he had gone out with 
MuhammadI and other begs and braves, not less than lookurohs 

' Bayazld and Ma'riif Farmitli were brothers. Bayazid had taken service with 
Babur in 932 AH. (1526 ad.), left him in 934 ah. (end of 1527 ad.) and opposed him 
near Qanuj. Ma'ruf, long a rebel against Ibrahim Ludl, had never joined Babur; 
two of his sons did so ; of the two, Muhammad and Miisa, the latter may be the one 
mentioned as at Qanuj, " Ma'ruf 's son" (f. 336). — For an interesting sketch of 
Maruf's character and for the location in Hindustan of the Farmfdl clan, see the 
Wdqi'dt-i-mushtdqi, E. & D.'s History of India, iv, 584. — In connection with Qanuj, 
the discursive remark may be allowable, that Babur's halt during the construction of 
the bridge of boats across the Ganges in 934 AH. is still commemorated by the name 
Badshah-nagar of a village between Bangarmau and Nanamau (Elliot's Onau, p. 45). 

" On f. 381 'Abdu'l-lah's starting-place is mentioned as Tlr-muhanl. 

3 The failure to join would be one of the evils predicted by the dilatory start of the 
ladies from Kabul (f. 360^). 


(200 m.), attacked the Baluchls and given them a good beating.^ 
Orders were sent through *Abdu'l-lah {kitdbddr) for the Sultan 
that he and SI. Muhammad Diilddt, Muhammadi, and some of 
the begs and braves of that country-side should assemble in 
Agra and there remain ready to move to wherever an enemy 

{eee. Settlement with the Nuhdni Afghdns.) 

{May i6th) On Monday the 8th of the month, Darya Khan's 
Foi. 375^. grandson Jalal Khan to whom Shaikh Jamall had gone, came 
in with his chief amirs and waited on me.^ Yahya Nuhdni also 
came, who had already sent his younger brother in sign of 
submission and had received a royal letter accepting his service. 
Not to make vain the hope with which some 7 or 8,000 Nuhdni 
Afghans had come in to me, I bestowed $o/ahs from Bihar on 
Mahmud Khan Nuhdni, after reserving one hricr for Government 
uses (hhatsa), and gave the remainder of the Bihar revenues in 
trust for the above-mentioned Jalal Khan who for his part agreed 
to pay one hriir of tribute. Mulla Ghu\a.m yasdwa/ wa.s sent to 
collect this tribute.3 Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza received the 
J unapur-country.4 

(j5^ Peace made with Nasrat Shah.) 

{May igth) On the eve of Thursday (/////) that retainer of 
Khalifa's, Ghulam-i-*all by name, who in company with a retainer 
of the Shah-zada of Munglr named Abu'l-fath,s had gone earlier 
than Ismail Mita, to convey those three articles {fasl soz\ now 
returned, again in company with Abu'1-fath, bringing letters for 
Khalifa written by the Shah-zada and by Husain Khan Laskar{}) 
Wazlr, who, in these letters, gave assent to those three conditions, 
took upon themselves to act for Nasrat Shah and interjected 
a word for peace. As the object of this campaign was to put 

' The order for these operations is given on f. 355/5. 

' f. 369- The former Nuhanl chiefs are now restored to Bihar as tributaries of Babur. 

3 Erskine estimated ihekruraX. about ;^25,ooo, and the 50/«/^j at about ^12,500. 

* The Mirza thus supersedes Junaid Barlds in Junpur. — The form Junapur used 
above and elsewhere by Babur and his Persian translators, supports the Gazetteer of 
India xlv, 74 as to the origin of the name Junpur. 

5 a son of Nasrat Shah. No record of this earlier legation is with the Bdbur-ndma 
manuscripts ; probably it has been lost. The only article found specified is the one 
asking for the removal of the Kharld army from a ferry-head Babur wished to use ; 
Nasrat Shah's assent to this is an anti-climax to Babur's victory on the Ghogra. 

935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 TO SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 677 

down the rebel Afghans of whom some had taken their heads 

and gone off, some had come in submissive and accepting my 

service, and the remaining few were in the hands of the Bengah Fol. 376. 

(Nasrat Shah) who had taken them in charge, and as, moreover, 

the Rains were near, we in our turn wrote and despatched words 

for peace on the conditions mentioned. 

{ggg. Submissions and guerdon?) 

{May 21 St) On Saturday {ijth) Ismail Jdlwdnl, 'Alaul Khan 
NUkdni, Auliya Khan Askrdqi{}) and 5 and 6 amirs came in 
and waited on me. 

Today guerdon was bestowed on Alsan-tlmur SI. and Tukhta- 
bugha SI., of swords and daggers with belts, cuirasses, dresses 
of honour, and tipuchdq horses ; also they were made to kneel, 
Alsan-tlmur SI. for the grant of 36 laks from the "^^iXxv^X pargana, 
Tukhta-bugha SI. for 30 laks from that of Shamsabad. 
{hhh. Pursuit of Bdyazid and Biban.) 

{May 2jrd) On Monday the 15th of the month {Ranisdn), we 
marched from our ground belonging to Kundbah (or Kundlh) on 
the Saru-river, with easy mind about Bihar and Bengal, and 
resolute to crush the traitors Biban and Shaikh Bayazld. 

{May 2jth) On Wednesday {iJtJi) after making two night- 
halts by the way, we dismounted at a passage across the Saru, 
called Chaupara-Chaturmuk of Sikandarpur.^ From today • 
people were busy in crossing the river. 

As news began to come again and again that the traitors, 
after crossing Saria and Gogar,^ were going toward Luknu,? the 

' Chaupara is at the Saran end of the ferry, at the Sikandarpur one is Chatur-muk 
(Four-faces, an epithet of Brahma and Vishnu). 

^ It may be inferred from the earHer use of the phrase Gogar (or Gagar) and Saru 
(Slru or Sird), on f. 338-8/6, that whereas the rebels were, earher, for crossing Saru only, 
i.e. the Ghogra below its confluence with the Sarda, they had now changed for crossing 
above the confluence and further north. Such a change is explicable by desire to avoid 
encounter with Babur's following, here perhaps the army of Aud, and the same desire 
is manifested by their abandonment of a fort captured (f. 377<J) some days before the 
rumour reached Babur of their crossing Sarii and Gogar. — Since translating the passage 
of» f. 338, I have been led, by enforced attention to the movement of the confluence of 
Ghogra with Ganges (Saru with Gang) to see that that translation, eased in obedience 
to distances shewn in maps, may be wrong and that Babur's statement that he dis- 
mounted 2-3 kurohs (4-6 m. ) above Aud at the confluence of Gogar with Saru, may 
have some geographical interest and indicate movement of the two aflluents such e.g. 
as is indicated of the Ganges and Ghogra by tradition and by the name Burh-ganga 
(cf. f. 370, p. 657, n. 2). 

3 or L:knur, perhaps Liknu or Likniir. The capricious variation in the MSS. 


following leaders were appointed to bar (their) crossing ^ : — The 
Turk and Hind amirs Jalalu'd-din Sharql, 'All Khan Farmfdl; 
Tardlka (or, Tds^\ yakkd), Nizam Khan of Blana, together with 
Tulmlsh Aiizbeg, Ourban of Chirk and Darya Khan (of Bhira's 
.1. 376^. son) Hasan Khan. They were given leave to go on the night 
of Thursday.^ 
{iii. Damage done to the Babiir-ndma writings?) 

That same night when i watch {^pds), 5 garis had passed {cir. 
10.55 p.m.) and the /<^mze'/7/-prayers were over,3 such a storm 
burst, in the inside of a moment, from the up-piled clouds of 
the Rainy-season, and such a stiff gale rose, that few tents w^ere 
left standing. I was in the Audience-tent, about to write {kitdbat 
qild dur aidim) ; before I could collect papers and sections,'^ the 
tent came down, with its porch, right on my head. The tfingluq 
went to pieces.5 God preserved me ! no harm befell me ! 
Sections and book^ were drenched under water and gathered 
together with much difficulty. We laid them in the folds of 
a woollen throne-carpet,7 put this on the throne and on it piled 
blankets. The storm quieted down in about 2 garis (45 m.); the 

lietween L:knu and Lrknur makes the movements of the rebels difficult to follow. 
Comment on these variants, tending to identify the places behind the words, is grouped 
in Appendix T, On L:knu [Lakhnati) and L:knur {Lakhndi-). 

' Taking guzr in the sense it has had hitherto in the Bdbur-nama of ferry or ford, 
' the detachment may have been intended to block the river-crossings of "Sard and 
(iogar". If so, however, the time for this was past, the rebels having taken a fort 
west of those rivers on Ramzan 13th. Nothing further is heard of the detachment. — 
That news of the rebel-crossing of the rivers did not reach Babur before the i8ih and 
news of their capture of L:knu or L:knur before the 19th may indicate that they had 
crossed a good deal to the north of the confluence, and that the fort taken was one more 
remote than Lakhnau (Oude). Cf. Appendix T. 

^ Anglic^, Wednesday after 6 p.m. 

^ These are recited late in the night during Ramzan. 

* kaghaz u ajza\ perhaps writing-paper and the various sections of the Bdbur-nama 
writings, viz. biographical notices, descriptions of places, detached lengths of diary, 
farmdns of Shaikh Zain. The lacunae of 934 AH., 935 AH., and perhaps earlier ones 
also may be attributed reasonably to this storm. It is easy to understand the loss of 
f\g. the conclusion of the Farghana section, and the diary one of 934 AH., if they lay 
partly under water. The accident would be better realized in its disastrous results to 
the writings, if one knew whether Babur wrote in a bound or unbound volume. From 
the minor losses of 935 ah., one guesses that the current diary at least had not 
reached the stage of binding. 

s The tiingluq is a flap in a tent-roof, allowing light and air to enter, or smoke to 
come out. 

' ajza' u kitdh. See last note but one. The kttdb (book) might well be Babur's 
composed narrative on which he was now working, as far as it had then gone towards 
its untimely end (Hai. MS. f. 2\bb). 

7 saqarldt, kut-zilticha, where saqarldt^ will mean warm and woollen. 


935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 TO SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 679 



bedding-tent was set up, a lamp lighted, and, after much trouble, 
a fire kindled. We, without sleep, were busy till shoot of day- 
drying folios and sections. 

^jjj' Pitrsuit of Biban and Bay azid resumed.) 

{May 26th) I crossed the water on Thursday morning 
{Raman i8tJi). 

{May 2ytJt) On Friday {r^tk) I rode out to visit Sikandarpur 
and Kharld.^ Today came matters written by 'Abdu'1-lah 
{kitdbddr) and BaqT about the taking of Luknur.^ 

{May 28th) On Saturday {20th) KOkl was sent ahead, with 
a troop, to join Baql.3 

{May 2gth) That nothing falling to be done before my arrival 
might be neglected, leave to join BaqI was given on Sunday 
{21st) to SI. Junaid Barlds, Khalifa's (son) Hasan, Mulla Apaq's Fol. 377- 
retainers, and the elder and younger brethren of Mumin Ataka. 

Today at the Other Prayer a special dress of honour and 
a tlpuchdq horse were bestowed on Shah Muhammad (son) of 
Ma'ruf Farmjilt, and leave to go was given. As had been done 
last year (934 AH.), an allowance from Saran and Kundla^ was 
bestowed on him for the maintenance of quiver-wearers. Today 
too an allowance o{'/2laks^ from Sarwar and a tlpuchdq horse 
were bestowed on Isma'll Jakvdni, and his leave was given. 

About the boats Gunjaish and Aralsh it was settled with 
Bengalis that they should take them to Ghazlpur by way of 
Tlr-muhanl.*^ The boats Asalsh and Farmalsh were ordered 
aken up the Saru with the camp. 

{May SOtJi) On Monday {Ramzdn 22nd) we marched from the 
Chaupara-Chaturmuk passage along the Saru, with mind at ease 
about Bihar and Sarwar,7 and after doing as much as 10 kurohs 

' Kharid-town is some 4 m. s.e. of the town of Sikandarpur. 

^ or L:knu. Cf. Appendix T. It is now 14 days since 'Abdu'1-lah kitabddr had 
left Tlr-muhan! (f. 3S0) for Sambhal ; as he was in haste, there had been time for him 
to go beyond Aud (where Baqi was) and yet get the news to Babur on the 19th. 

3 In a way not usual with him, Babur seems to apply three epithets to this follower, 
viz. 7ning-begi, shaghawal, TdsMindi {Index, s.n.). 

* or Kandla ; cf. Revenue list f. 293 ; is it now Saran Khas ? 

5 ;^i8,ooo (Erskine). For the total yield of Kundla (or Kandla) and Sarwar, seg 
Revenue list (f, 293). 

^ f- 375, P- 675 n. 2 and f. 381, p. 687 n. 3. 

7 A little earlier Babur has recorded his ease of mind about Bihar and Bengal, the 
fruit doubtless of his victory over IMahmQd Liic/t and Nasrat Shah ; he now does the 


Fol. 377<J. (20m.) dismounted on the Saru in a village called Kilirah(?) 
dependent on Fathpur.^ 

{kkk. A surjuised survival of the record of g 3 4. a.h,^) 

* After spending several days pleasantly in that place where 
there are gardens, running-waters, well-designed buildings, trees, 
particularly mango-trees, and various birds of coloured plumage, 
I ordered the march to be towards Ghazlpur. 

Isma'll Khan falwdnl and 'Alaul Khan Nuhdni had it repre- 
sented to me that they would come to Agra after seeing their 
native land {watn). On this the command was, " I will give an 
order in a month."* 3 

same about Bihar and Sarwar, no doubt because he has replaced in Bihar, as his tribu- 
taries, the NQhanl chiefs and has settled other Afghans, Jalwanis and Farmulls in a 
Sarwar cleared of the Jalwani (?) rebel Biban and the Farmull opponents Bayazid and 
Ma'ruf. The P'armuli Shaikh-zadas, it may be recalled, belonged by descent to 
Babur's Kabul district of Farmul. — The WdqV at-i-mushtdqi (E. & D.'s H. of I. iv, 
548) details the position of the clan under Sikandar Ludl. 

' The MSS. write Fathpur but Nathpur suits the context, a.pargatta mentioned in 
the Ayln-i-akbarl and now in the 'Azamgarh district. There seems to be no Fathpur 
within Babur's limit of distance. The D. G. of ^Azamgarh mentions two now insigni- 
ficant Fathpiirs, one as having a school, the other a market. The name G : 1 : r : h 
(K : 1 : r : h) I have not found. 

^ The passage contained in this section seems to be a survival of the lost record of 
934 AH. (f. 339). I have found it only in the Mernoirs p. 420, and in Mr. Erskine's 
own Codex of the Wdqi'' at-i-baburi (now B.M. Add. 26,200), f. 371 where however 
several circumstances isolate it from the context. It may be a Persian translation of 
an authentic Turki fragment, found, perhaps with other such fragments, in the Royal 
Library. Its wording disassociates it from the 'Abdu'r-rahim text. The Codex 
(No. 26,200) breaks off at the foot of a page {stipra^ Fathpur) with a completed sentence. 
The supposedly-misplaced passage is entered on the next folio as a sort of ending of 
the Babur-nama writings ; in a rough script, inferior to that of the Codex, and is 
followed by Tarn, tarn (Finis), and an incomplete date 98-, in words. Beneath this 
a line is drawn, on which is subtended the triangle frequent with scribes; within 
this is what seems to be a completion of the date to 980 ah. and a pious wish, scrawled 
in an even rougher hand than the rest. — Not only in diction and in script but in 
contents also the passage is a misfit where it now stands ; it can hardly describe a 
village on the Saru ; Babur in 935 ah. did not march for Ghazipur but may have done 
so in 934 AH. (p. 656, n. 3) ; Ism^i^W /ahvdiii had had leave given already in 935 AH. 
(f' 377) under other conditions, ones bespeaking more trust and tried allegiance. — 
Possibly the place described as having fine buildings, gardens ^/r. is Aiid (Ajodhya) 
where Babur spent some days in 934 ah. (cf. f. 363*^, p. 655 n. 3). 

3 " Here my Persian manuscript closes" (This is B.M. Add. 26,200). "The two 
additional fragments are given from Mr. Metcalfe's manuscript alone" (now B.M. 
Add. 26,202) "and unluckily, it is extremely incorrect" (Erskine). This note will have 
been written perhaps a decade before 1826, in which year the Metnoirs of Babur was 
published, after long delay. Mr. Erskine's own Codex (No. 26,200) was made good 
at a later date, perhaps when he was working on his History of India (pub. 1854), by 
a well- written supplement which carries the diary to its usual end s.a. 936 ah. and 
also gives Persian translations of Babur's letters to Humayun and Khwaja Kalan. 

935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 TO SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 68i 

[///. The westward inarcJi resumed.) 

(^M ay 31st) Those who marched ^zx\y{Ttiesday, Rainzdn 23rd), 
having lost their way, went to the great lake of Fathpur (?).^ 
People were sent galloping off to fetch back such as were near 
and Klchik Khwaja was ordered to spend the night on the lake- 
shore and to bring the rest on next morning to join the camp. 
We marched at dawn ; I got into the Asalsh half-way and had 
it towed to our ground higher up. 

{inmm. Details of the capture of afoi't by Biban and Bdyastd.) 

On the way up, Khalifa brought Shah Muhammad diwdnds 
son who had come from BaqI bringing this reliable news about 
Luknur ^ : — They {i.e. Biban and Bayazld) hurled their assault 
on Saturday the 13th of the month Ramzan (^May 21st) but 
could do nothing by fighting ; while the fighting was going on, 
a collection of wood-chips, hay, and thorns in the fort took fire, 
so that inside the walls it became as hot as an oven {tafiilrdlk 
tafsdn) ; the garrison could not move round the rampart ; the 
fort was lost. When the enemy heard, two or three days later, 
of our return (westwards), he fled towards Dalmau.3 

Today after doing as much as lOkurohs (20m.), we dismounted 
beside a village called Jalisir,'^ on the Saru-bank, in the SagrI 

{ftme 1st) We stayed on the same ground through Wednesday 
{2^th), in order to rest our cattle. 

{linn. Dispositions against Biban and Bdyazid^ 

Some said they had heard that Biban and Bayazld had crossed 
Gang, and thought of withdrawing themselves to their kinsfolk Fol. 37J 

' Here, as earlier, Nathpur suits the context better than Fathpur. In the Nathpur 
pargana, at a distance from Chaupara approximately suiting Babur's statement of 
distance, is the lake " Tal Ratoi ", formerly larger and deeper than now. There is 
a second further west and now larger than Tal Ratoi ; through this the Ghogra once 
flowed, and through it has tried within the last half-century to break back. These 
changes in Tal Ratoi and in the course of the Ghogra dictate caution in attempting to 
locate places which were on it in Babur's day e.g. K:l:r:h {supra). 

- Appendix T. 

3 This name has the following variants in theHai. MS. and in Kehr's : — Dalm-ii-uu 
-fir-ud-ut. The place was in Akbar's sai-kdr of Manikpur and is now in the Rai 
Bareilly district. 

■♦ Perhaps Chaksar, which was in Akbar's sarkar of Junpur, and is now in the 
'Azamgarh district. 


{nisbahsildr) by way of ^ Here-upon the begs were sum- 
moned for a consultation and it was settled that Muhammad- 
i-zaman Mirza and SI. Junaid Barlds who in place of Junpur 
had been given Chunar with several pargafias, Mahmud Khan 
Nuhdni, Qazi Jia, and Taj Khan Sardng-khdni should block the 
enemy's road at Chunar.^ 

{June 2nd) Marching early in the morning of Thursday {2$tJi), 
we left the Saru-river, did wkurohs (22m.), crossed the Parsaru 
(Sarju) and dismounted on its bank. 

Here the begs were summoned, discussion was had, and the 
leaders named below were appointed to go detached from the 
army, in rapid pursuit of Biban and Bayazid towards Dalmut 
(Dalmau) : — Alsan-tlmur SI., Muhammad SI. M., Tukhta-bugha 
SI, Qasim-i-husain SI., Bl-khub (Nl-khub) SI., Muzaffar-i-husain 
SI., Qasim Khwaja, Ja'far Khwaja, Zahid Khwaja, JanlBeg, 
'Askarl's retainer Kichlk Khwaja, and, of Hind amirs, 'Alam 
Khan of KalpI, Malik-dad Karardm, and Rao (Rawul) Sarwdni. 
{poo. The march continued^ 

When I went at night to make ablution in the Parsaru, people 
were catching a mass of fish that had gathered round a lamp on 
the surface of the water. I like others took fish in my hands.3 

' Hai. MS. J:nara khund tawabl si blla (perhaps tawabVsl but not so written). 
The obscurity of these words is indicated by their variation in the manuscripts. Most 
scribes have them as Chunar and Junpur, guided presumably by the despatch of a force 
to Chunar on receipt of the news, but another force was sent to Dahnau at the same 
time. The rebels were defeated s. w. of Dalmau and thence went to Mahuba ; it is 
not certain that they had crossed the Ganges at Dalmau ; there are difficulties in 
supposing the fort they captured andabandoned was Lakhnau (Oude) ; they might 
have gone south to near Kalp! and Adampur, which are at no great distance from 
where they were defeated by Baq! shaghawal, if Lakhnur (now Shahabad in Rampur) 
were the fort. (Cf. Appendix T.) — To take up the interpretation of the words 
quoted above, at another point, that of the kinsfolk or fellow-Afghans the rebels 
planned to join : — these kinsfolk may have been, of Bayazid, the Farmiilis in Sarwar, 
and of Blban, the Jalwanis of the same place. The two may have trusted to 
relationship for harbourage during the Rains, disloyal though they were to their 
kinsmen's accepted suzerain. Therefore if they were once across Ganges an<l Jumna, 
as they were in Mahuba, they may have thought of working eastwards south of the 
Ganges and of getting north into Sarwar through territory belonging to the Chunar and 
Junpur governments. This however is not expressed by the words quoted above; 
perhaps Babur's record was hastily and incompletely written. — Another reading may 
be Chunar and Jaund (in Akbar's sarkar of Rohtas). 

-' yulinl tushqailar. It may be observed concerning the despatch of Muhammad- 
i-zaman M. and of Junaid Barlds that they went to their new appointments Junpur 
and Chunar respectively ; that their doing so was an orderly part of the winding-up of 
Babur's Eastern operations ; that they remained as part of the Eastern garrison, on 
duty apart from that of blocking the road of Biban and Bayazid. 

3 This mode of fishing is still practised in India (Erskine). 


935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 TO SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 683 

une 3rd) On F'riday {26th) we dismounted on a very slender 
stream, the head-water of a branch of the Parsaru. In order 
not to be disturbed by the comings and goings of the army-folk. Fol. 378^. 
I had it dammed higher up and had a place, 10 by 10, made for 
ablution. The night of the 27th ^ was spent on this ground. 

{June At the dawn of the same day {Saturday 2jth) we 
left that water, crossed the Tus and dismounted on its bank.^ 

{June StJi) On Sunday {28tk) we dismounted on the bank of 
the same water. 

{June 6th) On Monday the 29th of the month {Ramzdn), our 
station was on the bank of the same Tus-water. Though tonight 
the sky was not quite clear,. a few people saw the Moon, and so 
testifying to the QazI, fixed the end of the month {Rajuzdn). 

{June ytJt) On Tuesday {Shawwdl ist) we made the Prayer 
of the Festival, at dawn rode on, did lokuroks (20m.), and dis- 
mounted on the bank of the Gul (Gumti), a kuroh (2 m.) from 
Malng.3 The sin of mdjun was committed {irtikdb qilildi) near 
the Mid-day Prayer; I had sent this little couplet of invitation 
to Shaikh Zain, Mulla Shihab and Khwand-amir : — 

( Turki) Shaikh and Mulla Shihab and Khwand-amir, 
Come all three, or two, or one. 

IDarwIsh-i-muhammad {Sdrbdn\ Yunas-i-'all and *Abdu'l-lah 
(^asas)"^ were also there. At the Other Prayer the wrestlers 
set to. 
I {June 8th) On Wednesday {2nd) we stayed on the same ground. 
Near breakfast-time majTin was eaten. Today Malik Sharq came 
in who had been to get Taj Khan out of Chunar.5 When the 
wrestlers set to today, the Champion of Aud who had come 
earlier, grappled with and threw a Hindustani wrestler who had yq\. 379. 
come in the interval. 

Today Yahya Nuhdni was granted an allowance of iSlaks 

' Islamice, Saturday night ; Anglice, Friday after 6 p.m. 

^ This Tus, "Tousin, or Tons, is a branch from the Ghogra coming off above 
Paizabad and joining the Sarju or Parsaru below 'Azamgarh" (Erskine). 

3 Kehr's MS. p. 1132, Mang (or Mank) ; Hai. MS. Talk; I.O. 218 f. 328 Ba:k ; 
I.O. 217 f. 236^, Biak. Maing in the Sultanpur district seems suitably located {D.G. 
of Suhanpur, p. 162). 

•• This will be the night-guard {^asas) ; the librarian (kitdbddr) is in Sambhal. I.O. 
218 f. 325 inserts kitdbddr after 'Abdu'l-lah's name where he is recorded as sent to 
Sambhal (f. 375). 

^ He will have announced to Taj Khan the transfer of the fort to Junaid Barlds. 


from Parsarur/ made to put on a dress of honour, and given 
his leave. 

{June gtJi) Next day {Thursday jrd) we. did iikurohs {22m..), 
crossed the GuT-water (Gumtl), and dismounted on its bank. 

{ppp. C oncer 7iing the pursuit of Bib an and Bdyazid?) 

News came in about the sultans and begs of the advance that 
they had reached Dalmud (Dalmau), but were said not yet to 
have crossed the water (Ganges). Angered by this (delay), I sent 
orders, '* Cross the water at once ; follow the track of the rebels ; 
cross Jun (Jumna) also ; join 'Alam Khan to yourselves ; be 
energetic and get to grips with the adversary." 

{qqq. The march continued^ 

{June 10 th) After leaving this water {Gumti, Friday we 
made two night-halts and reached Dalmud (Dalmau), where 
most of the army-folk crossed Gang, there and then, by a ford. 
While the camp was being got over, viajiin was eaten on an 
island {drat) below the ford. 

{June 13th) After crossing, we waited one day {Monday yth) 
for all the army-folk to get across. Today BaqI T^^j-Zz/^ii^isff came 
in with the army of Aud (Ajodhya) and waited on me. 

{June Leaving the Gang-water(Ganges, Tuesday 8th),\ve 
made one night-halt, then dismounted {June iSth-Shawivdl gth) 
beside KOrarah (Kura Khas) on the Arind-water. The distance 
from Dalmud (Dalmau) to Kurarah came out at 22kurohs 

{June 1 6th) On Thursday {lOth) we marched early from that 
ground and dismounted opposite the Add,mpm par gana.^ 

To enable us to cross (Jun) in pursuit of our adversaries, a few 
Fol. 379^. raftsmen had been sent forward to collect at KalpT what boats 

were to be had ; some boats arrived the night we dismounted, l| 
moreover a ford was found through the JOn-river. 

As the encamping-place was full of dust, we settled ourselves 

' ;^3750- Parsarur was in Akbar's sUbah of Labor ; G. of I. xx, 23, Pasrur. 

' The estimate may have been made by measurement (f. 356) or by counting a 
horse's steps (f. 370). Here the Hai. MS. and Kehr's have D:lmud, but I.O. 218 

3 As on f. 2>6ib, so here, Babur's wording tends to locate Adampur on the right 
(west) bank of the Jumna. 


"" r»n nn i<?l: 

935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 TO SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 685 

on an island and there stayed the several days we were on that 


{rrr. Concerning Blban and Bdyazid.) 

Not getting reliable news about the enemy, we sent BaqI 
shaghdwal with a few braves of the interior ^ to get information 
about him. 

{June 17th) Next day {Friday nth) at the Other Prayer, 
one of BaqI Beg's retainers came in. BaqI had beaten scouts of 
Blban and Bayazld, killed one of their good men, Mubarak Khan 
Jalwdm.dind some others, sent in several heads, and one man alive. 

{June iStJt) At dawn {Saturday 12th) Paymaster Shah Husain 
came in, told the story of the beating of the scouts, and gave 
various news. 

Tonight, that is to say, the night of Sunday the 13th of the 
month,^ the river J On came down in flood, so that by the dawn, 
the whole of the island on which I was settled, was under water. 
I moved to another an arrow's-flight down-stream, there had a 
tent set up and settled down. 

{June 20th) On Monday {i^th) Jalal Tdshkindi came from 
the begs and sultans of the advance. Shaikh Bayazld and Blban, 
on hearing of their expedition, had fled to the pargana of 
Mahuba.3 Fol. 380. 

As the Rains had set in and as after 5 or 6 months of active 
service, horses and cattle in the army were worn out, the sultans 
and begs of the expedition were ordered to remain where they 
were till they received fresh supplies from Agra and those parts. 
At the Other Prayer of the same day, leave was given to BaqI 
and the army of Aud (Ajodhya). Also an allowance of loldks'^ 
from Amroha was assigned to Musa (son) of Ma'ruf Farmiiiz, who 
had waited on me at the time the returning army was crossing 
the Saru-water,5 a special head-to-foot and saddled horse were 
bestowed on him, and he was given his leave. 

^ Hai. MS. a«/a, presumably for aiirta-, Kehr's p. 1133, Aud-daghi, which, as Baqi 
led the Aud army, is ben trovato ; both Persian translations, midngani, central, inner, 
i.e. aurta, perhaps household troops of the Centre. 

^ Anglice, Saturday 12th after 6 p.m. 

3 In Akbar's sarkdr of Kalanjar, now in the Hamirpur district. 

•* £7$*^ (Erskine). Amroha is in the Moradabad district. 

5 At the Chaupara-Chaturmuk ferry (f. 376). — Corrigendum : — In the Index of the 
Babur-nama Facsimile, Musa Farmull and Musa SI. are erroneously entered as if 
one man. 



{sss. Bdbur returns to Agra.) 

{June 2ist) With an easy mind about these parts, we set out 
for Agra, raid-fashion,^ when 3/^j igari of Tuesday night were 
past.=^ In the morning {Tuesday 15th) we did i6kurohs (32m.), 
near mid-day made our nooning in the pargana of Baladar, one 
of the dependencies of KalpI, there gave our horses barley, at the 
Evening Prayer rode on, did i^kurohs (26m.) in the night, at 
. the 3rd night-watch {mid-night, Shawwdl i^-i6th) dismounted 
at Bahadur Khan SarwdnVs tomb at Sugandpur, a pargana of 
KalpI, slept a little, went through the Morning Prayer and hurried 
on. After doing i6kurohs (32m,), we reached Etawa at the fall 
of day, where Mahdl Khwaja came out to meet us.3 Riding 
Fol. 380^. on after the 1st night-watch (9p.m.), we slept a little on the way, 
did i6kurohs (32m.), took our nooning at Fathpur of RaprI, rode 
on soon after the Mid-day Prayer {Thursday Shawwdl 17th), 
did lykurohs (34m.), and in the 2nd night-watch ^ dismounted 
in the Garden-of-eight-paradises at Agra. 

{June At the dawn of Friday {i8th) Pay-master SI. 
Muhammad came with several more to wait on me. Towards the 
Mid-day Prayer, having crossed Jun, I waited on Khwaja 'Abdu'l- 
haqq, went into the Fort and saw the begims my paternal-aunts. 
{ttt. Indian-grown Jruits^ 

A Balkhl melon-grower had been set to raise melons ; he now 
brought a few first-rate small ones ; on one or two bush-vines 
{bUta-tdk) I had had planted in the Garden-of-eight-paradises 
very good grapes had grown ; Shaikh Guran sent me a basket 
of grapes which too were not bad. To have grapes and melons 
grown in this way in Hindustan filled my measure of content. 

{uuu. A rrival of Mdhtm Begun.) 

{June 26th) Mahim arrived while yet two watches of Sunday 
night {Shawivdl 20th) 5 remained. By a singular agreement 

' i.e. riding light and fast. The distance done between Adampur and Agra was 
some I57miles, the time was from I2a.m. on Tuesday morning to about 9p.m. of 
Thursday. This exploit serves to show that three years of continuous activity in the 
plains of Hindustan had not destroyed Babur's capacity for sustained effort, spite of 
several attacks of (malarial ?) fever. 

' Anglice, Tuesday 12.25 a.m. 3 He was governor of Etawa. 

* Islamice, Friday, Shawwal 1 8th, Anglic^, Thursday, June 24th, soon after 9 p.m. 

5 Anglice, she arrived at mid-night of Saturday. — Gul-badan writes of Mahim's 
arrival as unexpected and of Babur's hurrying off on foot to meet her {Humdyun- 
nama f. 14, trs. p. 100). 


935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1528 TO SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 687 


of things they had left Kabul on the very day, the loth of the 
1st Jumada (/an. 21st 1^29) on which I rode out to the army.^ 

{Here the record of Ji days is wanting^ 

(July yth) On Thursday the ist of Zu'1-qa'da the offerings 
made by Humayun and Mahlm were set out while I sat in the 
large Hall of Audience. 

Today also wages were given to 150 porters {kahdr) and they 
were started off under a servant of Faghfur Diwdn to fetch 
melons, grapes, and other fruits from Kabul. Fol. 381 

{vvv. Concerning Sainbhal.) 

{July gth) On Saturday the 3rd of the month, Hindu Beg 
who had come as escort from Kabul and must have been sent to 
Sambhal on account of the death of 'All-i-yusuf, came and waited 
on me.^ Khalifa's (son) Husamu'd-din came also today from 
Alwar and waited on me. 

{July loth) On Sunday morning {4th) came *Abdu'l-lah 
{kitdbddr), who from Tir-muhanI 3 had been sent to Sarnbhal on 
account of the death of 'All-i-yusuf. 

{Here the record of 7 days is wanting.) 
{www. Sedition in Ldhor.) 

People from Kabul were saying that Shaikh Sharaf of Qara- 
bagh, either incited by *Abdu'l-*azIz or out of liking for him, 
had written an attestation which attributed to me oppression 
I had not done, and outrage that had not happened ; that he 

^ Mahlm's journey from Kabul to Agra had occupied over 5 months. 

^ Hindu 'Re^ggfickm had been made Humayun's retainer in 932 ah. (f. 297), and had 
taken possession of Sanibhal for him. Hence, as it seems, he was ordered, while 
escorting the ladies from Kabul, to go to Sarnbhal. He seems to have gone before 
waiting on Babur, probably not coming into Agra till now. — It may be noted here 
that in 933 ah. he transformed a Hindu temple into a Mosque in Sambhal ; it was 
done by Babur's orders and is commemorated by an inscription still existing on the 
Mosque, one seeming not to be of his own composition, judging by its praise of himself. 
(JASB. Proceedings, May 1873, p. 98, Blochmann's art. where the inscription is given 
and translated ; 2sA A rchcEological Survey Reports, xii, p. 24-27, with Plates showing 
the Mosque). 

3 Cf. f. 375, f. 377, with notes concerning 'Abdu'1-lah and Tir-muhani. I have not 
found the name Tir-muhanI on maps ; its position can be inferred from Babur's state- 
ment (f. 375) that he had sent 'Abdu'1-lah to Sambhal, he being then at Kunba or 
Kunia in the '^Mx\\\xn pargana. — The name Tlr-muhani occurs also in Gorakhpiir. — 
It was at Tir-muhanI (Three-mouths) that Kb wand-amir completed the Habibu^s- 
siyar (lith. ed. i, 83 ; Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 1079). If the name imply three water- 
mouths, they might be those of Ganges, Ghogra and Daha. 


had extorted the signatures of the Prayer-leaders {imdmldr) of 
Lahor to this accusation, and had sent copies of it to the various 
towns ; that *Abdu'l-*aziz himself had failed to give ear to several 
royal orders, had spoken unseemly words, and done acts which 
ought to have been left undone. On account of these matters 
Qambar-i-*ali Arghun was started off on Sunday the nth of the 
month {ZuH-qddoi), to arrest Shaikh Sharaf, the Labor imams 
with their associates, and 'Abdu'l-'aziz, and to bring them all to 

{xxx. Vari'a.) 

{July 22nd) On Thursday the 15th of the month Chln-tlmur 
SI. came in from Tijara and waited on me. Today Champion 
Fol. 381*. Sadiq and the great champion-wrestler of Aud wrestled. Sadiq 
gave a half-throw ^ ; he was much vexed. 

{July 28th) On Monday the 19th of the month {Ziil-qdda) 
the Qizil-bash envoy Murad the life-guardsman was made to put 
on an inlaid dagger with belt, and a befitting dress of honour, 
was presented with 2laks of tankas and given leave to go. 

{Here the record oj 15 days is wanting) 
{yyy. Sedition in GUdlmr.) 

{August nth) Sayyid Mashhadl who had come from Guallar 
in these days, represented that Rahim-dad was stirring up 
sedition.^ On account of this. Khalifa's servant Shah Muhammad 
the seal-bearer was sent to convey to Rahim-dad matters written 
with commingling of good counsel. He went ; and in a few 
days came back bringing Rahlm-dad's son, but, though the 
son came, Rahim-dad himself had no thought of coming. On 
Wednesday the 5th of ZiCl-hijja, Nur Beg was sent to Guallar 

' nlm-kara. E. and de C. however reverse the rdles. 

' The Tdrikh-i-gudlidri {E.M. Add. 16,709, p. 18) supplements the fragmentary- 
accounts which, above and s.a. 936 ah., are all that the Babur-ndma now preserves 
concerning Khwaja Rahlm-dad's misconduct. It has several mistakes but the gist of 
its information is useful. It mentions that the Khwaja and his paternal-uncle Mahdi 
Khwaja had displeased Babur ; that Rahim-dad resolved to take refuge with the ruler 
of Malwa (Muhammad Khllji) and to make over Guallar to a Rajput landholder of 
that country ; that upon this Shaikh Muhammad Ghaus went to Agra and interceded 
with Babur and obtained his forgiveness for Rahim-dad. Guallar was given back to 
Rahim-dad but after a time he was superseded by Abu'I-fath [Shaikh Guran]. For 
particulars about Mahdl Khwaja and a singular story told about him by Nizamu'd-dln 
Ahmad in the Tabaqdt-i-akbari, vide Gul-ha.da.n's ifumdj/iin-ndma, Appendix B, and 
Translator's Note p. 702, Section/. 

935 AH.— SEP. 15th 1628 to SEP. 5th 1529 AD. 689 

to allay Rahim-dad's fears, came back in a few days, and laid 
requests from Rahim-dad before us. Orders in accordance with 
those requests had been written and were on the point of despatch 
when one of Rahlm-dad's servants arriving, represented that he 
had come to effect the escape of the son and that Rahlm-dad 
himself had no thought of coming in. I was for riding out at 
once to Guallar, but Khalifa set it forth to me, " Let me write 
one more letter commingled with good counsel ; he may even yet 
come peacefully." On this mission Khusrau's (son ?) Shihabu'd- 
din was despatched. 

{August 1 2th) On Thursday the 6th of the month mentioned 
{Zu'l-htjja) Mahdl Khwaja came in from Etawa.^ Fol. 382. 

{August i6th) On the FQstiva.l-day'' {Monday loth) Hindu Beg 
was presented with a special head-to-foot, an inlaid dagger with 
belt ; also dipargana worth y laks^ was bestowed on Hasan-i-*all 
well-known among the Turkmans ^ for a Chaghatal.5 

^ He may have come about the misconduct of his nephew Rahim-dad. 

^ The 'Idu'l-kablr, the Great Festival of loth Zu'1-hijja. 

3 About;iCi75o(Erskine). 

^ Perhaps he was from the tract in Persia still called Chaghatai Mountains. One 
Ibrahim Chaghatai '\^ mentioned by Babur (f. I75(5) with Turkman begs who joined 
Husain Bdl-qara. This Hasan-i-'ali Chaghatai vs\z.y\\z.v^ come in like manner, with 
Murad the Turkman envoy from 'Iraq (f. 369 and n. l). 

5 Several incidents recorded by Gul-badan (writing half a century later) as following 
Mahim's arrival in Agra, will belong to the record of 935 AH. because they preceded 
Humayun's arrival from Badakhshan. Their omission from Babur's diary is explicable 
by its minor /arM«^. Such are : — (1) a visit to Dhulpur and Sikri the interest of 
which lies in its showing that Bibi Mubarika had accompanied Mahim Begim to Agra 
from Kabul, and that there was in Sikri a quiet retreat, a chaukandi, where Babur 
*' used to write his book " ; — (2) the arrival of the main caravan of ladies from Kabul, 
which led Babur to go four miles out, to Naugram, in order to give honouring 
reception to his sister Khan-zada Begim ; — (3) an excursion to the Gold-scattering 
garden {Bdgh-i-zar-afshdn), where seated among his own people, Babur said he was 
" bowed down by ruling and reigning", longed to retire to that garden with a single 
attendant, and wished to make over his sovereignty to Humayun ; — (4) the death of 
Dil-dar's son Alwar (var. Anwar) whose birth may be assigned to the gap preceding 
932 AH. because not chronicled later by Babur, as is Faruq's. As a distraction from 
the sorrow for this loss, a journey was " pleasantly made by water" to Dhulpur. 

936 AH.— SEP. 5th 1529 to AUGUST 25th 1530 AD. 

(a. Rahim-ddd' s affairs?) 

{Sep. 7th) On Wednesday the 3rd of Muharram, Shaikh 
Muhammad Ghaus ^ came in from Guallar with Khusrau's (son) 
Shihabu'd-din to plead for Rahim-dad. As Shaikh Muhammad 
Ghaus was a pious and excellent person, Rahim-dad's faults were 
forgiven for his sake. Shaikh Guran and Nur Beg were sent 
off for Guahar, so that the place having been made over to their 
charge . . .^ 

' Cf. f. 38i(5 n. 2. For his earlier help to Rahim-dad see f. 304. For Biographies 
of him see Blochmann's A. -i- A. trs. p. 446, and Badayunl's Muntakhabu-'' t-tawarlkh 
(Ranking's and Lowe's trss. ). 

'^ Beyond this broken passage, one presumably at the foot of a page in Babur's own 
manuscript, nothing of his diary is now known to survive. What is missing seems 
likely to have been written and lost. It is known from a remark of Gul-badan's 
(H.N. p. 103) that he " used to write his book " after Mahim's arrival in Agra, the 
place coming into her anecdote being Sikri. 

TRANSLATOR'S NOTE ON 936 to 937 AH.— 1529 to 1530 AD. 

It is difficult to find material for filling the lacuna of some 
15 months, which occurs in Babur's diary after the broken 
passage of Muharram 3rd 936 AH. (Sept. 7th 1529 ad.) and down 
to the date of his death on Jumada I. 6th 937 AH. (Dec. 26th 
1 5 30 AD.). The known original sources are few, their historical 
matter scant, their contents mainly biographical. Gleanings 
may yet be made, however, in unexpected places, such gleanings 
as are provided by Ahmad-i-yadgar's interpolation of Timurid 
history amongst his lives of Afghan Sultans. 

The earliest original source which helps to fill the gap of 
936 AH. is Haidar Mirza's Tdrikh-i-rashldi, finished as to its 
Second Part which contains Babur's biography, in 948 AH. 
(1541 AD.), 12 years therefore after the year of the gap 936 AH. 
It gives valuable information about the affairs of Badakhshan, 
based on its author's personal experience at 30 years of age, and 
was Abu'l-fazl's authority for the Akbar-ndma. 

The next in date of the original sources is Gul-badan Beglm's 
Humdyun-ndma^ a chronicle of family affairs, which she wrote in 
obedience to her nephew Akbar's command, given in about 
995 AH. (1587 AD.), some 57 years after her Father's death, that 
whatever any person knew of his father (Humayun) and grand- 
father (Babur) should be written down for Abu'l-fazl's use. It 
embodies family memories and traditions, and presumably gives 
the recollections of several ladies of the royal circle.^ 

' Jauhar's Humdyun-ndma and Bayazid Blydf s work of the same title were written 
under the same royal command as the Begim's. They contribute nothing towards 
fining the gap of 936 AH, ; their authors, being Humayun's servants, write about him. 
It may be observed that criticism of these books, as recording trivialities, is disarmed 
if they were commanded because they would obey an order to set down whatever 
was known, selection amongst their contents resting with Abu'1-fazl. Even more 
completely must they be excluded from a verdict on the literary standard of their 
day. — Abu'1-fazl must have had a source of Baburiana which has not found its way 
into European libraries. A man likely to have contributed his recollections, directly or 
transmitted, is Khwaja Muqim Hardwl. The date of Muqim's death is conjectural 
only, but he lived long enough to impress the worth of historical writing on his son 
Nizamu'-d-din Ahmad. (Cf. E. and D.'s H. of I. art. Tabaqdt-i-akbari v, 177 and 
187 ; T.-i-A. lith. ed. p. 193 ; and for Bayazid Blydf s work, JASB. 1898, p. 296,) 


The Akbar-ndma derives much of its narrative for 936-937 AH. 
from Haidar Mirza and Gul-badan Beglm, but its accounts of 
Babur's self-surrender and of his dying address to his chiefs 
presuppose the help of information from a contemporary witness. 
It is noticeable that the Akbar-ndma records no public events 
as occurring in Hindustan during 936-937 AH., nothing of the 
sequel of rebellion by Rahim-dad ^ and 'Abdu'l-'azTz, nothing of 
the untiring Biban and Bayazld, That something could have 
been told is shown by what Ahmad-i-yadgar has preserved {vide 
post)] but 50 years had passed since Babur's death and, manifestly, 
interest in filling the lacunce in his diary was then less keen than it 
is over 300 years later. What in the Akbar-ndma concerns Babur 
is likely to have been written somewhat early in the cir, 15 
years of its author's labours on it,^ but, even so, the elder women 
of the royal circle had had rest after the miseries Humayun had 
wrought, the forgiveness of family affection would veil his past, 
and certainly has provided Abu'1-fazl with an over-mellowed 
estimate of him, one ill-assorting with what is justified by his 
Babur-nama record. 

The contribution made towards filling the gap of 936-937 AH. 
in the body of Nizamu-'d-din Ahmad's Tabaqdt-i-akbari is 
limited to a curious and doubtfully acceptable anecdote about 
a plan for the supersession of Humayun as Padshah, and about 
the part played by Khwaja Muqim Hardwlm. its abandonment. 
A further contribution is made, however, in Book VH which 
contains the history of the Muhammadan Kings of Kashmir, 
namely, that Babur despatched an expedition into that country. 
As no such expedition is recorded or referred to in surviving 
Babur-nama writings, it is likely to have been sent in 936AH. 
during Babur's tour to and from Labor. If it were made with 
the aim of extending Timurid authority in the Himalayan 
borderlands, a hint of similar policy elsewhere may be given 
by the ceremonious visit of the Raja of Kahlur to Babur, 

' Ibn Batuta (Lee's trs. p. 133) mentions that after his appointment to Gualiar, 
Rahim-dad fell from favour ... but was restored later, on the representation of 
Muhammad Ghaus ; held Gualiar again for a short time, (he went to Bahadur Shah 
in Gujrat) and was succeeded by Abu'1-fath {i.e. Shaikh Guran) who held it till 
Babur's death. 

Its translation and explanatory noting have filled two decades of hard-working 
years. Tanti labores auctoris et traductoris I 


936 TO 937 AH.— 1529 TO 1530 AD. 693 


mentioned by Ahmad-i-yadgar (vide pos£)} The T.-i-A. was 
written within the term of Abu'l-fazl's work on the Akbar-ndma^ 
being begun later, and ended about 9 years earHer, in 1002 ah. — 
1593 AD. It appears to have been Abu'-l-fazl's authority for his 
account of the campaign carried on in Kashmir by Babur's 
chiefs (Ayin-i-akbarl vo\. ii, part i, Jarrett's trs. p. 389). 

An important contribution, seeming to be authentic, is found 
interpolated in Ahmad-i-yadgar's Tdrikh-i-saldtln-i-afdghana^ 
one which outlines a journey made by Babur to Labor in 936 AH. 
and gives circumstantial details of a punitive expedition sent by 
him from Sihrind at the complaint of the QazI of Samana against 
a certain Mundahir Rajput. The whole contribution dovetails 
into matters found elsewhere. Its precision of detail bespeaks 
a closely-contemporary written source.^ As its fullest passage 
concerns the Samana Qazl's affair, its basis of record may have 
been found in Samana. Some considerations about the date of 
Ahmad-i-yadgar's own book and what Niamatu'1-lah says of 
Haibat Khan of Samana, his own generous helper in the Tdrikh- 
i-Khan-i-jahdn Liidl, point towards Haibat Khan as providing 
the details of the Qazi's wrongs and avenging. The indication 
is strengthened by the circumstance that what precedes and what 
follows the account of the punitive expedition is outlined only.3 
Ahmad-i-yadgar interpolates an account of Humayun also, which 
is a frank plagiarism from the Tabaqdt-i-akbari. He tells too 
a story purporting to explain why Babur "selected" Humayun to 
succeed him, one parallel with Nizamu'd-dln Ahmad's about 
what led Khalifa to abandon his plan of setting the Mirza aside. 
Its sole value lies in its testimony to a belief, held by its first 
narrator whoever he was, that choice was exercised in the matter 
by Babur. Reasons for thinking Nizamu'd-dln's story, as it 
stands, highly improbable, will be found later in this note. 

' I am indebted to my husband for acquaintance with Nizamu'-d-din Ahmad's 
record about Babur and Kashmir. 

^ In view of the vicissitudes to which under Humayun the royal library was 
subjected, it would be difficult to assert that this source was not the missing con- 
tinuation of Babur's diary. 

3 E. and D.'s H. of I. art. Tarlkh-i Khdn-i-jahdn Liidi v, 67. For Ahmad-i 
-yadgar's book and its special features vide I.e. v, 2, 24, with notes ; Rieu's Persian 
Catalogue iii, 922a ; JASB. 1916, H. Beveridge's art. Note on the Tdrikh-i-saldtin 


Muhammad Qasim Hindu Shah Firishtd's Tdrikh-i-jirishta 
contains an interesting account of Babur but contributes towards 
filling the gap in the events of 936-937 AH. little that is not in the 
earlier sources. In M. Jules Mohl's opinion it was under revision 
as late as 1623 ad. (1032-3 ah.). 

a. Humdyun and Badakhshdn. 

An occurrence which had important results, was the arrival 
of Humayun in Agra, unsummoned by his Father, from the 
outpost station of Badakhshan. It will have occurred early in 
936 AH. (autumn 15 29 AD.), because he was in Kabul in the first 
ten days of the last month of 935 AH. {vide post). Curiously 
enough his half-sister Gul-badan does not mention his coming, 
whether through avoidance of the topic or from inadvertence ; the 
omission may be due however to the loss of a folio from the only 
known MS. of her book (that now owned by the British Museum), 
and this is the more likely that Abu'1-fazl writes, at some length, 
about the arrival and its motive, what the Beglm might have 
provided, this especially by his attribution of filial affection as 
Humayun's reason for coming to Agra. 

Haidar Mirza is the authority for the Akbar-nama account of 
Humayun's departure from Qila'-i-zafar and its political and 
military sequel. He explains the departure by saying that when 
Babur had subdued Hindustan, his sons Humayun and Kamran 
were grown-up ; and that wishing to have one of them at hand in 
case of his own death, he summoned Humayun, leaving Kamran 
in Qandahar. No doubt these were the contemporary impressions 
conveyed to Haidar, and strengthened by the accomplished fact 
before he wrote some 1 2 years later ; nevertheless there are two 
clear indications that there was no royal order for Humayun to 
leave Qila*-i-zafar, viz. that no-one had been appointed to relieve 
him even when he reached Agra, and that Abu'1-fazl mentions 
no summons but attributes the Mirza's departure from his post 
to an overwhelming desire to see his Father. What appears 
probable is that Mahim wrote to her son urging his coming to 
Agra, and that this was represented as Babur's wish. However 
little weight may be due to the rumour, preserved in anecdotes 
recorded long after 935 AH., that any-one, Babur or Khalifa, 

936 TO 937 AH. — 1529 TO 1530 AD. 695 

inclined against Humayun's succession, that rumour she would 
set herself to falsify by reconciliation/ 

When the Mirza's intention to leave Qila'-i-zafar became 
known there, the chiefs represented that they should not be able 
to withstand the Auzbeg on their frontier without him (his troops 
implied).^ With this he agreed, said that still he must go, and 
that he would send a Mirza in his place as soon as possible. He 
then rode, in one day, to Kabul, an item of rapid travel preserved 
by Abu'1-fazl. 

Humayiin's departure caused such anxiety in Qila'-i-zafar that 
some (if not all) of the BadakhshI chiefs hurried off an invitation 
to Sa'ld Khan Chaghatdt, the then ruler in Kashghar in whose 
service Haidar Mirza was, to come at once and occupy the fort. 
They said that Faqir-i-'all who had been left in charge, was not 
strong enough to cope with the Auzbeg, begged Sa'ld to come, 
and strengthened their petition by reminding him of his 
hereditary right to Badakhshan, derived from Shah Beglm 
Badakhshi. Their urgency convincing the Khan that risk 
threatened the country, he started from Kashghar in Muharram 
936 AH. (Sept-Oct. 1529 AD.). On reaching Sarlgh-chupan 
which by the annexation of Aba-bakr Mirza Dughldt was now 
his own most western territory 3 but which formerly was one of 
the upper districts of Badakhshan, he waited while Haidar went 
on towards Qila'-i-zafar only to learn on his road, that Hind-al 
{cBt. 10) had been sent from Kabul by Humayun and had 
entered the fort 12 days before. 

The Kashgharls were thus placed in the difficulty that the fort 
was occupied by Babur's representative, and that the snows would 
prevent their return home across the mountains till winter was 
past. Winter-quarters were needed and asked for by Haidar, 
certain districts being specified in which to await the re-opening 
of the Pamir routes. He failed in his request, " They did not 
trust us," he writes, " indeed suspected us of deceit." His own 
account of Said's earlier invasion of Badakhshan (925 AH. — 
1519 AD.) during Khan Mirza's rule, serves to explain Badakhshi 

* Humayun's last recorded act in Hindustan was that of 933 AH. (f. 329^) when he 
took unauthorized possession of treasure in Dihll. 
" Tdrikh-i-rashidi Us. p. 387. 
3 T.-i-R. trs. p. 353>/ seq. and Mr. Ney Elias' notes. 


distrust of Kashgharls. Failing in his negotiations, he scoured 
and pillaged the country round the fort, and when a few days 
later the Khan arrived, his men took what Haidar's had left. 

Sa'id Khan is recorded to have besieged the fort for three 
months, but nothing serious seems to have been attempted since 
no mention of fighting is made, none of assault or sally, and 
towards the end of the winter he was waited on by those who 
had invited his presence, with apology for not having admitted 
him into the fort, which they said they would have done but for 
the arrival of Hind-al Mirza. To this the Khan replied that for 
him to oppose Babur Padshah was impossible ; he reminded the 
chiefs that he was there by request, that it would be as hurtful for 
the Padshah as for himself to have the Auzbeg in Badakhshan 
and, finally, he gave it as his opinion that, as matters stood, every 
man should go home. His view of the general duty may include 
that of BadakhshI auxiliaries such as Sultan Wais of Kul-ab 
who had reinforced the garrison. So saying, he himself set out 
for Kashghar, and at the beginning of Spring reached Yarkand. 

b. Humdyun! s further action. 

Humayun will have reached Kabul before Zu'1-hijja lOth 
935 AH. (Aug. 26th 1529 AD.) because it is on record that he met 
Kamran on the Kabul *id-gah, and both will have been there to 
keep the 'idu'l-kablr, the Great Festival of Gifts, which is held on 
that day. Kamran had come from Qandahar, whether to keep the 
Feast, or because he had heard of Humayun's intended movement 
from Badakhshan, or because changes were foreseen and he 
coveted Kabul, as the Bdbur-ndma and later records allow to be 
inferred. He asked Humayun, says Abu'1-fazl, why he was there 
and was told of his brother's impending journey to Agra under 
overwhelming desire to see their Father.^ Presumably the two 
Mirzas discussed the position in which Badakhshan had been 
left; in the end Hind-al was sent to Qila'-i-zafar, notwithstanding 
that he was under orders for Hindustan. 

Humayun may have stayed some weeks in Kabul, how many 
those familiar with the seasons and the routes between Yarkand 

' Abu'l-fazl's record of Humayun's sayings and minor doings at this early date in 
his career, can hardly be anything more accurate than family-tradition. 


936 TO 937 AH.— 1529 TO 1530 AD. 697 

and Qila'-i-zafar, might be able to surmise if the date of Hind-al's 
start northward for which Humayiin is likely to have waited, 
were found by dovetailing the Muharram of Sa'id's start, the 
approximate length ofhis journey to Sarlgh-chupan, andHaidar's 
reception of news that Hind-al had been 12 days in the fort. 

Humayun's arrival in Agra is said by Abu'1-fazl to have been 
cheering to the royal family in their sadness for the death of 
Alwar (end of 935 AH.) and to have given pleasure to his Father. 
But the time is all too near the date of Babur's letter (f.348) 
to Humayun, that of a dissatisfied parent, to allow the supposition 
that his desertion of his post would fail to displease. 

That it was a desertion and not an act of obedience seems 
clear from the circumstance that the post had yet to be filled. 
Khalifa is said to have been asked to take it and to have 
refused ; ^ Humayun to have been sounded as to return and to 
have expressed unwillingness. Babur then did what was an 
honourable sequel to his acceptance in 926 AH. of the charge of 
the fatherless child Sulaiman, by sending him, now about 16, to 
take charge where his father Khan Mirza had ruled, and by still 
■Bceeping him under his own protection. 

B Sulaiman's start from Agra will not have been delayed, and 
K(accepting Ahmad-i-yadgar's record,) Babur himself will have 
^fcone as far as Labor either with him or shortly after him, an 
^sxpedition supporting Sulaiman, and menacing Sa'ld in his 
winter leaguer round Qila'-i-zafar. Meantime Humayiin was 
ordered to his fief of Sambhal. 

After Sulaiman's appointment Babur wrote to Sa'ld a letter 
of which Haidar gives the gist : — It expresses surprise at Sa'id's 
doings in Badakhshan, says that Hind-al has been recalled and 
Sulaiman sent, that if Sa'ld regard hereditary right, he will 

* The statement that Khalifa was asked to go so far from where he was of the first 
importance as an administrator, leads to consideration of why it was done. So little 
is known explicitly of Babur's intentions about his territories after his death that it is 
possible only to put that little together and read between its lines. It may be that he 
was now planning an immediate retirement to Kabul and an apportionment during life 
of his dominions, such as Abu-sa'ld had made of his own. If so, it would be desirable 
to have Badakhshan held in strength such as Khalifa's family could command, and 
especially desirable because as Barlas Turks, that family would be one with Babur 
in desire to regain Transoxiana. Such a political motive would worthily explain the 
offer of the appointment. 


leave "Sulaiman Shah Mlrza"^ in possession, who is as a son to 
them both,^ that this would be well, that otherwise he (Babur) 
will make over responsibility to the heir (Sulaiman) ;3 and, " The 
rest you know." '^ 

c. Bdbur visits Ldhor. 

If Ahmad-i-yadgar's account of a journey made by Babur to 
Labor and the Panj-ab be accepted, the lacuna of 936 AH. is 
appropriately filled. He places the expedition in the 3rd year of 
Babur's rule in Hindustan, which, counting from the first reading 
of the khutba for Babur in Dihll (f 286), began on Rajab 15th 
935 AH. (March 26th 1529 AD.). But as Babur's diary-record for 

935 AH. is complete down to end of the year, (minor lacunce 
excepted), the time of his leaving Agra for Labor is relegated to 

936 AH. He must have left early in the year, (i) to allow time, 
before the occurrence of the known events preceding his own 
death, for the long expedition Ahmad-i-yadgar calls one of 
a year, and (2) because an early start after Humayun's arrival 
and Sulaiman's departure would suit the position of affairs and 
the dates mentioned or implied by Haidar's and by Ahmad-i- 
yadgar's narratives. 

Two reasons of policy are discernible, in the known events of 
the time, to recommend a journey in force towards the North-west ; 
first, the sedition of *Abdu'l-*azIz in Labor (f. 3§i), and secondly, 
the invasion of Badakhshan by Sa'ld Khan with its resulting 
need of supporting Sulaiman by a menace of armed intervention.^ 

' The "Shah" of this style is derived from Sulaiman's BadakhshI descent through 
Shah Beglm; the "Mirza" from his Miran-shah! descent through his father Wais 
Khan Mirza. The title Khan Mirza or Mirza Khan, presumably according to the 
outlook of the speaker, was similarly derived from forbears, as would be also Shah 
Begim's ; (her personal name is not mentioned in the sources). 

'^ Sa'id, on the father's, and Babur, on the mother's side, were of the same 
generation in descent from Yiinas Khan ; Sulaiman was of a younger one, hence his 
pseudo-filial relation to the men of the elder one. 

3 Sa'id was Shah Begim's grandson through her son* Ahmad, Sulaiman her great- 
grandson through her daughter Sultan-Nigar, but Sulaimin could claim also as the 
heir of his father who was nominated to rule by Shah Begim ; moreover, he could 
claim by right of conquest on the father's side, through Abu-sa'id the conqueror, his 
son Mahmud long the ruler, and so through Mahmud's son Wais Khan Mirza. 

"♦ The menace conveyed by these words would be made the more forceful by Babur's 
move to Labor, narrated by Ahmad-i-yadgar. Some ill-result to Sa'id of independent 
rule by Sulaiman seems foreshadowed ; was it that if Babur's restraining hand were 
withdrawn, the Badakhshis would try to regain their lost districts and would have help 
in so-doing from Babur ? 

5 It is open to conjecture that if affairs in Hindustan had allowed it, Babur would 
now have returned to Kabul. Ahmad-i-yadgar makes the expedition to be one for 

936 TO 937 AH.— 1529 to 1530 AD. 699 

In Sihrind the Raja of Kahlur, a place which may be one of the 

Simla hill-states, waited on Babur, made offering of 7 falcons and 

tt( 3 mans ^ of gold, and was confirmed in his fief ^ 

W In Labor Kamran is said to have received his Father, in 

a garden of his own creation, and to have introduced the local 

chiefs as though he were the Governor of Labor some writers 

describe him as then being. The best sources, however, leave 

him still posted in Qandahar. He had been appointed to 

Multan (f359) when 'Askarl was summoned to Agra (f 339), 

^ but whether he actually went there is not assured ; some months 

B later (Zu'1-hijja loth 935 AH.) he is described by Abu'1-fazl as 

H coming to Kabul from Qandahar. He took both Multan 3 and 

H Labor by force from his (half-)brother Humayun in 935 AH. 

■.(1531 AD.) the year after their Father's death. That he should 

9 wait upon his Father in Labor would be natural, Hind-al did so, 

" coming from Kabul. Hind-al will have come to Labor after 

making over charge of Qila*-i-zafar to Sulaiman, and he went back 

^H at the end of the cold season, going perhaps just before his Father 

IH started from Labor on his return journey, the gifts he received 

■H before leaving being 2 elephants, 4 horses, belts and jewelled 

Iv daggers.4 

I I Babur is said to have left Labor on Rajab 4th (936 AH.) — 
I "^ March 4th, 1 5 30 AD.). From Ahmad-i-yadgar's outline of Babur's 
' doings in Labor, he, or his original, must be taken as ill-informed 

pleasure only, and describes Babur as hunting and sight-seeing for a year in Labor, 
the Panj-ab and near Dihli. This appears a mere flourish of words, in view of the 
purposes the expedition served, and of the difficulties which had arisen in Labor itself 
and with Sa'id Khan. Part of the work effected may have been the despatch of an 
expedition to Kashmir. 

^ This appears a large amount. 

^ The precision with which the Raja's gifts are stated, points to a closely-con- 
temporary and written source. A second such indication occurs later where gifts 
made to Hind-al are mentioned. 

3 An account of the events in Multan after its occupation by Shah Hasan Arghun 
is found in the latter part of the Tabaqat-i-akbarl and in Erskine's H. of L i, 393 et 
seq. — It may be noted here that several instances of confusion amongst Babur's sons 
occur in the extracts made by Sir H. Elliot and Professor Dowson in their History 
of India from the less authoritative sources {e.g. v, 35 Kamran for Humayun, 'Askari 
said to be in Kabul (pp. 36 and 37) ; Hind-al for Humayun etc.'] and that these errors 
have slipped into several of the District Gazetteers of the United Provinces. 

^ As was said of the offering made by the Raja of Kahlur, the precision of statement 
as to what was given to Hind-al, bespeaks a closely-contemporary written source. 
So too does the mention (text, infr-a) of the d-^y on which Babur began his return 
journey from Labor. 


or indifferent about them. His interest becomes greater when he 
writes of Samana. 

d. Punishment of the Munddhirs. 

When Babur, on his return journey, reached Sihrind, he 
received a complaint from the Qazi of Samana against one 
Mohan Munddhir (or Mundhdr) ^ Rajput who had attacked his 
estates, burning and plundering, and killed his son. Here-upon 
*AlI-quli of Hamadan^ was sent with 3000 horse to avenge the 
Qazl's wrongs, and reached Mohan's village, in the Kaithal 
pargana, early in the morning when the cold was such that the 
archers "could not pull their bows." 3 A marriage had been 
celebrated over-night ; the villagers, issuing from warm houses, 
shot such flights of arrows that the royal troops could make no 
stand ; many were killed and nothing was effected ; they retired 
into the jungle, lit fires, warmed themselves (?), renewed the 
attack and were again repulsed. On hearing of their failure, 
Babur sent off, perhaps again from Sihrind, Tarsam Bahadur 
and Naurang Beg with 6000 horse and many elephants. This 
force reached the village at night and when marriage festivities 
were in progress. Towards morning it was formed into three 
divisions,'^ one of which was ordered to go to the west of the 
village and show itself. This having been done, the villagers 
advanced towards it, in the pride of their recent success. The 
royal troops, as ordered beforehand, turned their backs and fled, 
the Mundahirs pursuing them some two miles. Meantime 
Tarsam Bahadur had attacked and fired the village, killing many 
of its inhabitants. The pursuers on the west saw the flames of 
their burning homes, ran back and were intercepted on their way. 
About 1000 men, women and children were made prisoner ; there 

"^ Cf. G. of I. xvi, 55 ; Ibbetson's Report on Karnal. 

' It is noticeable that no one of the three royal officers named as sent against 
Mohan Munddhir, is recognizable as mentioned in the Bdbiir-ndma. They may all 
have had local commands, and not have served further east. Perhaps this, their 
first appearance, points to the origin of the information as independent of Babur, but 
he might have been found to name them, if his diary were complete for 936 ah. 

3 The E. and D. translation writes twice as though the inability to "pull" the 
bows were due to feebleness in the men, but an appropriate reading would refer the 
difficulty to the hardening of sinews in the composite Turkish bows, which prevented 
the archers from bending the bows for stringing. 

* One infers that fires were burned all night in the bivouac. 


936 TO 937 AH.— 1529 TO 1530 AD. 701 

was also great slaughter, and a pillar of heads was raised. Mohan 
was captured and later on was buried to the waist and shot to 
death with arrows.^ News of the affair was sent to the Padshah.^ 

As after being in Sihrind, Babur is said to have spent two 
months hunting near Dihll, it may be that he followed up the 
punitive expedition sent into the Kaithal pargana of the Karnal 
District, by hunting in Nardak, a favourite ground of the 
Timurids, which lies in that district. 

Thus the gap of 936 AH. with also perhaps a month of 937 AH. 
is filled by the " year's " travel west of Dihli. The record is 
a mere outline and in it are periods of months without mention 
of where Babur was or what affairs of government were brought 
before him. At some time, on his return journey presumably, 
he will have despatched to Kashmir the expedition referred to in 
the opening section of this appendix. Something further may 
yet be gleaned from local chronicles, from unwritten tradition, or 
from the witness of place-names commemorating his visit. 


e. Babur' s self- surrender to save Humdyiln, 

The few months, perhaps 4 to 5, between Babur's return to 
gra from his expedition towards the North-west, and the time 
of his death are filled by Gul-badan and Abu'1-fazl with matters 
concerning family interests only. 

The first such matter these authors mention is an illness of 
HumayOn during which Babur devoted his own life to save his 
son's.3 Of this the particulars are, briefly : — That Humayun, 
while still in Sarnbhal, had had a violent attack of fever; that 
he was brought by water to Agra, his mother meeting him in 

^ At this point the A.S, B, copy (No. 137) of the Tankh-i-salatin-i-afdghana has 
a remark which may have been a marginal note originally, and which cannot be 
supposed made by Ahmad-i-yadgar himself because this would allot him too long 
a spell of life. It may show however that the interpolations about the two Timurids 
were not inserted in his book by him. Its purport is that the Mundahir village 
destroyed by Babur's troops in 936AH. — 1530AD. was still in ruins at the time it 
was written 160 (lunar) years later {i.e. in 1096 ah. — 1684-85 ad.). The better Codex 
(No. 3887) of the Imperial Library of Calcutta has the same passage. — Both that 
remark and its context show acquaintance with Samana and Kaithal. — The writings 
now grouped under the title Tdrlkh-i-salatin-i-afaghana present difficulties both as 
to date and contents (cf. Rieu's Persian Catalogue s.n. ). 

^ Presumably in Tihrind. 

3 Cf. G. B.'s H. N. trs. and the Akbar-nama Bib. Ind. ed. and trs., Index s.nn. ; 
Hughes' Dictionary of Islam s.n. Intercession. 



Muttra ; and that when the disease baffled medical skill, Babur 
resolved to practise the rite believed then and now in the East to be 
valid, of intercession and devotion of a suppliant's most valued 
possession in exchange for a sick man's life. Rejecting counsel 
to offer the Koh-i-nur for pious uses, he resolved to supplicate for 
the acceptance of his life. He made intercession through a saint 
his daughter names, and moved thrice round Humayun's bed, 
praying, in effect, "O God! if a life may be exchanged for a life, 
I, who am Babur, give my life and my being for Humayun." 
During the rite fever surged over him, and, convinced that his 
prayer and offering had prevailed, he cried out, " I have borne 
it away ! I have borne it away ! " ^ Gul-badan says that he 
himself fell ill on that very day, while Humayun poured water 
on his head, came out and gave audience ; and that they carried 
her Father within on account of his illness, where he kept his 
bed for 2 or 3 months. 

There can be no doubt as to Babur's faith in the rite he had 
practised, or as to his belief that his offering of life was accepted ; 
moreover actual facts would sustain his faith and belief On- 
lookers also must have believed his prayer and offering to have 
prevailed, since Humayun went back to Sarnbhal,^ while Babur 
fell ill at once and died in a few weeks.3 

f. A plan to set Babur's sons aside from the succession. 

Reading the Akbar-ndma alone, there would seem to be no 
question about whether Babur ever intended to give Hindustan, 
at any rate, to Humayun, but, by piecing together various con- 
tributory matters, an opposite opinion is reached, vis. that not 
Khalifa only whom Abu'1-fazl names perhaps on Nizamu'd-din 
Ahmad's warrant, but Babur also, with some considerable number 
of chiefs, wished another ruler for HindQstan. The starting- 
point of this opinion is a story in the Tabaqdt-i-akbarl and, 

' A closer translation would be, "I have taken up the burden." The verb is 
barddshtan (cf. f. 349, p. 626 n. i). 

' See Erskine's History of India ii, 9. 

3 At this point attention is asked to the value of the Ahmad -i-yadgar interpolation 
which allows Babur a year of active life before Humayun's illness and his own which 
followed. With no chronicle known of 936 ah. Babur had been supposed ill all 
through the year, a supposition which destroys the worth of his self-sacrifice. Moreover 
several inferences have been drawn from the supposed year of illness which are 
disproved by the activities recorded in that interpolation. 



To face p. -jos. 


936 TO 937 AH.— 1529 to 1530 AD. 703 

with less detail, in the Akbar-ndina, of which the gist is that 
Khalifa planned to supersede Humayun and his three brothers 
in their Father's succession/ 

The story, in brief, is as follows : — At the time of Babur's 
death Nizamu'd-din Ahmad's father Khwaja Muhammad Muqim 
Hardwi was in the service of the Office of Works.^ Amir 
Nizamu'd-din 'All Khalifa, the Chief of the Administration, had 
dread and suspicion about Humayun and did not favour his 
succession as Padshah. Nor did he favour that of Babur's other 
sons. He promised " Babur Padshah's son-in-law {ddmdd) " 
Mahdi Khwaja who was a generous young man, very friendly to 
himself, that he would make him Padshah. This promise becoming 
known, others made their saldm to the Khwaja who put on airs 
and accepted the position. One day when Khalifa, accompanied 
by MuqIm, went to see Mahdl Khwaja in his tent, no-one else 
being present, Babur, in the pangs of his disease, sent for him 3 
when he had been seated a few minutes only. When Khalifa had 
gone out, Mahdl Khwaja remained standing in such a way that 
MuqIm could not follow but, the Khwaja unaware, waited 
respectfully behind him. The Khwaja, who was noted for the 
wildness of youth, said, stroking his beard, " Please God ! first, 
I will flay thee ! " turned round and saw MuqIm, took him by 
the ear, repeated a proverb of menace, " The red tongue gives 
the green head to the wind," and let him go. MuqIm hurried 
to Khalifa, repeated the Khwaja's threat against him, and 
remonstrated about the plan to set all Babur's sons aside in favour 
of a stranger-house.4 Here-upon Khalifa sent for Humayun,S 
and despatched an officer with orders to the Khwaja to retire to 
his house, who found him about to dine and hurried him off 
without ceremony. Khalifa also issued a proclamation for- 
bidding intercourse with him, excluded him from Court, and 
when Babur died, supported Humayun. 

^ E. andD.'s History of India v, 187 ; G. B.'s Humayiin-ndma trs. p. 28. 

= dar khidmat-i-dlwdni-i-buyiitdt ; perhaps he was a Barrack-officer. His appoint- 
ment explains his attendance on Khalifa. 

3 Khalifa prescribed for the sick Babur. 

* khdnwdda-i-bigdnah, perhaps, foreign dynasty. 

s From Sambhal ; Gul-badan, hy an anachronism made some 60 years later, writes 
Kalanjar, to which place Humayun moved 5 months after his accession. 


As Nizamu'd-din Ahmad was not born till 20 years after 
Babur died, the story will have been old before he could 
appreciate it, and it was some 60 years old when it found way 
into the Tahaqdt-i-akbari and, with less detail, into the Akbar- 

Taken as it stands, it is incredible, because it represents 
Khalifa, and him alone, planning to subject the four sons of Babur 
to the suzerainty of Mahdl Khwaja who was not a Timurid, 
who, so far as well-known sources show, was not of a ruling 
dynasty or personally illustrious,^ and who had been associated, 
so lately as the autumn of 1529 AD., with his nephew Rahlm-dad 
in seditious action which had so angered Babur that, whatever 
the punishment actually ordered, rumour had it both men were to 
die.^ In two particulars the only Mahdl Khwaja then of Babur's 
following, does not suit the story ; he was not a young man in 
1530 AD.,3 and was not a ddmdd oi Babur, if that word be taken 
in its usual sense of son-in-law, but he was 2.yazna, husband of 
a Padshah's sister, in his case, of Khan-zada Begim.^ Some 
writers style him Sayyid Mahdl Khwaja, a double title which 
may indicate descent on both sides from religious houses ; one 
is suggested to be that of Tirmiz by the circumstance that in his 
and Khan-zada Beglm's mausoleum was buried a Tirmiz sayyid 

^ I am indebted to my husband's perusal of Sayyid Ahmad Khan's Asar-i-sanadld 
(Dihll ed. 1854 p. 37, and Lakhnau ed. 1895 pp. 40, 41) for information that, perhaps 
in 935 AH., Mahdi Khwaja set up a tall slab of white marble near Amir Khusrau's 
tomb in Dihll, which bears an inscription in praise of the poet, composed by that 
Shihabu'd-din the Enigmatist who reached Agra with Khwand-amir in Muharram 
935 AH. (f. 339^). The inscription gives two chronograms ofKhusrau's death (725 ah. ), 
mentions that Mahdl Khwaja was the creator of the memorial, and gives its date in 
the words, "The beautiful effort of Mahdl Khwaja." — The Dihll ed. of the A^ar- 
i-sanadid depicts the slab with its inscription ; the Lakhnau ed. depicts the tomb, 
may show the slab in sitH, and contains interesting matter by Sayyid Ahmad Khan. 
The slab is mentioned without particulars in Murray's Hand-hook to Bengal, p. 329. 

* Lee's /(5» Batuta p. 1 33 and Hiraman's Tdrikh-i-gualidrl. Cf. G. B.'s Humdyiin- 
nama trs. (1902 AD.), Appendix B. — Mahdi Khwaja. 

3 In an anonymous Life of Shah Isma^tl ^afawl, Mahdl Khwaja [who may be 
a son of the Musa Khwaja mentioned by Babur on f. 216] is described as being, in what 
will be 916-7 AH., Babur's Diwdn-begi a^nd assent towards Bukhara with 10,000 men. 
This was 29years before the story calls him a young man. Even if the ^fford j'awdn 
(young man) be read, as T. yig-it is frequently to be read, in the sense of " efficient 
fighting man", Mahdi was over-age. Other details of the story, besides the word 
j'awdn, bespeak a younger man. 

* G. B.^s H. N. trs. p. 126; Hablbu' s-siyar, B.M. Add. 16,679 f. 370, 1. 16, lith. ed. 
Sec. IIL iii, 372 (where a clerical error makes Babur give Mahdl two of his full- 
sisters in marriage). — Another yazna of Babur was Khalifa's brother Junaid Barlds, 
the husband of Shahr-banu, a half-sister of Babur. 


936 TO 937 AH.— 1529 TO 1530 AD. 705 

of later date, Shah Abu'l-ma'all. But though he were of Tirmiz, it 
is doubtful if that religious house would be described by the word 
khdnwdda which so frequently denotes a ruling dynasty. 

His name may have found its way into Nizamu'd-din Ahmad's 
story as a gloss mistakenly amplifying the word ddindd, taken in 
its less usual sense of brother-in-law. To Babur's contemporaries 
the expression " Babur Padshah's ddmdd'' (son-in-law) would be 
explicit, because for some 1 1 years before he lay on his death- 
bed, he had one son-in-law only, viz. Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza 
Bdt-qard,^ the husband of Ma'suma Sultan Begim. If that Mirza's 
name were where Mahdl Khwaja's is entered, the story of an 
exclusion of Babur's sons from rule might have a core of truth. 

It is incredible however that Khalifa, with or without Babur's 
concurrence, made the plan attributed to him of placing any 
man not a Timurid in the position of Padshah over all Babur's 
territory. I suggest that the plan concerned Hindustan only 
and was one considered in connection with Babur's intended 
return to Kabul, when he must have left that difficult country, 
hardly yet a possession, in charge of some man giving promise 
of power to hold it. Such a man Humayun was not. My 
suggestion rests on the following considerations : — 

(i) Babur's outlook was not that of those in Agra in 1587 AD. 
who gave Abu'1-fazl his Baburiana material, because at that date 
Dihll had become the pivot of Timurid power, so that not to 
hold Hindustan would imply not to be Padshah. Babur's outlook 
on his smaller Hindustan was different ; his position in it was 
precarious, Kabul, not Dihll, was his chosen centre, and from 
Kabul his eyes looked northwards as well as to the East. If he 
had lost the Hindustan which was approximately the modern 
United Provinces, he might still have held what lay west of it 
to the Indus, as well as Qandahar. 

(2) For several years before his death he had wished to return 
to Kabul. Ample evidence of this wish is given by his diary, his 
letters, and some poems in his second Diwdn (that found in the 
RampurMS.). As he told his sons more than once, he kept Kabul 

' Babur, shortly before his death, married Gul-rang to Aisan-tlmur and Gul-chihra 
to Tukhta-bugha Chaghatdi. Cf. post^ Section h, Bdbtir^s wives and children ; and 
G. B.'sH. N. trs. Biographical Appendix s.nn. Dil-dar Begim andSalima Sultan Begim 


for himself.' If, instead of dying in Agra, he had returned to 
Kabul, had pushed his way on from Badakhshan, whether as far 
as Samarkand or less, had given Humayun a seat in those parts, 
— action foreshadowed by the records — a reasonable inter- 
pretation of the story that Humayun and his brothers were not 
to govern Hindustan, is that he had considered with Khahfa the 
apportionment of his territories according to the example of his 
ancestors Chlnglz Khan, Timur and Abu-sa*id ; that by his plan of 
apportionment Humayun was not to have Hindustan but some- 
thing Tramontane ; Kamran had already Qandahar ; Sulaiman, 
if Humayun had moved beyond the out-post of Badakhshan, 
would have replaced him there ; and Hindustan would have gone 
to *' Babur Padshah's ddmdd'\ 

(3) Muhammad-i-zaman had much to recommend him for 
Hindustan : — Timurid-born, grandson and heir of SI. Husain 
Mirza, husband of Ma'suma who was a Timurid by double 
descent,^ protected by Babur after the Bai-qara debacle in Herat, 
a landless man leading such other exiles as Muhammad Sultan 
Mlrza,3 'Adil Sultan, and Qasim-i-husain Sultan, half-Tlmurids 
all, who with their Khurasan! following, had been Babur's guests 
in Kabul, had pressed on its poor resources, and thus had helped 
in 932 AH. (1525 AD.) to drive him across the Indus. This Bai- 
qara group needed a location ; Muhammad-i-zaman's future had, 
to be cared for and with his, Ma'suma's. 

(4) It is significant of intention to give Muhammad-i-zamai 
ruling status that in April 1529 ad. (Sha'ban 935 AH.) Babul 
bestowed on him royal insignia, including the umbrella-symboj 
of sovereignty .4 This was done after the Mirza had raise( 

^ Cf. G. B.'s H. N. trs. p. 147. 

' She is the only adult daughter of a Timurid mother named as being such b| 
Babur or Gul-badan, but various considerations incHne to the opinion that Dil-dai 
Beglm also was a Timurid, hence her three daughters, all named from the Rose, wet 
so too. Cf. references of penultimate note. 

3 It attaches interest to the Mirza that he can be taken reasonably as once the owne 
of the Elphinstone Codex (cf. JRAS. 1907, pp. 136 and 137). 

* Death did not threaten when this gift was made ; life in Kabul was planne 
for. — Here attention is asked again to the value of Ahmad-i-yadgar's Baburiana fol 
removing the impression set on many writers by the blank year 936 ah. that it wa 
one of illness, instead of being one of travel, hunting and sight-seeing. The detail 
of the activities of that year have the further value that they enhance the worth oi 
Babur's sacrifice of life. — Haidar Mirza also fixes the date of the beginning of illnes 
as 937 AH. 

936 TO 937 AH.— 1529 to 1530 AD. 707 

objections, unspecified now inthe Bddur-ndma 3ig3iinstB[ha.r ; they 
were overcome, the insignia were given and, though for miHtary 
reasons he was withheld from taking up that appointment, the 
recognition of his royal rank had been made. His next appoint- 
ment was to Junpur, the capital of the fallen Sharqi dynasty. 
No other chief is mentioned by Babur as receiving the insignia 
of royalty. 

(4) It appears to have been within a Padshah's competence to 
select his successor ; and it may be inferred that choice was 
made between Humayun and another from the wording of more 
than one writer that Khalifa " supported " HumayQn, and from 
the word "selected" used in Ahmad-i-yadgar's anecdote.^ Much 
more would there be freedom of choice in a division of territory 
such as there is a good deal to suggest was the basis of Nizamu'd- 
dln Ahmad's story. Whatever the extent of power proposed for 
the ddmdd, whether, as it is difficult to believe, the Padshah's 
whole supremacy, or whether the limited sovereignty of Hindu- 
stan, it must have been known to Babur as well as to Khalifa. 
Whatever their earlier plan however, it was changed by the 
sequel of Humayun's illness which led to his becoming Padshah. 
The ddmdd was dropped, on grounds it is safe to believe more 
impressive than his threat to flay Khalifa or than the remonstrance 
of that high official's subordinate Muqim of Herat. 

Humayun's arrival and continued stay in Hindustan modified 
earlier dispositions which included his remaining in Badakhshan. 
His actions may explain why Babur, when in 936 AH. he went 
as far as Labor, did not go on to Kabul. Nothing in the sources 
excludes the surmise that Mahim knew of the bestowal of royal 
insignia on the Bal-qara Mirza, that she summoned her son to 
Agra and there kept him, that she would do this the more 
resolutely if the ddmdd of the plan she must have heard of, were 
that Bal-qara, and that but for Humayun's presence in Agra and 
its attendant difficulties, Babur would have gone to Kabul, leaving 
his ddmdd in charge of Hindustan. 

Babur, however, turned back from Labor for Agra, and there 

* The author, or embroiderer, of that anonymous story did not know the Bdbur- 
ndma well, or he would not have described Babur as a wine-drinker after 933 AH. 
The anecdote is parallel with Nizamu'd-dln Ahmad's, the one explaining why the 
Mirza was selected, the other why the ddmad was dropped. 


he made the self-surrender which, resulting in Humayun's 
" selection " as Padshah, became a turning point in history. 

Humayun's recovery and Babur's immediate illness will have 
made the son's life seem Divinely preserved, the father's as a debt 
to be paid. Babur's impressive personal experience will have 
dignified Humayun as one whom God willed should live. Such 
distinction would dictate the bestowal on him of all that fatherly 
generosity had yet to give. The imminence of death defeating 
all plans made for life, Humayun was nominated to supreme 
power as Padshah. 

g. Babur's death. 

Amongst other family matters mentioned by Gul-badan as 
occurring shortly before her Father's death, was his arrangement 
of marriages for Gul-rang with Alsan-tlmur and for Gul-chihra 
with Tukhta-bugha Chaghatdl. She also writes of his anxiety 
to see Hind-al who had been sent for from Kabul but did not 
arrive till the day after the death. 

When no remedies availed, Humayun was summoned from 
Sambhal. He reached Agra four days before the death ; on the 
morrow Babur gathered his chiefs together for the last of many 
times, addressed them, nominated HumayOn his successor and 
bespoke their allegiance for him. Abu'1-fazl thus summarizes his 
words, " Lofty counsels and weighty mandates were imparted. 
Advice was given (to Humayun) to be munificent and just, to 
acquire God's favour, to cherish and protect subjects, to accept 
apologies from such as had failed in duty, and to pardon trans- 
gressors. And, he (Babur) exclaimed, the cream of my testa- 
mentary dispositions is this, * Do naught against your brothers, 
even though they may deserve it.' In truth," continues the 
historian, " it was through obedience to this mandate that his 
Majesty Jannat-ashiyanl suffered so many injuries from his 
brothers without avenging himself." Gul-badan's account of her 
Father's last address is simple: — "He spoke in this wise, 'For 
years it has been in my heart to make over the throne to 
Humayun and to retire to the Gold-scattering Garden. By the 
Divine grace I have obtained in health of body everything but 
the fulfilment of this wish. Now that illness has laid me low, 

■IF 936 TO 937 AH.— 1529 TO 1530 AD. 709 

f I charge you all to acknowledge Humayun in my stead. Fail 
not in loyalty towards him. Be of one heart and mind towards 
him. I hope to God that he, for his part, will bear himself well 
towards men. Moreover, Humayun, I commit you and your 
brothers and all my kinsfolk and your people and my people 
to God's keeping, and entrust them all to you.' " 

It was on Monday Jumada I. 5th 937 AH. (Dec. 26th 15 30 AD.) 
that Babur made answer to his summons with the Adsum of the 
Musalman, " Lord ! I am here for Thee." 

" Black fell the day for children and kinsfolk and all," writes 
his daughter ; 

*' Alas ! that time and the changeful heaven should exist without thee ; 
Alas ! and Alas ! that time should remain and thou shouldst be gone ;" 

mourns Khwaja Kalan in the funeral ode from which BadayunI 
quoted these lines.^ 

The body was laid in the Garden-of-rest {Ardm-bdgh) which 
is opposite to where the Taj-i-mahall now stands. Khwaja 
Muhammad 'All 'asas^ was made the guardian of the tomb, 
and many well-voiced readers and reciters were appointed to 
conduct the five daily Prayers and to offer supplication for the 
soul of the dead. The revenues of SikrI and 5 laks from Blana 
were set aside for the endowment of the tomb, and Mahim 
Beglm, during the two and a half years of her remaining life, 
sent twice daily from her own estate, an allowance of food 
towards the support of its attendants. 

In accordance with the directions of his will, Babur's body was 
to be conveyed to Kabul and there to be laid in the garden of his 
choice, in a grave open to the sky, with no building over it, no 
need of a door-keeper. 

Precisely when it was removed from Agra we have not found 
stated. It is known from Gul-badan that Kamran visited his 
Father's tomb in Agra in 15 39 AD. (946 AH.) after the battle of 
Chausa ; and it is known from Jauhar that the body had been 
brought to Kabul before 1544 AD. (95 2 AH.), at which date 
Humayiin, in Kabul, spoke with displeasure of Kamran's in- 
civility to " Bega Begim ", the " Bibl " who had conveyed their 

^ Bib. Ind. i, 341 ; Ranking's trs. p. 448. 

' The night-guard; perhaps MahIm Begim's brother (G. B.'s H. N. trs. pp. 27-8). 


Father's body to that place.^ That the widow who performed 
this duty was the Afghan Lady, Bibl Mubarika^ is made 
probable by Gul-badan's details of the movements of the royal 
ladies. Babur's family left Agra under Hind-al's escort, after the 
defeat at Chausa (June 7th, 1539 AD.) ; whoever took charge of 
the body on its journey to Kabul must have returned at some 
later date to fetch it. It would be in harmony with Sher Shah's 
generous character if he safe-guarded her in her task. 

The terraced garden Babur chose for his burial-place lies on 
the slope of the hill Shah-i-Kabul, the Sher-darwaza of European 
writers.3 It has been described as perhaps the most beautiful 
of the Kabul gardens, and as looking towards an unsurpassable 
view over the Char-dih plain towards the snows of Paghman 
and the barren, rocky hills which have been the hunting-grounds 
of rulers in Kabul. Several of Babur's descendants coming to 
Kabul from Agra have visited and embellished his burial-garden. 
Shah-i-jahan built the beautiful mosque which stands near the 
grave ; Jahanglr seems to have been, if not the author, at least 
the prompter of the well-cut inscription adorning the upright 
slab of white marble of Maldan, which now stands at the grave- 
head. The tomb-stone itself is a low grave-covering, not less 
simple than those of relations and kin whose remains have been 
placed near Babur's. In the thirties of the last century [the 
later Sir] Alexander Burnes visited and admirably described 
the garden and the tomb. With him was MunshI Mohan Lai who 
added to his own account of the beauties of the spot, copies of 
the inscriptions on the monumental slab and on the portal of the 
Mosque.4 As is shown by the descriptions these two visitors 
give, and by Daniel's drawings of the garden and the tomb, 
there were in their time two upright slabs, one behind the other, 
near the head of the grave. Mr. H. H. Hayden who visited the 
garden in the first decade of the present century, shows in his 
photograph of the grave, one upright stone only, the place of 

* G. B.'s H. N. trs. f. 34^, p. 138 ; Jauhar's Memoirs of Humdyun, Stewart's trs. 
p. 82. 

= Cf. G. B.'s H. N. trs. p. 216, Bio. App. s.n. Bega Begam. 

3 f. 128, p. 200 n. 3. Cf. Appendix U. — Babur's Gardetis in and near Kabul. 

* Cf. H. H. Hayden's Notes on some monuments in Afghanistan, \_Memoirs of the 
Asiatic Society of Bengal ii, 344] ; ^xA Journal asiatique 1888, M. J. Darmesteter's 
art. Inscriptions de Caboul. 


936 TO 937 AH.— 1529 TO 1530 AD. 711 

one of the former two having been taken by a white-washed 

lamp holder {chirdghddn). 

The purport of the verses inscribed on the standing-slab is 

as follows : — 

A ruler from whose brow shone the Light of God was that ^ 
Back-bone of the Faith {zahiru' d-dtn) Muhammad Babur 
Padshah. Together with majesty, dominion, fortune, rectitude, 
the open-hand and the firm Faith, he had share in prosperity, 
abundance and the triumph of victorious arms. He won the 
material world and became a moving light ; for his every 
conquest he looked, as for Light, towards the world of souls. 
When Paradise became his dwelling and Ruzwan ^ asked me 
the date, I gave him for answer, " Paradise is forever Babur 
Padshah's abode." 

h. Babur' s wives and children.'^ 

Babur himself mentions several of his wives by name, but 
Gul-badan is the authority for complete lists of them and their 

1. 'Ayisha Sultan Beglm, daughter of SI. Ahmad MlrzaJ/fr««- 
shdhi was betrothed, when Babur was cu'. 5 years old, in 894 AH. 
(1488-89 AD.), bore Fakhru'n-nisa' in 906 AH. [who died in about 
one month], left Babur before 909 AH. (1503 AD.). 

2. Zainab SI. Beglm, daughter of SI. Mahmud Mirza Mlrdn- 
shdhz, was married in 9 10 AH. (1504-5 AD.), died childless two or 
three years later. 

3. Mahim Beglm, whose parentage is not found stated, was 
married in 91 2 ah. (1506 ad.), bore Bar-bud, Mihr-jan, Alsan- 
daulat, Fariiq [who all died in infancy], and Humayun. 

4. Ma'suma SI. Beglm, daughter of SI. Ahmad Mirza Mirdn- 
shdhi, was married in 913 AH. (1507 AD.), bore Ma'suma and died 
at her birth, presumably early in the lacuna of 9 14-925 AH. 

^ an, a demonstrative suggesting that it refers to an original inscription on the 
second, but now absent, upright slab, which presumably would bear Babur's name. 

^ Ruzwan is the door-keeper of Paradise. 

3 Particulars of the women mentioned by Babur, Haidar, Gul-badan and other 
writers of their time, can be seen in my Biographical Appendix to the Beglm's 
Humayutt-ndma. As the Appendix was published in 1902, variants from it occurring 
in this work are corrections superseding earlier and less-informed statements. 


5. Gul-rukh Begim, whose parentage is not found stated, was 
perhaps a Begchik Mughul, was married between 9 14 AH. and 
925 AH. (1508-19 AD.), probably early in the period, bore Shah- 
rukh, Ahmad [who both died young], Gul'izar [who also may 
have died young], Kamran and 'Askarl. 

6. Dil-dar Beglm, whose parentage is not found stated, was 
married in the same period as Gul-rukh, bore Gul-rang, Gul- 
chihra, Hind-al, Gul-badan and Alwar, [who died in childhood]. 

7. The Afghan Lady ( Afghani Aghacha), BiblMubarika Yusuf- 
zdt, was married in 92 5 ah. (1519AD.), and died childless. 

The two Circassian slaves Gul-nar Aghacha and Nar-gul 
Aghacha of whom Tahmasp made gift to Babur in 93 3 AH. 
(f.305), became recognized ladies of the royal household. They 
are mentioned several times by Gul-badan as taking part in 
festivities and in family conferences under Humayun. Gul-nar 
is said by Abu'1-fazl to have been one of Gul-badan's pilgrim 
band in 9^3 AH. (1575 AD.). 

The above list contains the names of three wives whose 
parentage is not given or is vaguely given by the well-known 
sources, — namely, Mahim, Gul-rukh and Dil-dar. What would 
sufficiently explain the absence of mention by Babur of the 
parentage of Gul-rukh and Dil-dar is that his record of the years 
within which the two Beglms were married is not now with the 
Bdbur-ndnia. Presumably it has been lost, whether in diary or 
narrative form, in the lacuna of 914-25 AH. (1508-19 AD.). Gul- 
rukh appears to have belonged to the family of Begchik Mughuls 
described by Haidar Mlrza^; her brothers are styled Mirza; she 
was of good but not royal birth. Dil-dar's case is less simple. 
Nothing in her daughter Gul-badan's book suggests that she and 
her children were other than of the highest rank ; numerous 
details and shades of expression show their ease of equality with 
royal personages. It is consistent with Gul-badan's method of 
enumerating her father's wives that she should not state her own 
mother's descent ; she states it of none of her "mothers ". There 
is this interest in trying to trace Dil-dar's parentage, that she 
may have been the third daughter of SI. Mahmud Mirza and 
Pasha Beglm, and a daughter of hers may have been the mother of 
* Tarikh-i-rashidi trs. Ney Elias and Ross p. 308. 


936 TO 937 AH.— 1529 TO 1530 AD. 

Sallma Sultan Beglm who was given in marriage by Humayiin 
to Bairam Khan, later was married by Akbar, and was a woman 
of charm and literary accomplishments. Later historians, Abu'l- 
fazl amongst their number, say that Salima's mother was a 
daughter of Babur's wife Salha Sultan Beglm, and vary that 
daughter's name as Gul-rang-rukh-barg or -'izar (the last form 
being an equivalent of chihra, face). As there cannot have been 
a wife with her daughter growing up in Babur's household, who 
does not appear in some way in Gul-badan's chronicle, and as 
Salima's descent from Babur need not be questioned, the knot is 
most readily loosened by surmising that " Salha" is the real name 
of Gul-badan's "Dildar". Instances of double names are frequent, 
e.g. Mahim, Mah-chlcham, Qara-guz, Aq, (My Moon, My Moon 
sister, Black-eyed, Fair). "Heart-holding" (Dil-dar) sounds like 
a home-name of affection. It is the Ma'dsir-i-rahhnl which gives 
Salha as the name of Babur's wife, Pasha's third daughter. Its 
author may be wrong, writing so late ashedid(i025AH.-i6i6AD.), 
or may have been unaware that Salha was (if she were) known as 
Dil-dar. It would not war against seeming facts to take Pasha's 
third daughter to be Babur's wife Dil-dar, and Dil-dar's daughter 
Gul-chihra to be Salima's mother. Gul-chihra was born in about 
1 516 AD., married to Tiikhta-bijgha in 15 30 AD., widowed m.cir. 
1533 AD., might have remarried with Nuru'd-din Chaqdnidni 
(Sayyid Amir), and in 945 AH. might have borne him Sallma; she 
was married in 1547 AD. (954 AH.) to 'Abbas Sultan Ailzbeg.^ 
Two matters, neither having much weight, make against taking 
Dil-dar to be a Mirdn-shdhi\ the first being that the anonymous 
annotator who added to the archetype of Kehr's Codex what is 
entered in Appendix \^.-0n Mdhim's adoption of Hind-dl, styles 
her Dil-dar Aghacha ; he, however, may have known no more 
than others knew of her descent ; the second, that MahIm forcibly 
took Dil-dar's child Hind-al to rear ; she was the older wife and 
the mother of the heir, but could she have taken the upper hand 
over a Mlran-shahl? A circumstance complicating the question 
of Salima's maternal descent is, that historians searching the 
Bdbur-ndma or its Persian translation the Wdqi'dt-i-bdburi for 
information about the three daughters of Mahmud Mirdn-shdhl 

' Bio. App. s.n. Gul-chihra. 


and Pasha Bahdrlu Turkman, would find an incomplete record, 
one in which the husbands of the first and second daughters are 
mentioned and nothing is said about the third who was Babur's 
wife and the grandmother of Sallma. Babur himself appears to 
have left the record as it is, meaning to fill it in later ; presumably 
he waited for the names of the elder two sisters to complete his 
details of the three. In the Haidarabad Codex, which there is 
good ground for supposing a copy of his original manuscript, 
about three lines are left blank (f. 27) as if awaiting information; 
in most manuscripts, however, this indication of intention is 
destroyed by running the defective passage on to join the next 
sentence. Some chance remark of a less well-known writer, 
may clear up the obscurity and show that Salha was Dil-dar. 

Mahlm's case seems one having a different cause for silence 
about her parentage. When she was married in Herat, shortly 
after the death of SI. Husain Mirza, Babur had neither wife nor 
child. What Abu'1-fazl tells about her is vague ; her father's name 
is not told ; she is said to have belonged to a noble Khurasan 
family, to have been related (nzsbat-t-kkwesh) to SI. Husain 
Mirza and to have traced her descent to Shaikh Ahmad of Jam. 
If her birth had been high, even though not royal, it is strange 
that it is not stated by Babur when he records the birth of her 
son Humayun, incidentally by Gul-badan, or more precisely by 
Abu'1-fazl. Her brothers belonged to Khost, and to judge from a 
considerable number of small records, seem to have been quiet, 
unwarlike Khwajas. Her marriage took place in a year of which 
a full record survives ; it is one in the composed narrative, not 
in the diary. In the following year, this also being one included 
in the composed narrative, Babur writes of his meeting with 
Ma'sQma Mirdn-shdhi in Herat, of their mutual attraction, and 
of their marriage. If the marriage with Humayun's mother had 
been an equal alliance, it would agree with Babur's custom to 
mention its occurrence, and to give particulars about Mahlm's 

' The story of the later uprisings against Mahlm's son Humayun by his brothers, 
by Muhammad-i-zaman Bdi-qara and others of the same royal blood, and this in 
spite of Humayun's being his father's nominated successor, stirs surmise as to whether 
the rebels were not tempted by more than his defects of character to disregard his 
claim to supremacy; perhaps pride of higher maternal descent, this particularly 
amongst the Bal-qara group, may have deepened a disregard created by antagonisms 
of temperament. 

936 TO 937 AH.— 1529 TO 1530 AD. 715 


^L^ Mr. Williani Erskines estimate of Bdbur. 
B^ " Zahlru'd-din Muhammad Babur was undoubtedly one of the 
■ most illustrious men of his age, and one of the most eminent 
and accomplished princes that ever adorned an Asiatic throne. 
He is represented as having been above the middle size, of great 
vigour of body, fond of all field and warlike sports, an excellent 
swordsman, and a skilful archer. As a proof of his bodily 
strength, it is mentioned, that he used to leap from one pinnacle 
to another of the pinnacled ramparts used in the East, in his 
double-soled boots ; and that he even frequently took a man 
under each arm and went leaping along the rampart from one of 
the pointed pinnacles to another. Having been early trained 
to the conduct of business, and tutored in the school of adversity, 
the powers of his mind received full development. He ascended 
the throne at the age of twelve, and before he had attained his 
twentieth year, had shared every variety of fortune ; he had not 
only been the ruler of subject provinces but had been in thraldom 
to his own ambitious nobles, and obliged to conceal every senti- 
ment of his heart ; he had been alternately hailed and obeyed as 
a conqueror and deliverer by rich and extensive kingdoms, and 
forced to lurk in the deserts and mountains of Farghana as 
a houseless wanderer. Down to the last dregs of life, we perceive 
in him strong feelings of affection for his early friends and early 
enjoyments. * * * He had been taught betimes, by the voice 
of events that cannot lie, that he was a man dependent on the 
kindness and fidelity of other men ; and, in his dangers and 
escapes with his followers, had learned that he was only one of 
an association. * * * The native benevolence and gaiety of his 
disposition seems ever to overflow on all around him ; * * * of his 
companions in arms he speaks with the frank gaiety of a soldier. 
* * * Ambitious he was and fond of conquest and glory in all 
its shapes ; the enterprise in which he was for a season engaged, 
seems to have absorbed his whole soul, and all his faculties were 
exerted to bring it to a fortunate issue. His elastic mind was 
not broken by discomfiture, and few who have achieved such 
glorious conquests, have suffered more numerous or more decisive 
defeats. His personal courage was conspicuous during his whole 
life. Upon the whole, if we review with impartiality the history 


of Asia, we find few princes entitled to rank higher than Babur 
in genius and accomplishments. * * * In activity of mind, in 
the gay equanimity and unbroken spirit with which he bore the 
extremes of good and bad fortune, in the possession of the manly 
and social virtues, in his love of letters and his success in the 
cultivation of them, we shall probably find no other Asiatic 
prince who can justly be placed beside him." 

The End. 



Some modern writers, amongst whom are Dr. Schuyler, 
General Nalivkine and Mr. Pumpelly, have inferred from the 
Babur-nama account of Akhsi, (in its translations ?) that the 
landslip through which Babur's father died and the disappear- 
ance of old Akhsi were brought about by erosion. Seen by the 
light of modern information, this erosion theory does not seem 
to cover the whole ground and some other cause seems 
necessary in explanation of both events. 

For convenience of reference, the Babur-nama passages re- 
quired, are quoted here, with their translations. 

Hai. MS. f. 4&. Saikun daryd-sl qiirghdni astldln dqdr. Qurghdnl 
balandjar austldd wdqV bulub tur. Khandaqi-nlng aurunlgha 'umtqjdrldr 
dur. 'Umar Shaikh M. kim muni pdy-takht qildt, bir Ikl martaba 
tdshrdq-dm yana jarldr sdldi. 

Of this the translations are as follows : — 

(a) Pers. trans. (I.O. 217, f. 36) : Daryd-i Saihun az pdyhd qila'-i 
o mlrezad u qila'-i o bar jar balandl wdqi' shuda ba jdy khandaq jarhd-i 
'umlq uftdda. ' U. Sh. M. kah dnrd pdy-takht sdkhta, yak du martaba az 
blrun ham bdz jarhd anddkht. 

(6) Erskine (p. 5, translating from the Persian) : ' The river Saihun 
flows under the walls of the castle. The castle is situated on a high 
precipice, and the steep ravines around serve instead of a moat. When 
U. Sh. M. made it his capital he, in one or two instances, scarped the 
ravines outside the fort.* 

(c) De Courteille (i, 8, translating from Ilminsky's imprint, p. 6) : 
* Le Seihoun coule au pied de la fortresse qui se dresse sur le sommet 
d'un ravin, dont les profondeurs lui tiennent lieu d'un fosse. 'U. Sh. 
M. a I'epoque ou 11 en avait fait son capitale, avait augmente k una ou 
deux reprises, les escarpements qui la ceignent naturellement.' 

Concerning 'Umar Shaikh's death, the words needed are 

Mazkur buliib aidi ktm Akhsi qurghdnl buland jar austldd wdqi' 
baiab tur. 'Imdratldr jar ydqdsldd airdl. . . . Mlrzd jardln kabUtar u 


kabutar-khdna hila auchub shunqdr buldl; — ' It has been mentioned 
that the walled-town of Akhsi is situated above ravine (s). The royal 
dwellings are along a ravine. The Mirza, having flown with his 
pigeons and their house from the ravine, became a falcon {i.e. died).' 

A few particulars about Akhsi will shew that, in the transla- 
tions just quoted, certain small changes of wording are dictated 
by what, amongst other writers, Kostenko and von Schwarz 
have written about the oases of Turkistan. 

The name Akhsi, as used by Ibn Haukal, Yaqut and Babur, 
describes an oasis township, i.e. a walled-town with its adjacent 
cultivated lands. In Yaqiit's time Akhsi had a second circum- 
vallation, presumably less for defence than for the protection of 
crops against wild animals. The oasis was created by the 
Kasan-water,^ upon the riverain loess of the right and higher 
bank of the Saihiin (Sir), on level ground west of the junction 
of the Narin and the Qara-darya, west too of spurs from the 
northern hills which now abut upon the river. Yaqiit locates 
it in the 12th century, at one farsdkh {circa 4 m.) north of 
the river.2 Depending as it did solely on the Kasan-water, 
nothing dictated its location close to the Sir, along which there 
is now, and there seems to have been in the 12th century, a 
strip of waste land. Babur says of Akhsi what Kostenko says 
(i, 321) of modern Tashkint, that it stood above ravines {jarldr). 
These were natural or artificial channels of the Kasan-water.^ 

To turn now to the translations ; — Mr. Erskine imaged Akhsi 
as a castle, high on a precipice in process of erosion by the Sir. 
But Babur's word, qUrghdn means the walled-town ; his for a 
castle is ark, citadel ; and his jar, a cleft, is not rendered by 
* precipice.' Again ; — it is no more necessary to understand that 

1 Until the Yangi-ariq was taken off the Sir, late in the last century, for 
Namangan, the oasis land of FarghSna was fertilized, not from the river but 
by its intercepted tributaries. 

2 Ujfalvy's translation of Yaqut (ii, 179) reads one farsdkh from the 
mountains instead of ' north of the river.' 

3 Kostenko describes a division of Tashkint, one in which is Ravine-lane 
{jat'kucha), as divided by a deep ravine ; of another he says that it is cut by 
deep ravines (Babur's 'umlq jarldr). 


the Sir flowed close to the walls than it is to understand, when 
one says the Thames flows past below Richmond, that it 
washes the houses on the hill. 

The key to the difliculties in the Turki passage is provided 
by a special use of the word jar for not only natural ravines 
but artificial water-cuts for irrigation. This use of it makes 
clear that what *Umar Shaikh did at Akhsi was not to make 
escarpments but to cut new water-channels. Presumably he 
joined those * further out ' on the deltaic fan, on the east and 
west of the town, so as to secure a continuous defensive cleft 
round the town^ or it may be, in order to bring it more water. 

Concerning the historic pigeon-house (f. 66), it can be said 
safely that it did not fall into the Sir ; it fell from a jar, and in 
this part of its course, the river flows in a broad bed, with a 
low left bank. Moreover the Mirza's residence was in the 
walled-town (f. iiob) and there his son stayed 9 years after the 
accident. The slip did not affect the safety of the residence 
therefore ; it may have been local to the birds' house. It will 
have been due to some ordinary circumstance since no cause 
for it is mentioned by Babur, Haidar or Abii'1-fazl. If it had 
marked the crisis of the Sir's approach, Akhsi could hardly 
have been described, 25 years later, as a strong fort. 

Something is known of Akhsi, in the loth, the 12th, the 
15th and the 19th centuries, which testifies to ssecular 
decadence. Ibn Haukal and Yaqiit give the township an ex- 
tent of 3 farsdkh (12 miles), which may mean from one side to 
an opposite one. Yaqut's description of it mentions four 
gates, each opening into well-watered lands extending a whole 
farsdkh, in other words it had a ring of garden-suburb four 
miles wide. 

Two meanings have been given to Babur s words indicat- 
ing the status of the oasis in the 15th century. They are, 

1 Babur writes as though Akhsi had one Gate only (f. 11 26). It is unlikely 
that the town had come down to having a single exit ; the Gate by which he 
got out of Akhsi was the one of military importance because served by a 
draw-bridge, presumably over the ravine-moat, and perhaps not close to 
that bridge. 


mahalldti qurghdn-dm hlr shar't yurdqrdq iushub tur. They 
have been understood as saying that the suburbs were two 
miles from their urhs. This may be right but I hesitate to 
accept it without pointing out that the words may mean, * Its 
suburbs extend two miles farther than the walled-town.' 
Whichever verbal reading is correct, reveals a decayed oasis. 

In the 19th century, Nalivkine and Ujfalvy describe the 
place then bearing the name Akhsi, as a small village, a 
mere winter-station, at some distance from the river's bank, 
that bank then protected from denudation by a sand-bank. 

Three distinctly-marked stages of decadence in the oasis 
township are thus indicated by Yaqiit, Babur and the two 
modern travellers. 

It is necessary to say something further about the position of 
the suburbs in the 15th century. Babur quotes as especially 
suitable to Akhsi, the proverbial questions, * Where is the 
village?'^ (qy. Akhsi-kint.) * Where are the trees?' and these 
might be asked by some-one in the suburbs unable to see Akhsi 
or vice versa. But granting that there were no suburbs within 
two miles of the town, why had the whole inner circle, two 
miles of Yaqut's four, gone out of cultivation ? Erosion would 
have affected only land between the river and the town. 

Again ; — if the Sir only were working in the 15th century 
to destroy a town standing on the Kasan-water, how is it that 
this stream does not yet reach the Sir ? 

Various ingatherings of information create the impression 
that failure of Kasan-water has been the dominant factor in 
the loss of the Akhsi township. Such failure might be due to 
the general desiccation of Central Asia and also to increase of 
cultivation in the Kasan-valley itself. There may have been 
erosion, and social and military change may have had its part, 
but for the loss of the oasis lands and for, as a sequel, the de- 
cay of the town, desiccation seems a sufficient cause. 

^ For mention of upper villages see f. no and note i. 



The Kasan-water still supports an oasis on its riverain slope, 
the large Aiizbeg town of Tupa-qurghan (Town-of-the-hill), 
from the modern castle of which a superb view is had up the 
Kasan-valley, now thickly studded with villages.^ 


Describing a small bird (qush-qlna), abundant in the Qarshi 
district (f. 49^), Babur names it the qtl-quyirilghy horse-tail, and 
says it resembles the bdghrl qard. 

Later on he writes (f. 280) that the bdghrl qard of India is 
smaller and more slender than * those ' i.e. of Transoxiana 
(f. 496, n. i), the blackness of its breast less deep, and its cry 
less piercing. 

We have had difficulty in identifying the birds but at length 
conclude that the bdghrl qard of Transoxiana is Pterocles 
arenarius, Pallas's black-bellied sand-grouse and that the Indian 
one is a smaller sand-grouse, perhaps a Syrrhaptes. As the qil 
quyirugh resembles the other two, it may be a yet smaller 

Muh. Salih, writing of sport Shaibaq Khan had in Qarshi 
{Shaibdnl-ndmaj Vamb6ry, p. 192) mentions the * Little bird 
{murghak) of Qarshi,' as on all sides making lament. The 
Sang-lakh ^ gives its Persian name as khar-pala, ass-hair, says it 

* Cf. f. 114 for distances which would be useful in locating Akhsi if Babur's 
ylghdch were not variable ; Ritter, vii, 3 and 733 ; Reclus, vi, index s.n. 
Farghana ; Ujfalvy ii, 168, his quotation from Yaqut and his authorities ; 
Nalivkine's Histoire du Khanat de Kokand, p. 14 and p. 53 ; Schuyler, i, 324 ; 
Kostenko, Tables of Contents for cognate general information and i, 320, for 
Tashkint ; von Schwarz, index under related names, and especially p. 345 
and plates ; Pumpelly, p. 18 and p. 115. 

2 This Turki-Persian Dictionaiy was compiled by Mirza Mahdi Khan, 
Nadir Shah's secretary and historian, whose life of his master Sir William 
Jones translated into French (Rieu's Turki Cat. p. 2646). 


flies in large flocks and resembles the bdghrl qard. Of the 
latter he writes as abundant in the open country and as 
making noise (bdghtr). 

The Sang-lakh (f. 119) gives the earliest and most informing 
account we have found of the bdghrt qard. Its says the bird is 
larger than a pigeon, marked with various colours, yellow 
especially, black-breasted and a dweller in the stony and water- 
less desert. These details are followed by a quotation from 
*Ali-sher Nawd'i, in which he likens his own heart to that of 
the bird of the desert, presumably referring to the gloom of the 
bird's plumage. Three synonyms are then given ; Ar. qitdy one 
due to its cry (Meninsky) ; Pers. sang-shikan, stone-eating, 
(Steingass, sang-khwdra, stone-eating); and Turki bdghlr-tlldq 
which refers, I think, to its cry. 

Morier (Haji Baba) in his Second journey through Persia 
(Lond. 1818, p. 181), mentions that a bird he calls the black- 
breasted partridge, {i.e. Francolinus vulgaris) is known in 
Turkish as bokara kara and in Persian as siydh-sina, both names, 
(he says), meaning black-breast; that it has a horse-shoe of 
black feathers round the forepart of the trunk, more strongly 
marked in the female than in the male ; that they fly in flocks 
of which he saw immense numbers near Tabriz (p. 283), have 
a soft note, inhabit the plains, and, once settled, do not run. 
Cock and hen alike have a small spur, — a characteristic, it may 
be said, identifying rather with Francolinus vulgaris than with 
Pterocles arenarius. Against this identification, however, is 
Mr. Blandford's statement that siydh-slna (Morier's bokara kara) 
is Pterocles arenarius (Report of the Persian Boundary Com- 
mission, ii, 271). 

In Afghanistan and Bikanir, the sand-grouse is called iUtUrak 
and boora kurra (Jerdon, ii, 498). Scully explains baghitdq as 
Pterocles arenarius. 

Perhaps I may mention something making me doubt whether 
it is correct to translate baghrl qard by black-liver and gorge-noir 
or other names in which the same meaning is expressed. To 
translate thus, is to understand a Turki noun and adjective in 


Persian construction, and to make exception to the rule, amply 
exemplified in lists of birds, that Turki names of birds are 
commonly in Turki construction, e.g. qard bash (black-head), 
dq-bdsh (white-head), sdrlgh-sunduk (yellow-headed wagtail). 
Bdghlr may refer to the cry of the bird. We learn from 
Mr. Ogilvie Grant that the Mongol name for the sand-grouse 
njupterjun, is derived from its cry in flight, truck, truck, and its 
Arabic name qitd is said by Meninsky to be derived from its 
cry kaetha, kaetha. Though the dissimilarity of the two cries is 
against taking the njupterjun and the qitd to be of one class of 
sand-grouse, the significance of the derivation of the names 
remains, and shows that there are examples in support of 
thinking that when a sand-grouse is known as bdghrt qard, it 
may be so known because of its cry (bdghir). 

The word qard finds suggestive interpretation in a B. N. 
phrase (f. 726) Tambal-nlng qard-st, Tainbal's blackness, i.e. the 
dark mass of his moving men, seen at a distance. It is used 
also for an indefinite number, e.g. ' family, servants, retainers, 
followers, qard,' and I think it may imply a massed flock. 

Babur's words (f. 280) bdghrl-nlng qard-sl ham kam dur, [its 
belly (lit. liver) also is less black], do not necessarily contradict 
the view that the word bdghri in the bird's name means crying. 
The root bdgh has many and pliable derivatives; I suspect 
both Babur (here) and Muh. Salih (1. c.) of ringing changes 
on words. 

We are indebted for kind reply to our questions to Mr. 
Douglas Carruthers, Mr. Ogilvie Grant and to our friend, 
Mr. R. S. Whiteway. 




I AM indebted to my husband's examination of two Persian 
MSS. on archery for an explanation of the word gosha-giVy in 
its technical sense in archery. The works consulted are the 
Cyclopaedia of Archery {KulliyatuW-rdmi I. O. 2771) and the 
Archer's Guide {Hiddyatu'r-rdml I. O. 2768). 

It should be premised that in archery, the word gosha de- 
scribes, in the arrow, the notch by which it grips and can be 
carried on the string, and, in the bow, both the tip (horn) and 
the notch near the tip in which the string catches. It is ex- 
plained by Vullers as comu et crena arcus cui immititur nervus. 

Two passages in the Cyclopaedia of Archery (f. 9 and f. 366) 
shew gosha as the bow-tip. One says that to bend the bow, 
two men must grasp the two gosha ; the other reports a tradition 
that the Archangel Gabriel brought a bow having its two gosha 
(tips) made of ruby. The same book directs that the gosha be 
made of seasoned ivory, the Archer's Guide prescribing seasoned 
mulberry wood. 

The C. of A. (f. 1256) says that a bowman should never be 
without two things, his arrows and his gosha-gtr. The gosha-glr 
may be called an item of the repairing kit ; it is an implement 
(f. 53) for making good a warped bow-tip and for holding the 
string into a displaced notch. It is known also as the chaprds^ 
brooch or buckle, and the karddng; and is said to bear these 
names because it fastens in the string. Its shape is that of the 
upper part of the Ar. letter jlm, two converging lines of which 
the lower curves slightly outward. It serves to make good a 
warped bow, without the use of fire and it should be kept upon 
the bow-tip till this has reverted to its original state. Until 
the warp has been straightened by the gosha-glr, the bow must 
be kept from the action of fire because it, (composite of sinew 
and glutinous substance,) is of the nature of wax. 

The same implement can be used to straighten the middle of 
the bow, the kamdn khdna. It is then called kar-ddng. It can 


be used there on condition that there are not two dauv (curves) 
in the bow. If there are two the bow cannot be repaired with- 
out fire. The halal daur is said to be characteristic of the 
Turkish bow. There are three daur. I am indebted to Mr. Inigo 
Simon for the suggestions that daur in this connection means 
warp and that the three twists (daur) may be those of one horn 
(gosha), of the whole bow warped in one curve, and of the two 
horns warped in opposite directions. 

Of repair to the kamdn-khdna it is said further that if no kar- 
ddng be available, its work can be done by means of a stick and 
string, and if the damage be slight only, the bow and the string 
can be tightly tied together till the bow comes straight. ' And 
the cure is with God !' 

Both manuscripts named contain much technical informa- 
tion. Some parts of this are included in my husband's article. 
Oriental Crossbows (A.Q.R. 1911, p. i). Sir Ralph Payne-Gall- 
wey's interesting book on the Cross-bow allows insight into 
the fine handicraft of Turkish bow-making. 


I HAVE omitted from my translation an account of Babur's 
rescue from expected death, although it is with the Haidarabad 
Codex, because closer acquaintance with its details has led both 
my husband and myself to judge it spurious. We had wel- 
comed it because, being with the true Babur-nama text, it 
accredited the same account found in the Kehr-Ilminsky text, 
and also because, however inefficiently, it did something 
towards filling the gap found elsewhere within 908 ah. 

It is in the Haidarabad MS. (f. 1186), in Kehr's MS. (p. 385), 
in Ilminsky's imprint (p. 144), in Les Memoires de Bdbour (i, 255) 
and with the St. P, University Codex, which is a copy of 


On the other hand, it is not with the Elphinstone Codex 
(f. 8g6) ; that it was not with the archetype of that codex the 
scribe's note shews (f. 90) ; it is with neither of the Wdqi'dt-i- 
hdburi (Pers. translations) nor with Leyden and Erskine's 
Memoirs (p. 122).-^ 

Before giving our grounds tor rejecting what has been offered 
to fill the gap of 908 ah. a few words must be said about the 
lacuna itself. Nothing indicates that Babur left it and, since 
both in the Elphinstone Codex and its archetype, the sentence 
preceding it lacks the terminal verb, it seems due merely to 
loss of pages. That the loss, if any, was of early date is clear, — 
the Elph. MS. itself being copied not later than 1567 ad. (JRAS. 

1907, P- 137)- 

Two known circumstances, both of earlier date than that of 
the Elphinstone Codex, might have led to the loss,— the first is 
the storm which in 935 ah. scattered Babur's papers (f. 3766), 
the second, the vicissitudes to which Humayiin's library was 
exposed in his exile.^ Of the two the first seems the more 
probable cause. 

The rupture of a story at a point so critical as that of Babur's 
danger in Karnan would tempt to its completion ; so too would 
wish to make good the composed part of the Babur-nama. 
Humayun annotated the archetype of the Elphinstone Codex 
a good deal but he cannot have written the Rescue passage if 
only because he was in a position to avoid some of its inac- 


To facilitate reference, I quote the last words preceding the 
gap purported to be filled by the Rescue passage, from several 
texts ; — 

1 The Pddshah-ndfna whose author, 'Abdu'l-hamid, the biographer oi 
Shah-jahan, died in 1065 ah. (1655 ad.) mentions the existence of lacunae in 
a copy of the Babur-nama, in the Imperial Library and allowed by his wording 
to be Babur's autograph MS. (i, 42 and ii, 703). 

2 Akbar-ndma, Bib. Ind. ed. i, 305 ; H.B, i, 571. 


W (a) Eloh 


(a) Elphinstone MS. f. 8gb, — Quptum. Bdgh gosha-sl-gha 
hdrdlm. Auzum blla andesha qlldlm. Didim klm klshi agar yuz 
u agar mlng ydshdsd, dkhir hech . . . 

{b) The Hai. MS. (f. 1186) varies from the Elphinstone by 
omitting the word hech and adding aulntdk klrdk, he must die. 

(c) Payanda-hasan's Wdqi'dt-i-bdburl (I. O. 215, f. g6b), — 
Barkhwdstam u dar gosha-i bdgh raftam. Ba khud andesha karda, 
guftam kah agar kase sad sal yd hazdr sdl *umr ddshta bdshad, 
dkhir hech ast. (It will be seen that this text has the hech of 
the Elph. MS.) 

{d) 'Abdu'r-rahim's Wdqi'dt-i-bdburl (I. O. 217, f. 79), — 
Barkhwdstajn u ba gosha-i-bdgh raftam. Ba khud andeshldam u 
guftam kah agar kase sad sdl ii agar hazdr sdl 'umr baydbad dkhir . . . 

(e) Muh. ShlrdzVs lith. ed. (p. 75) finishes the sentence with 
dkhir khud bdyad murd, at last one must die, — varying as it fre- 
quently does, from both of the Wdqi'dt. 

(/) Kehr's MS. (p. 383-454), Ilminsky, p. 144. — Qupub bdgh- 
ntng blr burji-ghd bdrlb, khdtirim-ghd kilturdim klm agar adam 
yuz yzl u agar mlng yil tlrlk bulsd, dkhir aulmdk din auzkd chdra 
yuq tur. (I rose. Having gone to a tower of the garden, 
I brought it to my mind that if a person be alive 100 years 
or a thousand years, at last he has no help other than 
to die.) 

The Rescue passage is introduced by a Persian couplet, 
identified by my husband as from Nizami's Khusrau u Shlrln, 
which is as follows ; — 

If you stay a hundred years, and if one year, 

Forth you must go from this heart-dehghting palace. 

I steadied myself for death {qardr btrdim). In that garden a stream came 
flowing;! I made ablution ; I recited the prayer of two inclinations (ra'kat) ; 
having raised my head for silent prayer, I was making earnest petition when 
my eyes closed in sleep. 2 I am seeing^ that Khwaja Yaq'ub, the son of 

1 Hai. MS. f. 1 186 ; aushdl bdghdd su dqlb kild dur aldl. Bdbur-ndma, 
su dqlb, water flowed and aushal is rare, but in the R.P. occurs 7 times. 

2 guzum dwtqi-ghd bdrib tur. B.N. f. 117&, guzum dwiqu-ghd bdrdl. 

3 kurd dur mm, B.N. f. 83, tush kurdum and tush kurdr mm. 


KhwSja Yahy?l and grandson of His Highness Khwaja 'Ubaidu'l-lSh, came 
facing me, mounted on a piebald horse, with a large company of piebald horse- 
men (sic).^ He said : ' Lay sorrow aside I Khwaja Ahrdr {i.e. 'Ubaidu'l-iah) 
has sent me to you ; he said, " We, having asked help for him {i.e. Babur), 
will seat him on the royal throne ;2 wherever difificulty befalls him, let him 
look towards us (lit. bring us to sight) and call us to mind ; there will we be 
present." Now, in this hour, victory and success are on your side ; lift up 
your head ! awake !' 

At that time I awoke happy, when Yusuf and those with him^ were giving 
one another advice. ' We will make a pretext to deceive ; to seize and bind* 
is necessary.' Hearing these words, I said, ' Your words are of this sort, 
but I will see which of you will come to my presence to take me.' I was 
saying this when outside the garden wall^ came the noise of approaching 
horsemen, Yusuf darogha said, ' If we had taken you to Tambal our affairs 
would have gone forwaid. Now he has sent again many persons to seize 
you.' He was certain that this noise might be the footfall of the horses of 
those sent by Tambal. On hearing those words anxiety grew upon me ; 
what to do I did not know. At this time those horsemen, not happening to 
find the garden gate, broke down the wall where it was old (and) came in. 
I saw {kUrsdm, lit. might see) that Qutluq Muh. B arias and Baba-i Pargharl. 
my life-devoted servants, having arrived [with], it may be, ten, fifteen, 
twenty persons, were approaching. Having flung themselves from their 
horses,* bent the knee from afar and showed respect, they fell at my feet. In 
that state {hal) such ecstasy {hah came over me that you might say {goyd) 
God gave me life from a new source {bash). I said, ' Seize and bind that 
Yusuf darogha and these here {tHrghdn) hireling mannikins.' These same 
mannikins had taken to flight. They {i.e. the rescuers), having taken them, 
one by one, here and there, brought them bound. I said, ' Where do you 
come from ? How did you get news ?' Qutluq Muh. B arias said : ' When, 
having fled from Akhsi, we were separated from you in the flight, we went to 
Andijan when the Khans also came to Andijan. I saw a vision that Khwaja 
'Ubaidu'1-lah said, " Babur pddshdW is in a village called Karnan ; go and 
bring him, since the royal seat {masnad) has become his possession {ta'alluq)." 
I having seen this vision and become happy, represented (the matter) to the 
Elder Khan (and) the Younger Khan. I said to the Khans, " I have five or 
six younger brothers (and) sons ; do you add a few soldiers. I will go 
through the Karnan side and bring news." The Khans said, " It occurs to our 
minds also that (he) may have gone that same road (?)." They appointed ten 
persons ; they said, " Having gone in that direction {sdrl) and made very sure, 
bring news. Would to God you might get true news !" We were saying this 
when Baba-i Parghdri, " I too will go and seek." He also having agreed 
with two young men, (his) younger brothers, we rode out. It is three days 

1 ablaq suwdr blldn ; P. suwdr for T. dtllq or dtltq klshi ; bildn for B.N. bila, 
and an odd use of piebald {ablaq) . 

2 masnad, B.N. takht, throne. Masnad betrays Hindustan. 

3 Hamrd'Udri {sic) bir bir gd {sic) maslahat qlld durldr. Maslahat for B.N. 
klngdsh or ktngdish ; hamrdh, companion, for mining blla bar, etc. 

* bdghldmdq and f. 1196 bdghldghdnldr ; B.N. dlmdk or tUtmdq to seize or 
take prisoner. 

* diwdr for tdm. 

« f. 119, dt-tln aHzldr-nl tdshldb ; B.N. tushmdk, dismount. Tdshldmaq is 
not used in the sense of dismount by B. 
7 pddshdh so used is an anachronism (f. 215) ; Babur Mirza would be correct. 


to-day that we are on the road. Thank God ! we have found you.' They 
said {dtdtldr, for dtb) . They spoke {attUdr) , ' Make a move ! Ride off ! 
Take these bound ones with j'^ou ! To stay here is not well ; Tambal has had 
news of your coming here ; go, in whatever way, and join yourself to the 
Khans !' At that time we having ridden out, moved towards Andijan. It 
was two days that we had eaten no food ; the evening prayer had come when 
we found a sheep, went on, dismounted, killed, and roasted. Of that same 
roast we ate as much as a feast. After that we rode on, hurried forward, made 
a five days' journey in a day and two nights, came and entered Andijan. I 
saluted my uncle the Elder Khan (and) my uncle the Younger Khan, and 
made recital of past days. With the Khans I spent four months. My 
servants, who had gone looking in every place, gathered themselves together ; 
there were more than 300 persons. It came to my mind {kirn), ' How long 
must I wander, a vagabond {sar-garddn) ^ in this Farghana country ? I will 
make search (talab) on every side (dib).' Having said, I rode out in the 
month of Muharram to seek Khurasan, and I went out from the country of 


Two circumstances have weight against rejecting the passage, 
its presence with the Haidarabad Codex and its acceptance by 
Dr. Ilminsky and M. de Courteille. 

That it is with the Codex is a matter needing consideration 
and this the more that it is the only extra matter there found. 
Not being with the Persian translations, it cannot be of early 
date. It seems likely to owe its place of honour to distinguished 
authorship and may well be one of the four portions (juzwe) 
mentioned by Jahangir in the Tuzuk-i-jahangiri,^ as added by 
himself to his ancestor's book. If so, it may be mentioned, it 
will have been with Babur's autograph MS. [now not to be 
found], from which the Haidarabad Codex shews signs of being 
a direct copy.** 

[The incongruity of the Rescue passage with the true text has 

^ zdhirdn; B.N. ydqln. 

2 Ilminsky's imprint stops at dlb ; he may have taken ktm-dib for signs of 
quotation merely. (This I did earlier, JRAS 1902, p. 749.) 

3 Aligarh ed. p. 52 ; Rogers' trs. i, 109. 
* Cf. f. 636, n. 3. 


been indicated by foot-notes to the translation of it already 
given. What condemns it on historic and other grounds will 

On linguistic grounds it is a strong argument in its favour 
that Dr. Ilminsky and M. de Courteille should have accepted it 
but the argument loses weight when some of the circumstances 
of their work are taken into account. 

In the first place, it is not strictly accurate to regard 
Dr. Ilminsky as accepting it unquestioned, because it is 
covered by his depreciatory remarks, made in his preface, on 
Kehr's text. He, like M. de Courteille, worked with a single 
Turki MS. and neither of the two ever saw a complete true 
text. When their source (the Kehr-Ilminsky) was able to be 
collated with the Elph. and Hai. MSS. much and singular 
divergence was discovered. 

I venture to suggest what appears to me to explain M. de 
Courteille's acceptance of the Rescue passage. Down to its 
insertion, the Kehr-Ilminsky text is so continuously and so 
curiously corrupt that it seems necessary to regard it as being 
a re-translation into Turki from one of the Persian translations 
of the Bahur-ndma. There being these textual defects in it, it 
would create on the mind of a reader initiated through it, only, 
in the book, an incorrect impression of Babur's style and 
vocabulary, and such a reader would feel no transition when 
passing on from it to the Rescue passage. 

In opposition to this explanation, it might be said that a 
wrong standard set up by the corrupt text, would or could be 
changed by the excellence of later parts of the Kehr-Ilminsky 
one. In words, this is sound, no doubt, and such reflex crit- 
icism is now easy, but more than the one defective MS. was 
wanted even to suggest the need of such reflex criticism. The 
Bdbur-ndma is lengthy, ponderous to poise and grasp, and 


work on it is still tentative, even with the literary gains since 
the Seventies. 

Few of the grounds which weigh with us for the rejection of 
the Rescue passage were known to Dr. Ilminsky or M. de 
Courteille; — the two good Codices bring each its own and 
varied help ; Teufel's critique on the ' Fragments,' though made 
without acquaintance with those adjuncts as they stand in Kehr's 
own volume, is of much collateral value; several useful oriental 
histories seem not to have been available for M. de Courteille's 
use. I may add, for my own part, that I have the great 
advantage of my husband's companionship and the guidance 
of his wide acquaintance with related oriental books. In truth, 
looking at the drawbacks now removed, an earlier acceptance 
of the passage appears as natural as does today's rejection. 


The grounds for rejecting the passage need here little more 
than recapitulation from my husband's article in the JASB. 
igio, p. 221, and are as follows ; — 

i. The passage is in neither of the Wdqi'dt-i-bdburl. 

ii. The dreams detailed are too a propos and marvellous for 

iii. Khwaja Yahya is not known to have had a son, named 

iv. The Bdbur-ndma does not contain the names assigned to 
the rescuers. 

V. The Khans were not in Andijan and Babur did not go 

vi. He did not set out for Khurasan after spending 4 months 
with The Khans but after Ahmad's death (end of 909 ah.), 
while M ah mud was still in Eastern Turkistan and after about 
a year's stay in Sukh. 


vii. The followers who gathered to him were not * more than 
300 ' but between 2 and 300. 

viii. The *3 days,' and the 'day and two nights,' and the 
* 5 days ' journey was one of some 70 miles, and one recorded 
as made in far less time. 

ix. The passage is singularly inadequate to fill a gap of 14 to 
16 months, during which events of the first importance occurred 
to Babur and to the Chaghatai dynasty. 

X. Khwaja AhrdrTs promises did nothing to fulfil Babur's 
wishes for go8 ah. while those of Ya'qub for immediate 
victory were closely followed by defeat and exile. Babur knew 
the facts ; the passage cannot be his. It looks as though the 
writer saw Babur in Karnan across Timurid success in 

xi. The style and wording of the passage are not in harmony 
with those of the true text. 

Other reasons for rejection are marked change in choice of 
the details chosen for commemoration, e.g. when Babur men- 
tions prayer, he does so simply ; when he tells a dream, it seems 
a real one. The passage leaves the impression that the writer 
did not think in Turki, composed in it with difficulty, and 
looked at life from another view-point than Babur's. 

On these various grounds, we have come to the conclusion 
that it is no part of the Bdbur-ndma. 




Those who consult books and maps about the riverain tract 
between the Safed-koh (Spln-ghur) and (AngHc^) the Kabul- 
river find its name in several forms, the most common being 
Nangrahar and Nangnahar (with variant vowels). It would be 
useful to establish a European book-name for the district. As 
European opinion differs about the origin and meaning of the 
names now in use, and as a good deal of interesting circumstance 
gathers round the small problem of a correct form (there may be 
two), I offer about the matter what has come into the restricted 
field of my own work, premising that I do this merely as one 
who drops a casual pebble on the cairn of observation alread}- 
long rising for scholarly examination. 

a. The origin and meaning of the names. 

I have met with three opinions about the origin and meaning 
of the names found now and earlier. To each one of them 
obvious objection can be made. They are : — 

1. That all forms now in use are corruptions of the Sanscrit 
word Nagarahara, the name of the Town-of-towns which in 
the dii-db of the Baran-su and Surkh-rQd left the ruins Masson 
describes in Wilson's Ariana Antigua. But if this is so, why 
is the Town-of-towns multiplied into the nine of Na-nagrahar 
(Nangrahar) ? ^ 

2. That the names found represent Sanscrit nawd vihdra, 
nine monasteries, an opinion the Gazetteer of India of 1907 has 

' Another but less obvious objection will be mentioned later. 


adopted from Bellew. But why precisely nine monasteries ? 
Nine appears an understatement. 

3. That Nang (Ning or Nung) -nahar verbally means nine 
streams, (Babur's Tuquz-rud,) an interpretation of long 
standing (Section b infra). But whence nang, mng, nung, 
for nine? Such forms are not in Persian, Turk! or Pushtu 
dictionaries, and, as Sir G. A. Grierson assures me, do not 
come into the Linguistic Survey. 

b. On nang, ning, nung for nine. 

Spite of their absence from the natural homes of words, how- 
ever, the above sounds have been heard and recorded as symbols 
of the number nine by careful men through a long space of time. 

The following instances of the use of "Nangnahar" show this, 
and also show that behind the variant forms there may be not 
a single word but two of distinct origin and sense. 

1. In Chinese annals two names appear as those of the 
district and town (I am not able to allocate their application 
with certainty). The first is Na-kie-lo-ho-lo, the second 
Nang-g-lo-ho-lo and these, I understand to represent Nagara- 
hara and Nang-nahar, due allowance being made for Chinese 

2. Some 900 years later (1527-30 AD.) Babur also gives 
two names, Nagarahar (as the book-name of his tUmdn) and 
Nlng-nahar.^ He says the first is found in several histories 
(B.N. f. 131^) ; the second will have been what he heard and 
also presumably what appeared in revenue accounts ; of it he 
says, " it is nine torrents " {tUqUz-rUd). 

3. Some 300 years after Babur, Elphinstone gives two 

' Julien notes ( Voyages des pilerins Bouddhistes, ii, 96), " Dans les annales des 
Song on trouve Nang-go-lo-ho, qui repond exactement a I'orthographe indienne 
Nangarahara, que fournit I'inscription decouvert par le capitaine Kittoe" (JASB. 
1848). The reference is to the Ghoswara inscription, of which Professor Kielhorn 
has also written {Indian Antiquary, 1888), but with departure from Nangarahara to 

' The scribe of the Haidarabad Codex appears to have been somewhat uncertain 
as to the spelling of the name. What is found in histories is plain, N : g : r : har. 
The other name varies ; on first appearance (fol. 131^) and also on fols. 144 and 154^, 
there is a vagrant dot below the word, which if it were above would make Ning-nahar. 
In all other cases the word reads N : g : nahar. Nahar is a constant component, as is 
also the letter g (or k). 



names for the district, neither of them being Babur's book- 
name, " Nangrahaur ^ or Nungnahaur, from the nine streams 
which issue from the Safed-koh, nung in Pushtoo signifying 
nine^ and nakaura, a stream" {Caubul, i, i6o). 

4. In 1 88 1 Colonel H. S. Tanner had heard, in Nur-valley 
on the north side of the Kabul-water, that the name of the 
opposite district was Ning-nahar and its meaning Nine-streams. 
He did not get a list of the nine and all he heard named do 
not flow from Safed-koh. 

5. In 1884 Colonel H. G. McGregor gives two names with 
their explanation, " Ningrahar and Nungnihar ; the former is 
a corruption of the latter word ^ which in the Afghan language 
signifies nine rivers or rivulets." He names nine, but of them 
six only issue from Safed-koh. 

6. I have come across the following instances in which the 
number nine is represented by other words than na {ni or ntt) ; 
inz. the nenhan of the Chitrall Kafir and the noun of the Panj- 
abi, recorded by Leech, — the nyon of the Khowarl and the 
huncha of the Boorishki, recorded by Colonel Biddulph. 

The above instances allow opinion that in the region concerned 
and through a long period of time, nine has been expressed by 
nang {ning or nung) and other nasal or high palatal sounds, side 
by side with na {ni or ««). The whole matter may be one of 
nasal utterance,^ but since a large number of tribesmen express 
nine by a word containing a nasal sound, should that word not 
find place in lists of recognized symbols of sounds ? 

c. Are there two names of distinct origin ? 

I, Certainly it makes a well-connected story of decay in the 
Sanscrit word Nagarahara to suppose that tribesmen, prone 
by their organism to nasal utterance, pronounced that word 

' Some writers express the view that the medial r in this word indicates descent 
from Nagarahara, and that the medial n of Elphinstone's second form is a corruption 
of it. Though this might be, it is true also that in local speech r and n often inter- 
change, e.g. Chighar- and Chighan-saral, Suhar and Siihan (in Nur-valley). 

^ This asserts n to be the correct consonant, and connects with the interchange of 
n and r already noted. 

3 Since writing the above I have seen Laidlaw's almost identical suggestion of a 
nasal interpolated in Nagarahara (JASB. 1848, art. on Kittoe). The change is of 
course found elsewhere ; is not Tank for Taq an instance ? 


Nangrahar, and by force of their numbers made this corruption 
current, — that this was recognized as the name of the town while 
the Town-of-towns was great or in men's memory, and that when 
through the decay of the town its name became a meaningless 
husk, the wrong meaning of the Nine-streams should enter into 

But as another and better one can be put together, this fair- 
seeming story may be baseless. Its substitute has the advantage 
of explaining the double sequence of names shown in Section b. 

The second story makes all the variant names represent one 
or other of two distinct originals. It leaves Nagrahar to represent 
Nagarahara, the dead town ; it makes the nine torrents of Safed- 
koh the primeval sponsors of Ning-nahar, the name of the riverain 
tract. Both names, it makes contemporary in the relatively brief 
interlude of the life of the town. For the fertilizing streams will 
have been the dominant factors of settlement and of revenue 
from the earliest times of population and government. They 
arrest the eye where they and their ribbons of cultivation space 
the riverain waste ; they are obvious units for grouping into 
a sub-government. Their name has a counterpart in adjacent 
Panj-ab ; the two may have been given by one dominant power, 
how long ago, in what tongue matters not. The riverain tract, 
by virtue of its place on a highway of transit, must have been 
inhabited long before the town Nagarahara was built, and must 
have been known by a name. What better one than Nine- 
streams can be thought of? 

2. Bellew is quoted by the Gazetteer of India (ed. 1907) as 
saying, in his argument in favour of nawd vihdra, that no nine 
streams are found to stand sponsor, but modern maps shew nine 
outflows from Safed-koh to the Kabul-river between the Surkh- 
rud and Daka, while if affluents to the former stream be reckoned, 
more than nine issue from the range.' 

Against Bellew's view that there are not nine streams, is the 
long persistence of the number nine in the popular name 
(Sect. b\ 

' These affluents I omit from main consideration as sponsors because they are less 
obvious units of taxable land than the direct affluents of the Kabul-river, but they 
remain a reserve force of argument and may or may not have counted in Babur's nine. 



is also against his view that he supposes there were nine 
monasteries, because each of the nine must have had its fertilizing 

Babur says there were nine ; there must have been nine of 
significance ; he knew his tumdn not only by frequent transit but 
by his revenue accounts. A supporting point in those accounts 
is likely to have been that the individual names of the villages on 
the nine streams would appear, with each its payment of revenue. 

3. In this also is some weight of circumstance against taking 
Nagarahara to be the parent of Ning-nahar : — An earlier name 
of the town is said to be Udyanapura, Garden town.^ Of this 
Babur's Adinapur is held to be a corruption ; the same meaning 
of garden has survived on approximately the same ground in 
Bala-bagh and Rozabad. 

Nagarahara is seen, therefore, to be a parenthetical name 
between others which are all derived from gardens. It may 
shew the promotion of a " Garden-town " to a " Chief-town ". 
If it did this, there was relapse of name when the Chief-town 
lost status. Was it ever applied beyond the delta? If it were, 
would it, when dead in the delta, persist along the riverain tract ? 
If it were not, cadit qucestio ; the suggestion of two names 
distinct in origin, is upheld. 

Certainly the riverain tract would fall naturally under the 
government of any town flourishing in the delta, the richest and 
most populous part of the region. But for this very reason it 
must have had a name older than parenthetical Nagarahara. 
That inevitable name would be appropriately Ning-nahar (or 
Na-nahar) Nine-streams ; and for a period Nagarahara would be 
the Chief-town of the district of Na-nahar (Nine-streams).^ 

d. Babur's statements about the name. 

What the cautious Babur says of his tumdn of Ning-nahar 
has weight : — 

I. That some histories write it Nagarahar (Haidarabad 

Codex, f 131^); 

' Cunningham, i, 42. My topic does not reach across the Kabul-river to the 
greater Udyanapura of Beal's Buddhist Records (p. 119) nor raise the question of the 
extent of that place. 

' The strong form Ning-nahar is due to euphonic impulse. 


2. That Ning-nahar is nine torrents, i.e. mountain streams, 
tuquz-rud ; 

3. That (the) nine torrents issue from Safed-koh (f. 132 b). 

Of his first statement can be said, that he will have seen the 
book-name in histories he read, but will have heard Ning-nahar, 
probably also have seen it in current letters and accounts. 

Of his second, — that it bears and may be meant to bear two 
senses, {a) that the tumdn consisted of nine torrents, — their 
lands implied ; just as he says " Asfara is four biilUks'' (sub- 
divisions f lb) — {b) that tuquz rud translates ning-nahdr. 

Of his third, — that in English its sense varies as it is read 
with or without the definite article Turk! rarely writes, but that 
either sense helps out his first and second, to mean that verbally 
and by its constituent units Ning-nahar is nine-torrents ; as 
verbally and by its constituents Panj-ab is five- waters. 

e. Last words. 

Detailed work on the Kabul section of the Bdbur-ndma has 
stamped two impressions so deeply on me, that they claim 
mention, not as novel or as special to myself, but as set by 
the work. 

The first is of extreme risk in swift decision on any problem 
of words arising in North Afghanistan, because of its local 
concourse of tongues, the varied utterance of its unlettered tribes 
resident or nomad, and the frequent translation of proper names 
in obedience to their verbal meanings. Names lie there too in 
strata, relics of successive occupation — Greek, Turk!, Hindi, 
Pushtu and tribes galore. 

The second is that the region is an exceptionally fruitful field 
for first-hand observation of speech, the movent ocean of the 
uttered word, free of the desiccated symbolism of alphabets 
and books. 

The following books, amongst others, have prompted the 
above note : — 

Ghoswara Inscription, Kittoe, JASB., 1848, and Kielhorn, 
Indian Antiquary^ 1888, p. 311. 


H. Sastri's Rdmacdrita, Introduction, p. 7 (ASB. Memoirs). 

Cunningham's Ancient India, vol. i. 

Beal's Buddhist Records, i, xxxiv, and cii, 91. 

Leech's Vocabularies, J ASB., 1838. 

The writings of Masson (^Travels and Ariana Antigua), V^ood, 

Vigne, etc. 
Ra ve r ty ' s Tabaqdt- i- ndsiri. 
Jarrett's Ayin-i-akba7't. 
P.R.G.S. for maps, 1 879 ; Macnair on the Kafirs, 1 884 ; Tanner's 

On the Chugdni and 7ieighbouring tribes of Kdfiristdn^ 1 88 1 . 
Simpson's Nagarahdra, JASB., xiii. 
Biddulph's Dialects of the Hindu-kush, JRAS. 
Gazette of India, 1907, art. Jalalabad. 
Bellew's Races of Afghdnistdn. 


Some European writers have understood the name Dara-i-nur 
to mean Valley of light, but natural features and also the artificial 
one mentioned by Colonel H. G. Tanner {infra), make it better 
to read the component nur, not as Persian niir, light, but. as 
Pushtu nUr, rock. Hence it translates as Valley of Rocks, or 
Rock-valley. The region in which the valley lies is rocky and 
boulder-strewn ; its own waters flow to the Kabul-river east of 
the water of Chitral. It shews other names composed with nUr, 
in which nUr suits if it means rock, but is inexplicable if it means 
light, eg. Niir-lam (Nur-fort), the master-fort in the mouth of 
Nur-valley, standing high on a rock between two streams, as 
Babur and Tanner have both described it from eye-witness, — 
Nur-gal (village), a little to the north-west of the valley, — 
Aulugh-nur (great rock), at a crossing mentioned by Babur, 
higher up the Baran-water, — and Koh-i-nur (Rocky-mountains), 


which there is ground for taking as the correct form of the 
familiar " Kunar " of some European writers (Raverty's Notes, 
p. 1 06). The dominant feature in these places dictates reading 
nur as rock ; so too the work done in Nur-valley with boulders, 
of which Colonel H. G. Tanner's interesting account is subjoined 
(P.R.G.S. 1 88 1, p. 284). 

" Some 10 miles from the source of the main stream of the 
Nur-valley the Dameneh stream enters, but the waters of the two 
never meet ; they flow side by side about three-quarters of a mile 
apart for about 12 miles and empty themselves into the Kunar 
river by different mouths, each torrent hugging closely the foot 
of the hills at its own side of the valley. Now, except in countries 
where terracing has been practised continuously for thousands of 
years, such unnatural topography as exists in the valley of Nur 
is next to impossible. The forces which were sufficient to scoop 
out the valley in the first instance, would have kept a water-way 
at the lowest part, into which would have poured the drainage of 
the surrounding mountains ; but in the Nur-valley long-continued 
terracing has gradually raised the centre of the valley high above 
the edges. The population has increased to its maximum limit 
and every available inch of ground is required for cultivation ; 
the people, by means of terrace-walls built of ponderous boulders 
in the bed of the original single stream, have little by little pushed 
the waters out of their true course, until they run, where now 
found, in deep rocky cuttings at the foot of the hills on either 
side " (p. 280). 

" I should like to go on and say a good deal more about 
boulders ; and while I am about it I may as well mention one 
that lies back from a hamlet in Shulut, which is so big that 
a house is built in a fault or crack running across its face. 
Another pebble lies athwart the village and covers the whole of 
the houses from that side." 





From the two names, Arat-tashI and Suhan (Suhar) -tashi, 
which Babur gives as those of two wines of the Dara-i-nur, it 
can be inferred that he read nur to mean rock. For if in them 
Turki task, rock, be replaced by Pushtu nur, rock, two place- 
names emerge, Arat (-nurl) and Suhan (-nurl), known in the 
Nur- valley. 

These may be villages where the wines were grown, but it 
would be quite exceptional for Babur to say that wines are called 
from their villages, or indeed by any name. He says here not 
where they grow but what they are called. 

I surmise that he is repeating a joke, perhaps his own, perhaps 
a standing local one, made on the quality of the wines. For 
whether with task or with nur (rock), the names can be translated 
as Rock-saw and Rock-file, and may refer to the rough and acid 
quality of the wines, rasping and setting the teeth on edge as 
does iron on stone. 

The villages themselves may owe their names to a serrated 
edge or splintered pinnacle of weathered granite, in which local 
people, known as good craftsmen, have seen resemblance to tools 
of their trade. 


As coins of SI. Husain Mirza Bdi-qard and other rulers do 
actually bear the words Bih bud, Babur's statement that the 


name of Bihbud Beg was on the Mirza's coins acquires a 
numismatic interest which may make serviceable the following 
particulars concerning the passage and the beg.^ 

a. The Turkl passage (Elph. MS. f I35<^; Haidarabad Codex 

f 173^ ; Ilminsky p. 217). 

For ease of reference the Turk!, Persian and English version 
are subjoined : — 

(i) Yana Bihbud Beg aldi. Burunldr chuhra-jirga-si-dd 
khidinat qilur aidi. Mirzd-ning qdzdqliqldridd khidmati bdqib 
Bihbud Beg-kd bu 'indyatnl qilib aidl kim tamghd tc sikka-dd 
dning dti aidi. 

(2) The Persian translation of 'Abdu'r-rahlm (Muh. Shirazi's 
lith. ed. p. 1 10) : — 

Digar BihbUd Beg bad. Auwalhd dar jirga-i-chuhrahd 
khidmat mikard. ChUn dar qdzdqihd Mirzdrd khidmat karda 
bud u dnrd muldhaza narnUda, ainrd Hndyat karda bUd kah dar 
tamghdndt sikka ^ ndm-i-au bud. 

(3) A literal English translation of the Turkl : — 

Another was Bihbud Beg. He served formerly in the chuhra- 
jirga-si (corps of braves). Looking to his service in the Mirza's 
guerilla-times, the favour had been done to Bihbud Beg that his 
name was on the stamp and coin.3 

b. Of Bihbud Beg. 

We have found little so far to add to what Babur tells of 
BihbQd Beg and what he tells we have not found elsewhere. 
The likely sources of his information are Daulat Shah and 
Khwand-amir who have written at length of Husain Bdi-qard. 
Considerable search in the books of both men has failed to 
discover mention of signal service or public honour connected 
with the beg. Babur may have heard what he tells in Harat 
in 912 AH. (1506 AD.) when he would see Husain's coins 

' Some discussion about these coins has already appeared in JRAS. 1913 and I9r4 
from Dr. Codrington, Mr. M. Longworth Dames and my husband. 

' This variant from the Turkl may be significant. Should tamghdnat{-i-)sikka be 
read and does this describe countermarking ? 

3 It will be observed that Babur does not explicitly say that Husain put the beg's 
name on the coin. 


presumably ; but later opportunity to see them must have been 
frequent during his campaigns and visits north of Hindu-kush, 
notably in Balkh. 

The sole mention we have found of BihbQd Beg in the 
Habibu's-siyar is that he was one of Husain's commanders at 
the battle of Chlkman-saral which was fought with SI. Mahmud 
Mirza Mlrdnshdhi \x\ Muharram 876 AH. (June-July 147 1 AD.).' 
His place in the list shews him to have had importance. 
" Amir Nizamu'd-din 'All-sher's brother Darwesh-i-'all the 
librarian {<q.v. Hai. Codex Index), and Amir Bihbud, and Muh. 
'All dtdka, and Bakhshlka, and Shah Wall Qipchdq, and Dost-i- 
muhammad chiihi'a^ and Amir Qul-i-'all, and" (another). 
The total of our information about the man is therefore : — 
(i) That when Husain =^ from 861 to 873 ah. (1457 to 
1469 ad.) was fighting his way up to the throne of Harat, 
Bihbud served him well in the corps of braves, (as many others 
will have done). 

(2) That he was a beg and one of Husain's commanders in 
'^76 ah. (147 I AD.). 

(3) That Babur includes him amongst Husain's begs and 
says of him what has been quoted, doing this circa 934 AH. 
(1528 AD.), some 56 years after Khwand-amlr's mention of him 
s.a. 876 AH. (147 1 AD.). 

c. Of the term chuhra-jirga-si used by Bdbur. 

Of this term Babur supplies an explicit explanation which 
I have not found in European writings. His own book amply 
exemplifies his explanation, as do also Khwand-amlr's and 

He gives the explanation (f 15^) when describing a retainer 
of his father's who afterwards became one of his own begs. It is 
as follows : — 

" 'All-darwesh of Khurasan served in the Khurasan chuhra- 
jirga-si, one of two special corps [khdsa tdbin) of serviceable 
braves {ydrdr ytgztldr) formed by SI. Abu-sa'id Mirza when 

' Hablbu! s-siyar lith. ed, iii, 228 ; Haidardbdd Codex text and trs. f. 26^ and 
f. 169 ; Browne's Daulat Shah p. 533. 

" Husain born 842 ah. (1438 ad.) ; d. 911 ah. (1506 ad.). 


he first began to arrange the government of Khurasan and 
Samarkand and, presumably, called by him the Khurasan corps 
and the Samarkand corps." 

This shews the circle to have consisted of fighting-men, such 
serviceable braves as are frequently mentioned by Babur ; and 
his words ''ydrdr yigit " make it safe to say that if instead of 
using a Persian phrase, he had used a Turk! one, yigit, brave 
would have replaced chuhra, "young soldier" (Erskine). A con- 
siderable number of men on active service are styled chuhra, 
one at least is styled yigit, in the same way as others are 
styled beg} 

Three military circles are mentioned in the Bdbur-ndma, 
consisting respectively of braves, household begs (under Babur's 
own command), and great begs. Some men are mentioned who 
never rose from the rank of brave {yigit), some who became 
household-begs, some who went through the three grades. 

Of the corps of braves Babur conveys the information that 
Abu-sa'Id founded it at a date which will have lain between 
1 45 1 and 1457 ad. ; that 'Umar Shaikh's man *Ali-darwesh 
belonged to it ; and that Husain's man Bihbud did so also. 
Both men, 'Ali-darwesh and Bihbud, when in its circle, would 
appropriately be styled chjihra as men of the beg-circle were 
styled beg ; the Dost-i-muhammad chuhra who was a com- 
mander, (he will have had a brave's command,) at Chlkman-sarai 
{see list supra) will also have been of this circle. Instances of the 
use by Babur of the name khasa-tdbin and its equivalent bHi- 
tikini diYQ. shewn on f. 209 and f 210^. A considerable number 
of Babur's fighting men, the braves he so frequently mentions as 
sent on service, are styled chuhra and inferentially belong to 
the same circle.^ 

' Cf. f. lb note to braves {yignldr). There may be instances, in the earlier 
Farghana section where I have translated chuhra wrongly by page. My attention 
had not then been fixed on the passage about the coins, nor had I the same 
familiarity with the Kabul section. For a household page to be clearly recognizable 
as such from the context, is rare — other uses of the word are translated as their 
context dictates. 

" They can be traced through my Index and in some cases their careers followed. 
Since I translated chuhra-jtrga-sl on f. 15^ by cadet-corps, I have found in the Kabul 
section instances of long service in the corps which make the word cadet, as it is used 
in English, too young a name. 


d. Of Bih bud on Husain Bdl-qard's coins. 

So far it does not seem safe to accept Babur's statement 
literally. He may tell a half-truth and obscure the rest by his 

Nothing in the sources shows ground for signal and public 
honour to Bihbud Beg, but a good deal would allow surmise 
that jesting allusion to his name might decide for Bih bud as 
a coin mark when choice had to be made of one, in the flush of 
success, in an assembly of the begs, and, amongst those begs, 
lovers of word-play and enigma. 

The personal name is found written Bihbud, as one word and 
with medial h ; the mark is Bih bild with the terminal h in the 
Bih. There have been discussions moreover as to whether to 
read on the coins Bih bud, it was good, or Bih buvad, let it be, 
or become, good (valid for currency ?). 

The question presents itself; would the beg's name have 
appeared on the coins, if it had not coincided in form with a 
suitable coin-mark ? 

Against literal acceptance of Babur's statement there is also 
doubt of a thing at once so ben trovato and so unsupported by 

Another doubt arises from finding Bih bad on coins of other 
rulers, one of Iskandar Khan's being of a later date,^ others, of 
Timur, Shahrukh and Abu-sa'ld, with nothing to shew who 
counterstruck it on them. 

On some of Husain's coins the sentence Bih bild appears as 
part of the legend and not as a counterstrike. This is a good 
basis for finding a half-truth in Babur's statement. It does not 
allow of a whole-truth in his statement because, as it is written, 
it is a coin-mark, not a name. 

An interesting matter as bearing on Husain's use of Bih bUd 
is that in 865 AH. (1461 AD.) he had an incomparable horse 
named Bihbud, one he gave in return for a falcon on making 
peace with Mustapha Khan.^ 

' This Mr. M. Longworth Dames pointed out in JRAS. 1913. 

^ Habibu' s-siyar lith. ed. iii, 219; Ferte trs. p. 28. For the information about 
Husain's coins given in this appendix I am indebted to Dr. Codrington and 
Mr. M. Longworth Dames. 


e. Of Bdbur's vassal- coinage. 

The following historical details narrow the field of numismatic 
observation on coins believed struck by Babur as a vassal of 
Ismail Safawi. They are offered because not readily accessible. 

The length of Babur's second term of rule in Transoxiana 
was not the three solar years of the B.M. Coin Catalogues but 
did not exceed eight months. He entered Samarkand in the 
middle of Rajab 917 AH. (r. Oct. ist, 151 1 AD.). He returned 
to it defeated and fled at once, after the battle of Kul-i-malik 
which was fought in Safar 918 AH. (mid- April to mid-May 
1512 AD.). Previous to the entry he was in the field, without 
a fixed base ; after his flight he was landless till at the end 
both of 920 AH. and of 1 5 14 AD. he had returned to Kabul. 

He would not find a full Treasury in Samarkand because the 
Auzbegs evacuated the fort at their own time ; eight months 
would not give him large tribute in kind. He failed in Trans- 
oxiana because he was the ally of a ShI'a ; would coins bearing 
the Shfa legend have passed current from a Samarkand mint ? 
These various circumstances suggest that he could not have 
struck many coins of any kind in Samarkand. 

The coins classed in the B.M. Catalogues as of Babur's 
vassalage, offer a point of difftculty to readers of his own 
writings, inasmuch as neither the " Sultan Muhammad " of 
No. 652 (gold), nor the " Sultan Babur Bahadur" of the silver 
coins enables confident acceptance of them as names he himself 
would use. 


The passage omitted from f. I90<^, which seems to describe some- 
thing decorative done with weeping willows, {bed-i-mawallah) 
has been difficult to all translators. This may be due to in- 
accurate pointing in Babur's original MS. or may be what a 
traveller seeing other willows at another feast could explain. 


f The first Persian translation omits the passage (I.O. 215 
f. 154'^) ; the second varies from the Turki, notably by changing 
sack and sdj to shdkh throughout (I.O. 217 f. 1 50^). The English 
and French translations differ much {^Memoirs p. 206, Memoires 
i, 414), the latter taking the niawallah to be inula, a hut, against 
which much is clear in the various MSS. 

Three Turk! sources ^ agree in reading as follows : — 
Mawallahldr-m (or tnuwallah Hai. MS.) kilturdildr. Bilmdn 
sdchldri-nmg yd 'amli sdchldri-ning drdldrigha k : ntsdn-nz 
(Ilminsky, kamdft) shdkh-ning (Hai. MS. sdkJt) auzunlughi bila 
ainjiga ainjiga kistb, quiub turldr. 

The English and French translations differ from the Turki 
and from one another : — 

(^Memoirs, p. 206) They brought in branching willow-trees. 
I do not know if they were in the natural state of the tree, or if 
the branches were formed artificially, but they had small twigs 
cut the length of the ears of a bow and inserted between them. 

{^Memoires i, 434) On faconna des huttes {inouleh). lis les 
etablissent en taillant des baguettes minces, de la longeur du 
bout recourbe de Tare, qu'on place entre des branches naturelles 
ou faconnees artificiellement, je I'ignore. 

The construction of the sentence appears to be thus : — Mawal- 
lahldr-m kilturdildr, they brought weeping-willows ; k : msdn-ni 
quiubturldr, they had put k : msdn-ni ; ainjiga ainjiga kisib, 
cut very fine (or slender) ; shdkh (or sdkh)-ning auzHnlughi, of the 
length of a shdkh, bow, or sdkh . . . ; bilmdn sdchldri-ning yd 'amli 
sdchldri-ning drdldrigha, to (or at) the spaces of the sdchldr 
whether their {i.e. the willows') own or artificial sdchldr. 

These translations clearly indicate felt difficulty. Mr. Erskine 
does not seem to have understood that the trees were Salix 
babylonica. The crux of the passage is the word k : msdn-ni, 
which tells what was placed in the spaces. It has been read as 
kamdn, bow, by all but the scribes of the two good Turki MSS. 
and as in a phrase horn of a bow. This however is not allowed 
by the Turki, for the reason that k : msan-ni is not in the genitive 
but in the accusative case. (I may say that Babur does not use 
ni for ning ; he keeps strictly to the prime uses of each enclitic, 

' Elphinstone MS. f. i50iJ ; Haidarabad MS. f. i^ob; Ilminsky, imprint p. 241. 


Tzf accusative, mng" genitive.) Moreover, if k \msdn-ni be taken 
as a genitive, the verbs qidub-turldr and kisib have no object, no 
other accusative appearing in the sentence than k : msdn-ni. 

A weighty reason against changing sack into shdkh is that 
Dr. Ilminsky has not done so. He must have attached meaning 
to sdch since he uses it throughout the passage. He was nearer 
the region wherein the original willows were seen at a feast. 
Unfortunately nothing shows how he interpreted the word. 

Sdchmdq is a tassel ; is it also a catkin and were there 
decorations, kimsdn-ni (things kimsa, or flowers Ar. kim, or 
something shining, kmicha, gold brocade) hung in between the 
catkins ? 

Ilminsky writes mu'lah (with hanizd) and this de Courteille 
translates by hut. The Hai. MS. writes muwallah (marking 
the zammd). 

In favour of reading matvallah {mulah) as a tree and that tree 
Salix babylonica the weeping-willow, there are annotations in the 
Second Persian translation and, perhaps following it, in the 
Elphinstone MS. of ndm-i-dirakht, name of a tree, diddn-i-bed, 
sight of the willow, bed-i-mawallah, mournful-willow. Standing 
alone mawallah means weeping-willow, in this use answering to 
majnim the name Panj-abis give the tree, from Leila's lover the 
distracted i.e. Majnun (Brandis). 

The whole question may be solved by a chance remark from 
a traveller witnessing similar festive decoration at another feast 
in that conservative region. 

AT QANDAHAR (f. 208/>). 

Since making my note (f 20%b) on the wording of the passage 
in which Babur mentions excavation done by him at Qandahar, 
I have learned that he must be speaking of the vaulted chamber 


containing the celebrated inscriptions about which much has 
been written.^ 

The primary inscription, the one commemorating Babur's 
final possession of Qandahar, gives the chamber the character of 
a Temple of Victory and speaks of it as Rawdq-i-jahdn namdi, 
World-shewing-portal,^ doubtless because of its conspicuous 
position and its extensive view, probably also in allusion to its 
declaration of victory. Mir Ma'sum writes of it as a Pesh-taq, 
frontal arch, which, coupled with Mohan Lall's word arch {tdq) 
suggests that the chamber was entered through an arch pierced 
in a parallelogram smoothed on the rock and having resemblance 
to the pesh-tdq of buildings, a suggestion seeming the more 
probable that some inscriptions are on the " wings " of the arch. 
But by neither of the above-mentioned names do Mohan Lall 
and later travellers call the chamber or write of the place ; all 
describe it by its approach of forty steps, Chihil-zlna.3 

The excavation has been chipped out of the white-veined 
limestone of the bare ridge on and below which stood Old 
Qandahar.3 It does not appear from the descriptions to have 
been on the summit of the ridge ; Bellew says that the forty 
steps start half-way up the height. I have found no estimate 
of the height of the ridge, or statement that the steps end at the 
chamber. The ridge however seems to have been of noticeably 
dominating height. It rises steeply to the north and there ends 
in the naze of which Babur writes. The foot of the steps is 
guarded by two towers. Mohan Lall, unaccustomed to mountains, 
found their ascent steep and dizzy. The excavated chamber of 
the inscriptions, which Bellew describes as "bow-shaped and 
dome-roofed ", he estimated as 12 feet at the highest point, 

' Muh. Ma'sum BhakkarCs Tarikh-i-sind 1600, Malet's Trs. 1855, p. 89; Mohan 
'LsXVsJotimal 1834, p. 279 and Travels 1846, p. 311 ; Bellew's Political Mission to 
Afghanistan 1 857, p. 232 ; Journal A siatique 1890, 'Daxmeste.tQx's La gra7tde inscrip- 
tion de Qandahar \ JRAS. 1898, Beames' Geography of the Qandahar inscription. 
Murray's Hand-book of the Panjcib etc. 1883 has an account which as to the Inscrip- 
tions shares in the inaccuracies of its sources (Bellew & Lumsden). 

=" The plan of Qandahar given in the official account of the Second Afghan War, 
makes Chihil-zlna appear on the wrong side of the ridge, n. w. instead of n. e. 

3 destroyed in 17 14 ad. It lay 3 m. west of the present Qandahar (not its 
immediate successor). It must be observed that Darmesteter's insufficient help in 
plans and maps led him to identify Chihil-zina with Chihil-dukhtaran (Forty- 


1 2 feet deep and 8 feet wide. Two sculptured beasts guard the 
entrance ; Bellew calls them leopards but tigers would better 
symbolize the watch and ward of the Tiger Babur. In truth 
the whole work, weary steps of approach, tiger guardians, com- 
memorative chamber, laboriously incised words, are admirably 
symbolic of his long-sustained resolve and action, taken always 
with Hindustan as the goal. 

There are several inscriptions of varying date, within and 
without the chamber. Mohan Lall saw and copied them ; 
Darmesteter worked on a copy ; the two English observers 
Lumsden and Bellew made no attempt at correct interpretation. 
In the versions all give there are inaccuracies, arising from 
obvious causes, especially from want of historical data. The last 
word has not been said ; revision awaits photography and the 
leisured expert. A part of the needed revision has been done 
by Beames, who deals with the geography of what Mir Ma'sum 
himself added under Akbar after he had gone as Governor to 
Qandahar in 1007 AH. (1598 AD.). This commemorates not 
Babur's but Akbar's century of cities. 

It is the primary inscription only which concerns this Appendix. 
This is one in relief in the dome of the chamber, recording in 
florid Persian that Abu'l-ghazI Babur took possession of Qandahar 
on Shawwal 13th 928 AH. (Sep. 1st 1522 AD.), that in the same 
year he commanded the construction of this Rawdq-i-jahdn- 
namdi, and that the work had been completed by his son Kamran 
at the time he made over charge of Qandahar to his brother 
'Askarl in 9 . . (mutilated). After this the gravure changes in 

In the above, Babur's title Abu'l-ghazI fixes the date of the 
inscription as later than the battle of Kanwaha (f 324/^), because 
it was assumed in consequence of this victory over a Hindu, in 
March 1527 (Jumada H 933 AH.). 

The mutilated date 9 . . is given by Mohan Lall as 952 AH. 
but this does not suit several circumstances, e.g. it puts com- 
pletion too far beyond the time mentioned as consumed by the 
work, nine years, — and it was not that at which Kamran made 
over charge to 'Askarl, but followed the expulsion of both full- 
brothers from Qandahar by their half-brother Humayun. 


The mutilated date 9 . . is given by Darmesteter as 933 AH. 
but this again does not fit the historical circumstance that 
Kamran was in Qandahar after that date and till 937 AH. This 
date (937 AH.) we suggest as fitting to replace the lost figures, 
(i) because in that year and after his father's death, Kamran 
gave the town to 'Askarl and went himself to Hindustan, and 
(2) because work begun in 928 AH. and recorded as occupying 
70-80 men for nine years would be complete in 937 AH.^ The 
inscription would be one of the last items of the work. 

The following matters are added here because indirectly con- 
nected with what has been said and because not readily accessible. 

a. Birth of Kamran. 

Kamran's birth falling in a year of one of the Bdbur-ndma 
gaps, is nowhere mentioned. It can be closely inferred as 914 
or 915 AH. from the circumstances that he was younger than 
Humayun born late in 913 AH., that it is not mentioned in the 
fragment of the annals of 914 AH., and that he was one of the 
children enumerated by Gul-badan as going with her father to 
Samarkand in 916 AH. (Probably the children did not start 
with their father in the depth of winter across the mountains.) 
Possibly the joyful name Kamran is linked to the happy issue 
of the Mughul rebellion of 914 AH. Kamran would thus be 
about 1 8 when left in charge of Kabul and Qandahar by Babur 
in 932 AH. before the start for the fifth expedition to Hindustan. 

A letter from Babur to Kamran in Qandahar is with Kehr's 
Latin version of the Bdbur-ndma, in Latin and entered on the 
lining of the cover. It is shewn by its main topic vis. the 
despatch of Ibrahim LudVs son to Kamran's charge, to date 
somewhere close to Jan. 3rd 1527 (Rabl'u'l-awwal 29th 933 AH.) 
because on that day Babur writes of the despatch (Hai. Codex 
f. io6b foot). 

Presumably the letter was with Kamran's own copy of the 
Bdbur-ndma. That copy may have reached Humayun's hands 

* Tdrikh-i-rashidi trs. p. 387 ; Akbar-ndma trs. i, 290. 


(JRAS 1908 p. 828 et seq.). The next known indication of the 
letter is given in St. Petersburg by Dr. Kehr. He will have seen 
it or a copy of it with the B.N. Codex he copied (one of unequal 
correctness), and he, no doubt, copied it in its place on the fly-leaf 
or board of his own transcript, but if so, it has disappeared. 

Fuller particulars of it and of other items accompanying it are 
given in JRAS 1908 p. 828 et seq. 


My husband's article in the Asiatic Quarterly Review of 
April 1 90 1 begins with an account of the two MSS. from which 
it is drawn, vis. I.O. 581 in Pushtu, I.O. 582 in Persian. Both 
are mainly occupied with an account of the Yusuf-zaT. The 
second opens by telling of the power of the tribe in Afghanistan 
and of the kindness of Malik Shah Sulaiman, one of their chiefs, 
to Aulugh Beg Mirza Kdbull, (Babur's paternal uncle,) when he 
was young and in trouble, presumably as a boy ruler. 

It relates that one day a wise man of the tribe, Shaikh 
*Usman saw Sulaiman sitting with the young Mirza on his knee 
and warned him that the boy had the eyes of Yazid and would 
destroy him and his family as Yazld had destroyed that of the 
Prophet. Sulaiman paid him no attention and gave the Mirza 
his daughter in marriage. Subsequently the Mirza having 
invited the Yusuf-zal to Kabul, treacherously killed Sulaiman 
and 700 of his followers. They were killed at the place called. 
Siyah-sang near Kabul ; it is still known, writes the chroniclerj 
in about 1770 AD. (1184 ah.), as the Grave of the Martyrs.] 
Their tombs are revered and that of Shaikh *Usman ii 

Shah Sulaiman was the eldest of the seven sons of Malik 
Taju'd-din ; the second was Sultan Shah, the father of Malik 
Ahmad. Before Sulaiman was killed he made three requests 


of Aulugh Beg ; one of them was that his nephew Ahmad's 
life might be spared. This was granted. 

Aulugh Beg died (after ruling from 865 to 907 AH.), and 
Babur defeated his son-in-law and successor M. Muqim {Arghiin, 
910 AH.). Meantime the Yusuf-zal had migrated to Pashawar 
but later on took Sawad from SI. Wais (Hai. Codex ff. 219, 
220^, 221). 

When Babur came to rule in Kabul, he at first professed 
friendship for the Yusuf-zal but became prejudiced against 
them through their enemies the Dilazak ^ who gave force to 
their charges by a promised subsidy of 70,000 shdhrukhl. 
Babur therefore determined, says the Yijsuf-zai chronicler, to 
kill Malik ^ Ahmad and so wrote him a friendly invitation to 
Kabul. Ahmad agreed to go, and set out with four brothers 
who were famous musicians. Meanwhile the Dilazak had 
persuaded Babur to put Ahmad to death at once, for they said 
Ahmad was so clever and eloquent that if allowed to speak, he 
would induce the Padshah to pardon him. 

On Ahmad's arrival in Kabul, he is said to have learned that 
Babur's real object was his death. Plis companions wanted to 
tie their turbans together and let him down over the wall of the 
fort, but he rejected their proposal as too dangerous for him and 
them, and resolved to await his fate. He told his companions 
however, except one of the musicians, to go into hiding in 
the town. 

Next morning there was a great assembly and Babur sat on 
the dais-throne. Ahmad made his reverence on entering but 
Babur's only acknowledgment was to make bow and arrow 
ready to shoot him. When Ahmad saw that Babur's intention 
was to shoot him down without allowing him to speak, he 
unbuttoned his jerkin and stood still before the Padshah. 
Babur, astonished, relaxed the tension of his bow and asked 
Ahmad what he meant. Ahmad's only reply was to tell the 
Padshah not to question him but to do what he intended. 
Babur again asked his meaning and again got the same reply. 

' Hai. Codex, Index snn. 

' It is needless to say that a good deal in this story may be merely fear and 
supposition accepted as occurrence. 


Babur put the same question a third time, adding that he could 
not dispose of the matter without knowing more. Then Ahmad 
opened the mouth of praise, expatiated on Babur's excellencies 
and said that in this great assemblage many of his subjects 
were looking on to see the shooting ; that his jerkin being very 
thick, the arrow might not pierce it ; the shot might fail and 
the spectators blame the Padshah for missing his mark ; for 
these reasons he had thought it best to bare his breast. Babur 
was so pleased by this reply that he resolved to pardon Ahmad 
at once, and laid down his bow. 

Said he to Ahmad, "What sort of man is Buhlul Liidil'' 
" A giver of horses," said Ahmad. 

" And of what sort his son Sikandar ? " "A giver of robes." 

'' And of what sort is Babur ? " " He," said Ahmad, " is 
a giver of heads." 

" Then," rejoined Babur, " I give you yours." 

The Padshah now became quite friendly with Ahmad, came 
down from his throne, took him by the hand and led him into 
another room where they drank together. Three times did 
Babur have his cup filled, and after drinking a portion, give the 
rest to Ahmad. At length the wine mounted to Babur's head ; 
he grew merry and began to dance. Meantime Ahmad's 
musician played and Ahmad who knew Persian well, poured 
out an eloquent harangue. When Babur had danced for some 
time, he held out his hands to Ahmad for a reward {bakhshish), 
saying, " I am your performer." Three times did he open his 
hands, and thrice did Ahmad, with a profound reverence, drop 
a gold coin into them. Babur took the coins, each time placing 
his hand on his head. He then took off his robe and gave it to 
Ahmad ; Ahmad took off his own coat, gave it to Adu the 
musician, and put on what the Padshah had given. 

Ahmad returned safe to his tribe. He declined a second 
invitation to Kabul, and sent in his stead his brother Shah 
Mansur. Mansur received speedy dismissal as Babur was dis- 
pleased at Ahmad's not coming. On his return to his tribe 
Mansur advised them to retire to the mountains and make 
a strong sangur. This they did ; as foretold, Babur came into 
their country with a large army. He devastated their lands 


but could make no impression on their fort. In order the 
better to judge of its character, he, as was his wont, disguised 
himself as a Qalandar, and went with friends one dark night to 
the Mahura hill where the stronghold was, a day's journey 
from the Padshah's camp at Diarun. 

It was the *Id-i-qurban and there was a great assembly and 
feasting at Shah Mansur's house, at the back of the Mahura- 
mountain, still known as Shah Mansur's throne. Babur went 
in his disguise to the back of the house and stood among the 
crowd in the courtyard. He asked servants as they went to 
and fro about Shah Mansur's family and whether he had 
a daughter. They gave him straightforward answers. 

At the time Musammat Bibl Mubaraka, Shah Mansur's 
daughter was sitting with other women in a tent. Her eye fell 
on the qalandars and she sent a servant to Babur with some 
cooked meat folded between two loaves. Babur asked who had 
sent it ; the servant said it was Shah Mansur's daughter Bibl 
Mubaraka. " Where is she ? " " That is she, sitting in front 
of you in the tent." Babur Padshah became entranced with 
her beauty and asked the woman-servant, what was her dis- 
position and her age and whether she was betrothed. The 
servant replied by extolling her mistress, saying that her virtue 
equalled her beauty, that she was pious and brimful of rectitude 
and placidity ; also that she was not betrothed. Babur then 
left with his friends, and behind the house hid between two 
stones the food that had been sent to him. 

He returned to camp in perplexity as to what to do ; he saw 
he could not take the fort ; he was ashamed to return to Kabul 
with nothing effected ; moreover he was in the fetters of love. 
He therefore wrote in friendly fashion to Malik Ahmad and 
asked for the daughter of Shah Mansur, son of Shah Sulaiman. 
Great objection was made and earlier misfortunes accruing to 
Yusuf-zal chiefs who had given daughters to Aiilugh Beg and 
SI. Wais (Khan Mirza ?) were quoted. They even said they 
had no daughter to give. Babur replied with a " beautiful " 
royal letter, told of his visit disguised to Shah Mansur's house, 
of his seeing Bibl Mubaraka and as token of the truth of his 
story, asked them to search for the food he had hidden. They 


searched and found. Ahmad and Mansur were still averse, but 
the tribesmen urged that as before they had always made 
sacrifice for the tribe so should they do now, for by giving the 
daughter in marriage, they would save the tribe from Babur's 
anger. The Maliks then said that it should be done " for the 
good of the tribe ". 

When their consent was made known to Babur, the drums of 
joy were beaten and preparations were made for the marriage ; 
presents were sent to the bride, a sword of his also, and the two 
Maliks started out to escort her. They are said to have come 
from Thana by M'amura (?), crossed the river at Chakdara, 
taken a narrow road between two hills and past Talash- village 
to the back of Tirl (?) where the Padshah's escort met them. 
The Maliks returned, spent one night at Chakdara and next 
morning reached their homes at the Mahura sangur. 

Meanwhile Runa the nurse who had control of Malik Mansur's 
household, with two other nurses and many male and female 
servants, went on with Bibl Mubaraka to the royal camp. The 
bride was set down with all honour at a large tent in the middle 
of the camp. 

That night and on the following day the wives of the officers 
came to visit her but she paid them no attention. So, they 
said to one another as they were returning to their tents, " Her 
beauty is beyond question, but she has shewn us no kindness, 
and has not spoken to us ; we do not know what mystery there 
is about her." 

Now Bibl Mubaraka had charged her servants to let her know 
when the Padshah was approaching in order that she might 
receive him according to Malik Ahmad's instructions. They 
said to her, " That was the pomp just now of the Padshah's going 
to prayers at the general mosque." That same day after the 
Mid-day Prayer, the Padshah went towards her tent. Her 
servants informed her, she immediately left her divan and 
advancing, lighted up the carpet by her presence, and stood 
respectfully with folded hands. When the Padshah entered, she 
bowed herself before him. But her face remained entirely 
covered. At length the Padshah seated himself on the divan 
and said to her, " Come Afghaniya, be seated." Again she 


bowed before him, and stood as before. A second time he said, 
" Afghaniya, be seated." Again she prostrated herself before 
him and came a Httle nearer, but still stood. Then the Padshah 
pulled the veil from her face and beheld incomparable beauty. 
He was entranced, he said again, " O, Afghaniya, sit down." 
Then she bowed herself again, and said, " I have a petition to 
make. If an order be given, I will make it." The Padshah 
said kindly, " Speak." Whereupon she with both hands took 
up her dress and said, " Think that the whole Yusuf-zal tribe is 
enfolded in my skirt, and pardon their offences for my sake." 
Said the Padshah, " I forgive the Yusuf-zal all their offences in 
thy presence, and cast them all into thy skirt. Hereafter I shall 
have no ill-feeling to the Yusuf-zal." Again she bowed before 
him ; the Padshah took her hand and led her to the divan. 

When the Afternoon Prayer time came and the Padshah rose 
from the divan to go to prayers, Bibi Mubaraka jumped up and 
fetched him his shoes. ^ He put them on and said very pleasantly, 
" I am extremely pleased with you and your tribe and I have 
pardoned them all for your sake." Then he said with a smile, 
" We know it was Malik Ahmad taught you all these ways." 
He then went to prayers and the Bibi remained to say hers in 

e tent. 

After some days the camp moved from Diarun and proceeded 
y Bajaur and TankI to Kabul.^ . . . 

Bibl Mubaraka, the Blessed Lady, is often mentioned by 
Gul-badan ; she had no children ; and lived an honoured life, 
as her chronicler says, until the beginning of Akbar's reign, 
when she died. Her brother Mir Jamal rose to honour under 
Babur, Humayun and Akbar. 

' Always left beyond the carpet on which a reception is held. 
= This is not in agreement with Babur's movements. 



The passage quoted below about Mahlm's adoption of the 
unborn Hind-al we have found so far only in Kehr's transcript 
of the Bdbur-ndma {i.e. the St. Petersburg Foreign Office Codex). 
Ilminsky reproduced it (Kasan imprint p. 281) and de Courteille 
translated it (ii, 45), both with endeavour at emendation. It is 
interpolated in Kehr's MS. at the wrong place, thus indicating 
that it was once marginal or apart from the text. 

I incline to suppose the whole a note made by Humayun, 
although part of it might be an explanation made by Babur, at 
a later date, of an over-brief passage in his diary. Of such 
passages there are several instances. What is strongly against 
its being Babur's where otherwise it might be his, is that Mahim, 
as he always calls her simply, is there written of as Hazrat 
Walida, Royal Mother and with the honorific plural. That 
plural Babur uses for his own mother (dead 14 years before 
925 AH.) and never for Mahlm. The note is as follows : — 

" The explanation is this : — As up to that time those of one 
birth {tiiqqdn, womb) with him (Humayun), that is to say a son 
Bar-bul, who was younger than he but older than the rest, and 
three daughters, Mihr-jan and two others, died in childhood, he 
had a great wish for one of the same birth with him.^ I had 
said * What it would have been if there had been one of the 
same birth with him ! ' (Humayun). Said the Royal Mother, 
' If Dil-dar Aghacha bear a son, how is it if I take him and rear 
him ? ' * It is very good ' said I." 

So far doubtfully might be Babur's but it may be Humayun's 
written as a note for Babur. What follows appears to be by 
some-one who knew the details of Mahlm's household talk and 
was in Kabul when Dil-dar's child was taken from her. 

" Seemingly women have the custom of taking omens in the 
following way : — When they have said, ' Is it to be a boy ? is it 

* i.e. Humayun wished for a full-brother or sister, another child in the house with 
him. The above names of his brother and sister are given elsewhere only by Gul- 
badan (f. 63). 


to be a girl ? ' they write 'All or Hasan on one of two pieces of 
paper and Fatima on the other, put each paper into a ball of 
[clay and throw both into a bowl of water. Whichever opens 
|first is taken as an omen ; if the man's, they say a man-child 

dll be born ; if the woman's, a girl will be born. They took 
le omen ; it came out a man." 
"On this glad tidings we at once sent letters off.^ A few 

lays later God's mercy bestowed a son. Three days before the 

lews ^ and three days after the birth, they 3 took the child from 
its mother, (she) willy-nilly, brought it to our house "^ and took 
"it in their charge. When we sent the news of the birth, Bhira 
was being taken. They named him Hind-al for a good omen 
and benediction." 5 

The whole may be Humayun's, and prompted by a wish to 
remove an obscurity his father had left and by sentiment stirred 
through reminiscence of a cherished childhood. 

Whether Humayun wrote the whole or not, how is it that the 

)assage appears only in the Russian group of Baburiana ? 
An apparent answer to this lies in the following little mosaic 

)f circumstances : — The St. Petersburg group of Baburiana ^ is 
linked to Kamran's own copy of the Bdbur-ndma by having 

ith it a letter of Babur to Kamran and also what may be a note 
Indicating its passage into Humayun's hands (JRAS 1908 

). 830). If it did so pass, a note by Humayun may have become 
associated with it, in one of several obvious ways. This would 
be at a date earlier than that of the Elphinstone MS. and would 
explain why it is found in Russia and not in Indian MSS.^ 

' The " we " might be Mahim and Humayun, to Babur in camp. 

^ Perhaps before announcing the birth anywhere. 

3 Presumably this plural is honorific for the Honoured Mother Mahim. 

^ Mahim's and Humayun's quarters. 

5 Gul-badan's Humayun-ndvia, f. 8. 

^ JRAS. A. S. Beveridge's Notes on Bdbur-nama MSS. 1900, [1902,] 1905, 
1906, [1907,] 1908 (Kehr's transcript, p. 76, and Latin translation with new letter 
of Babur p. 828). 

7 In all such matters of the Bdbur-ndma Codices, it has to be remembered that 
their number has been small. 




That the term bahi'i quids is interpreted by Meninski, Erskine, 
and de Courteille in senses so widely differing as equus mari- 
timus, mountain-cow, and boeuf vert de mer is due, no doubt, to 
their writing when the qiltds, the yak, was less well known than 
it now is. 

The word quids represents both the yak itself and its neck- 
tassel and tail. Hence Meninski explains it by nodus fim- 
briatus ex cauda seu crinibus equi maritimi. His "sea-horse" 
appears to render bahri quids, and is explicable by the circum- 
stance that the same purposes are served by horse-tails and by 
yak-tails and tassels, namely, with both, standards are fashioned, 
horse-equipage is ornamented or perhaps furnished with fly- 
flappers, and the ordinary hand-fly-flappers are made, i.e. the 
chowries of Anglo- India. 

Erskine's "mountain-cow" (^Memoirs p.3i7)may well be due 
to his munsJiVs giving the yak an alternative name, viz. Kosh- 
gau (Vigne) or Khdsh-gau (Ney Elias), which appears to mean 
mountain-cow (cattle, oxen).^ 

De Courteille's Dictionary p. 42 2, explains qiltds {quids) as bceuf 
marin {bahri qiltds) and his Memoires ii, 191, renders Babur's 
bahri qiitds by boeuf vert de mer (f. 276, p. 490 and n.8). 

The term bahri quids could be interpreted with more confidence 
if one knew where the seemingly Arabic-Turk! compound 
originated.^ Babur uses it in Hindustan where the neck-tassel 

^ Vigne's Travels in Kashmir \\, 277-8; Tarlkh-i-rashldi trs. , p. 302 and n. and 
p. 466 and note. 

^ It is not likely to be one heard current in Hindustan, any more than is Babur's 
Ar. /J«-^a/aww« as a name of a bird (Index i-.«. ) ; both seem to be "book-words" 
and may be traced or known as he uses them in some ancient dictionary or book of 
travels originating outside Hindustan. 



and the tail of the domestic yak are articles of commerce, and 
where, as also probably in Kabul, he will have known of the 
same class of yak as a saddle-animal and as a beast of burden into 
Kashmir and other border-lands of sufficient altitude to allow 
its survival. A part of its wide Central Asian habitat abutting 
on Kashmir is Little Tibet, through which flows the upper Indus 
and in which tame yak are largely bred, Skardo being a place 
specially mentioned by travellers as having them plentifully. 
This suggests that the term bahri quids is due to the great 
river {ba/ir) and that those of which Babur wrote in Hindustan 
were from Little Tibet and its great river. But bakrt may 
apply to another region where also the domestic yak abounds, 
that of the great lakes, inland seas such as Pangong, whence the 
yak comes and goes between e.g. Yarkand and the Hindustan 

The second suggestion, vis. that " bakrt qiitds " refers to the 
habitat of the domestic yak in lake and marsh lands of high 
altitude (the wild yak also but, as Tibetan, it is less likely to be 
concerned here) has support in Dozy's account of the bahrl 
falcon, a bird mentioned also by Abu'1-fazl amongst sporting 
birds {Ayin-i-akbari, Blochmann's trs. p. 295) : — ''Bahrl, espece 
defaucon le meilleur pour les oiseaux de marais. Ce renseign- 
inent explique peut-etre Porigine du mot. Marguerite en donnc 
la mime etymologie que Tashmend et le Pere Guagix. Selon lui 
ce faucoft aurait ete appeld ainsi parce qu'il vient de r autre cote 
de la mer, mais peut-etre deriva-t-il de bahrl dans le sens de 
marais, flaque, etang'' 

Dr. E. Denison Ross' Polyglot List of Birds {Memoirs of the 
Asiatic Society of Bengal ii, 289) gives to the Qard Qirghdwal 
(Black pheasant) the synonym " Sea-pheasant ", this being the 
literal translation of its Chinese name, and quotes from the 
Manchu-Chinese " Mirror " the remark that this is a black 
pheasant but called " sea-pheasant " to distinguish it from other 
black ones. 

It may be observed that Babur writes of the yak once only 
and then of the bahrl quids so that there is no warrant from him 
for taking the term to apply to the wild yak. His cousin and 



contemporary Haidar Mirza, however, mentions the wild yak 
twice and simply as the wild qutds. 

The following are random gleanings about " bahri " and 
the yak : — 

(i) An instance of the use of the Persian equivalent daryd'i 
oi bahri, sea-borne or over-sea, is found in the Akbar-ndmai^^. 
Ind. ed. ii, 216) where the African elephant is described d^s fzl- 

(2) In Egypt the word bahri has acquired the sense of 
northern, presumably referring to what lies or is borne across its 
northern sea, the Mediterranean. 

(3) Vigne {Travels in Kashmir ii, 277-8) warns against 
confounding the qUch-qdr i.e. the gigantic moufflon, Pallas' 
Ovis ammon, with the Kosh-gau, the cow of the Kaucasus, i.e. the 
yak. He says, " Kaucasus {hodie Hindu-kush) was originally 
from Kosh, and Kosh is applied occasionally as a prefix, e.g. 
Kosh-gau, the yak or ox of the mountain or Kaucasus." He 
wrote from Skardo in Little Tibet and on the upper Indus. 
He gives the name of the female yak as ydk-mo and of the 
half-breeds with common cows as bzch, which class he says is 

» common and of " all colours ". 
(4) Mr. Ney Elias' notes {Tdrikh-i-rashidi trs. pp.302 and 
^66) on the qiitds are of great interest. He gives the following 
synonymous names for the wild yak, Bos Po'ephagus, Khdsh-gau, 
the Tibetan yak or Dong. 

(5) Hume and Henderson (Z^//(?r to Vdrkand p. S9) "^^'^te of 
J the numerous black yak-hair tents seen round the Pangong Lake, 
M of fine saddle yaks, and of the tame ones as being some white or 

I brown but mostly black. 

(6) Olufsen's Through the Unknown Pamirs (p. 1 1 8) speaks 
of the large numbers of Bos grunniens (yak) domesticated by 
the Kirghiz in the Pamirs. 

(7) Cf Gazetteer of India s.n. yak. 

(8) Shaikh Zain applies the word ^^/^rftothe porpoise, when 
paraphrasing the Bdbur-ndma f 281^. 



In attempting to identify some of the birds of Babur's lists 
difficulty arises from the variety of names provided by the 
different tongues of the region concerned, and also in some 
cases by the application of one name to differing birds. The 
following random gleanings enlarge and, in part, revise som( 
earlier notes and translations of Mr, Erskine's and my own. 
They are offered as material for the use of those better acquainted 
with bird-lore and with Himalayan dialects. 

u. Concerning the lukha^ luja, lucha, kuja (f. I35 and i.2'j^b). 

The nearest word I have found to hikha and its similars is 
likkh, a florican (Jerdon, ii, 615), but the florican has not the 
chameleon colours of the liikha (van). As Babur when writing 
in Hindustan, uses such "book-words" as Ar. bahri {qiltds) and 
Ar. bu-qalamiin (chameleon), it would not be strange if his name 
for the " liikha " bird represented Ar. awja, very beautiful, or 
connected with Ar. loh, shining splendour. 

The form /^z^;'^ is found in Ilminsky's imprint p. 361 {Me'moires 
ii, 198, koudjeh). 

What is confusing to translators is that (as it now seems to 
me) Babur appears to use the name kabg-i-darim both passages 
(f 135 and {'.2ySb) to represent two birds ; (0 he compares the 
liikha as to size with the kabg-i-dari of the Kabul region, and 
(2) for size and colour with that of Hindustan. But the bird of 
the Western Himalayas known by the name kabg-i-dari is the 
Himalayan snow-cock, Tetraogallus himdlayensiSy TurkI, aHldr ^ 
and in the Kabul region, chiUrtika (f 249, Jerdon, ii, 549-50) 
while the kabg-i-dari (syn. chikor) of Hindustan, whether 
hill or plain, is one or more of much smaller birds. 

The snow-cock being 28 inches in length, the liikha bird must 
be of this size. Such birds as to size and plumage of changing' 
colour are the Lophophori and Trapagons^ varieties of which are 
found in places suiting Babur's account of the lukha. 



It may be noted that the Himalayan snow-cock is still called 
kabg-i-dari in Afghanistan (Jerdon, ii, 550) and in Kashmir 
(Vigne's Travels in Kashmir ii, 18). As its range is up to 
1 8,000 feet, its Persian name describes it correctly whether read 
as '* of the mountains " {dart), or as " royal " {dart) through its 

I add here the following notes of Mr. Erskine's, which I have 
not quoted already where they occur (cf f 135 and i. 278^) : — 
On f. 135, " lokheh " is said to mean hill-chikor. 
On f.278<5, to ''h-ijeh'\ " The Persian has lukhehr 

„ to " kepki diirri ", " The kepkl deri, or durri is 
much larger than the common kepk of Persia 
and is peculiar to Khorasan. It is said to be 
a beautiful bird. The common kepk of Persia 
and Khorasan is the hill-chikor of India." 
„ to " higher up ", " The lujeh may be the chikor 
of the plains which Hunter calls bartavelle or 
Greek partridge." 

The following corrections are needed about my own notes : — 
(i) on f. 135 (p. 2 1 3) n.7 is wrongly referred ; it belongs to the 
first word, viz. kabg-i-dari, of p. 214 ; (2) on f. 279 (p. 496) n.2 
should refer to the second kabg-i-dari. 

b. Birds called mUfidl {var. mondl and vioonaul). 

Yule writing in Hobson Jobson (p. 580). of the ''moonaur which 
he identifies as Lophophorus Inipeyanus, queries whether, on 
grounds he gives, the word moonaul is connected etymologically 
with Sanscrit muni, an " eremite ". In continuation of his topic, 
I give here the names of other birds called miindl, which I have 
noticed in various ornithological works while turning their pages 
for other information. 

Besides L. Impeyanus and Trapag07t Ceriornis satyra which 
Yule mentions as called '^ moonaul'\ there are L. refulgens, 
miindl and Ghur {mount3i{n)-7ntindl ; Trapagon Ceriornis satyra, 
called inilndl in Nipal ; T. C. melanocephalus, called sing 


(hornedymiind/ in the N.W. Himalayas ; T. himdlayensis, the 
jer- or cher-milndl of the same region, known also as chikor ; 
and Lerwa nevicola^ the snow-partridge known in Garhwal asj 
Quoir- or Qur-imlndl. Do all these birds behave in such a wa^ 
as to suggest that mundl may imply the individual isolation] 
related by Jerdon of Z. Impeyanus, " In the autumnal and winter' 
months numbers are generally collected in the same quarter of 
the forest, though often so widely scattered that each bird 
appears to be alone?" My own search amongst vocabularies of 
hill-dialects for the meaning of the word has been unsuccessful, 
spite of the long range mundls in the Himalayas. 

c. Concerning the word chiurtika, chourtka. 

Jerdon's entry (ii, 549, 554) of the name chourtka as a 
synonym of Tetraogallus himdlayensis enables me to fill a gap 
I have left on f.249 (p.491 and n.6),^ with the name Himalayan 
snow-cock, and to allow Babur's statement to be that he, in 
January 15 20 AD. when coming down from the Bdd-i-plch pass, 
saw many snow-cocks. The Memoirs (p. 282) has '' chikor s'\ 
which in India is a synonym for kabg-i-dari ; the Memoir es 
(ii, 122) has sauterelleSy but this meaning of chiHrtika does not 
suit wintry January. That month would suit for the descent 
from higher altitudes of snow-cocks. Griffith, a botanist who 
travelled in Afghanistan cir. 1838 ad., saw myriads of cicadcc 
between Qilat-i-ghilzai and Ghazni, but the month was July. 

d. On the qutdn (f. 142, p. 224 ; Memoirs, p. 1 5 3 ; Memoires ii, 313). 

Mr. Erskine for qutdn enters kJiawdsil [gold-finch] which he 
will have seen interlined in the Elphinstone Codex {^h) in 
explanation of qUtdn. 

Shaikh Effendi (Kunos' ed., p. 139) explains qutdn to be the 
gold -finch, Steiglitz. 

Ilminsky's qUtdn (p. i/S) is translated by M. de Courteille as 
pelicane and certainly some copies of the 2nd Persian translation 
[Muh. ShirdzVs p. 90] have hawdsil, pelican. 

The pelican would class better than the small finch with th< 

' My note 6 on p. 421 shows my earlier difficulties, due to not knowing (wheS 
writing it) that kabg-i-dari represents the snow-cock in the Western Himalayas. 


herons and egrets of Babur's trio ; it also would appear a more 
likely bird to be caught " with the cord ". 

That Babur's qutdn (Jiawdsil) migrated in great numbers is 
however against supposing it to be Pelicanus onocrotatus which 
is seen in India during the winter, because it appears there in 
moderate numbers only, and Blanford with other ornithologists 
states that no western pelican migrates largely into India. 

Perhaps the qiitdn was Linnaeus' Pelicanus carbo of which 
one synonym is Carbo comoranus, the cormorant, a bird seen in 
India in large numbers of both the large and small varieties. 
As cormorants are not known to breed in that country, they 
will have migrated in the masses Babur mentions. 

A translation matter falls to mention here : — After saying 

that the auqdr (grey heron), qarqara (egret), and qiitdn 

(cormorant) are taken with the cord, Babur says that this 

method of bird-catching is unique {bit nUh qilsh tUtindq ghair 

nntqarrar diir) and describes it. The Persian text omits to 

translate the tiitnidq (by P. giriftan) ; hence Erskine {Meins. 

p. 153) writes, "The last mentioned fowl" {i.e. the. qutdn) "is 

rare," notwithstanding Babur's statement that all three of the 

birds he names are caught in masses. De Courteille (p. 3^3) 

Tites, as though only of the qiitdn, " ces derniers toutefois ne se 

"trennent qiC accident elme7it^' perhaps led to do so by knowledge 

)f the circumstance that Pelicanus ofiocrotatus is rare in India. 


HE following notes, which may be accepted as made by 
Humayun and in the margin of the archetype of the Elphinstone 
Codex, are composed in Turk! which differs in diction from his 
father's but is far closer to that classic model than is that of the 
producer [Jahanglr?] of the "Fragments" (Index i'.;^.). Various 
circumstances make the notes difficult to decipher verbatim and, 
unfortunately, when writing in Jan. 1917, I am unable to collate 


with its original in the Advocates Library, the copy I made of 
them in 1910. 

a. On the kadhil Jack-fruit, Artocarpus integrifolia (f. 283^^, p. 506 ; 

Elphinstone MS. l2i^b)} 
The contents of the note are that the strange-looking pumpkin 
{jqar\ which is also Ibn Batuta's word for the fruit), yields 
excellent white juice, that the best fruit grows from the roots of 
the tree,^ that many such grow in Bengal, and that in Bengal 
and Dihli there grows a kadhil-U&Q covered with hairs {Arto- 
carpus hirsuta ?). 

b. On the ainrit-phal, mandarin- or aftge, Citrus aurantium (f.287, 

p. 512 ; Elphinstone Codex, f.238^, 1. 12). 

The interest of this note lies in its reference to Babur. 

A Persian version of it is entered, without indication of what 
it is or of who was its translator, in one of the volumes of 
Mr. Erskine's manuscript remains, now in the British Museum 
(Add. 26,605, p- S8). Presumably it was made by his Turkish 
munshi for his note in the Memoirs (p. 329). 

Various difficulties oppose the translation of the Turk! note ; 
it is written into the text of the Elphinstone Codex in two 
instalments, neither of them in place, the first being interpolated 
in the account of the amil-bld fruit, the second in that of the 
jdsun flower ; and there are verbal difficulties also. The Persian 
translation is not literal and in some particulars Mr. Erskine's 
rendering of this differs from what the Turk! appears to state. 

The note is, tentatively, as follows : 3 — "His honoured Majesty 
Firdaus-makan 4 — may God make his proof clear ! — did not 

' By over-sight mention of this note was omitted from my article on the Elphinstone 
Codex (JRAS. 1907, p. 131). 

^ Speede's Indian Hand-book (i, 212) published in 184IAI). thus writes, "It is 
a curious circumstance that the finest and most esteemed fruit are produced from the 
roots below the surface of the ground, and are betrayed by the cracking of the earth 
above them, and the effluvia issuing from the fissure ; a high price is given by rich 
natives for fruit so produced." 

3 In the margin of the Elphinstone Codex opposite the beginning of the note are 
the words, " This is a marginal note of Humayfm Padshah's." 

4 Every Emperor of Hindustan has an epithet given him after his death to 
distinguish him, and prevent the necessity of repeating his name too familiarly. 
Thus Firdaus-viakan (dweller-in-paradise) is Babur's ; Humayun's is Jannat-ashi- 
yanl^ he whose nest is in Heaven ; Muhammad Shah's Firdaus-dramgdh^ he whose 
place of rest is Paradise ; etc. (Erskine). 


K|l favour the amrit-phal\'^ as he considered it insipid,^ he Hkened 
it to the mild-flavoured 3 orange and did not make choice of it. 
So much was the mild-flavoured orange despised that if any 
person had disgusted (him) by insipid flattery (?) he used to 
say, * He is Hke orange-juice.' " 4 

" The amrit-phal is one of the very good fruits. Though its 
juice is not reHshing (Jchuchiiq), it is extremely pleasant-drinking. 
Later on, in my own time, its real merit became known. Its 
tartness may be that of the orange {ndranj) and lemur 5 

The above passage is followed, in the text of the Elphinstone 
Codex, by Babur's account of the jasiin flower, and into this 
a further instalment of Humayun's notes is interpolated, having 
opposite its first line the marginal remark, " This extra note, 
seemingly made by Humayun Padshah, the scribe has mistakenly 
written into the text." Whether its first sentence refer to the 
amrit-phal or to the amil-bid must be left for decision to those 
well acquainted with the orange-tribe. It is obscure in my copy 
and abbreviated in its Persian translation ; summarized it may 
state that when the fruit is unripe, its acidity is harmful to the 
digestion, but that it is very good when ripe. — The note then 
continues as below : — 

c. The kdmila, H. kaunld, the orange^ 

"There are in Bengal two other fruits of the acid kind. 
Though the amrit-phal be not agreeable, they have resemblance 
to it (?)." 

' Here Mr. Erskine notes, "Literally, wiftYar/ri^V, probably the mandarin orange, 
by the natives called naringi. The name amrat, or pear, in India is applied to the 
guava or Psidium pyriferiwi — {Spotidias ftiangifera, Hort. Ben. — D. W^allich)." . . . 
Mr. E. notes also that the note on the ainr-it-phal "is not found in either of the 
Persian translations ". 

^ chucht'tmdn, Pers. trs. shlrlni bi maza, perhaps flat, sweet without relish. Babur 
does not use the word, nor have I traced it in a dictionary. 

3 chuchuk, savoury, nice-tasting, not acid (Shaw). 

■♦ chuchuk ndranj dnddq (?) mat^un aidi kim har klni-nl shlrtn-kdrlight bi maza 
qllkdndi, ndranj-siCl dlk tiir dirldr aidi. 

s The letmi may be Citrus limona, which has abundant juice of a mild acid flavour. 

* The kdmila and satntara are the real oranges [kauhld and sangtdra), which are 
now {cir. i8i6 AD. ) common all over India. Dr. Hunter conjectures that the sangtara 
may take its name from Cintra, in Portugal. This early mention of it by Babur and 
Humayun may be considered as subversive of that supposition. (This description of 
the samiara, vague as it is, applies closer to the Citrus decumana or pampelmus, than 
to any other. — D. Wallich.) — Erskine. 


" One is the kdmila which may be as large as an orange 
{ndranj) ; some took it to be a large ndrangi (orange) but it is 
much pleasanter eating than the ndrangi and is understood not 
to have the skin of that (fruit)." 

d. The samtara} 

The other is the samtara which is larger than the orange 
{ndranj^ but is not tart ; unlike the amrzt-phal it is not of poor 
flavour {kam mazd) or little relish {chilchuk). In short a better 
fruit is not seen. It is good to see, good to eat, good to digest. 
One does not forget it. If it be there, no other fruit is chosen. 
Its peel may be taken off by the hand. However much of the 
fruit be eaten, the heart craves for it again. Its juice does not 
soil the hand at all. Its skin separates easily from its flesh. 
It may be taken during and after food. In Bengal XhQ samtara 
is rare {ghdrib) (or excellent, ^azlz). It is understood to grow 
in one village Sanargam (Sonargaon) and even there in a special 
quarter. There seems to be no fruit so entirely good as the 
samtara amongst fruits of its class or, rather, amongst fruits of 
all kinds." 

Corrigendum : — In my note on the turunj bajduri{p. 511, n. 3) 
for bijaurd read bijaurd ; and on p. 5 ^o, 1-2, iox palrn r&did fi7igers. 

Addendum : — p. 510, 1. 5. After yustmluk add : — " The natives 
of Hindustan when not wearing their ear-rings, put into the 
large ear-ring holes, slips of the palm-leaf bought in the bazars, 
ready for the purpose. The trunk of this tree is handsomer and 
more stately than that of the date." 

LIST (fol. 292). 

a. Co7icerning the date of the List. 

The Revenue List is the last item of Babur's account of Hindu- 
stan and, with that account, is found s.a. 932 ah., manifestly 

' Humayun writes of this fruit as though it were not the saiig-tara described by his 
father on f. 287 (p. 511 and note). 


[too early, (i) because it includes districts and their revenues 
[which did not come under Babur's authority until subdued in 
[his Eastern campaigns of 934 and 93 5 AH., (2) because Babur's 
[Statement is that the " countries " of the List " are now in my 
possession " {in loco p. 520). 

The List appears to be one of revenues realized in 936 or 
\ 937 AH. and not one of assessment or estimated revenue, 
(i) because Babur's wording states as a fact that the revenue 
was ^2krurs\ (2) because the Persian heading of the (Persian) 
List is translatable as " Revenue {jama') ^ of Hindustan from 
what has so far come under the victorious standards ". 

b. The entry of the List into European Literature. 

Readers of the L. and E. Memoirs of Bdbur are aware that 
it does not contain the Revenue List (p. 334). The omission is 
due to the absence of the List from the Elphinstone Codex and 
from the 'Abdu'r-rahim Persian translation. Since the Memoirs 
of Bdbur was published in 1826 ad., the List has come from the 
Bdbur-ndma into European literature by three channels. 

Of the three the one used earliest is Shaikh Zain's Tabaqdt-i- 

bdburi which is a Persian paraphrase of part of Babur's Hindustan 

section. This work provided Mr. Erskine with what he placed 

in his History of India (London 1854, i, 540, Appendix D), but 

,^ his manuscript, now B.M. Add. 26,202, is not the best copy 

I of Shaikh Zain's book, being of far less importance than B.M. 
.Or. 1999, [as to which more will be said.] ^ 
f The second channel is Dr. Ilminsky's imprint of the Turk! 
text (Kasan 1857, p. 379), which is translated by the Memoires 
de Bdber (Paris 1871, ii, 230). 
The third channel is the Haidarabad Codex, in the English 
translation of which \in loco'] the List is on p. 521. 

Shaikh Zain may have used Babur's autograph manuscript 
for his paraphrase and with it the Revenue List. His own 
autograph manuscript was copied in 998 AH. (1589-90 AD.) by 

' M. de Courteille translated yawa' in a general sense by totality instead of in its 
Indian technical one of revenue (as here) or of assessment. Hence Professor Dowson's 
" totality" (iv, 262 n. ). 

^ The B.M. has a third copy, Or. 5879, v^^hich my husband estimates as of little 


Khwand-amir's grandson 'Abdu'1-lah who may be the scribe 
" Mir 'Abdu'1-lah " of the Aj/m-z'-akdari (Blochmann's trs. p. 109). 
'Abdu'l-lah's transcript (from which a portion is now absent,) 
after having been in Sir Henry ElHot's possession, has become 
B.M. Or. 1999. It is noticed briefly by Professor Dowson (/.c. 
iv, 288), but he cannot have observed that the " old, worm-eaten " 
little volume contains Babur's Revenue List, since he does not 
refer to it. 

c. Agreement and variation in copies of the List. 

The figures in the two copies (Or. 1999 and Add. 26,202) of 
the Tabaqdt-i-bdbiirl are in close agreement. They differ, how- 
ever, from those in the Haidarabad Codex, not only in a negli- 
gible unit and a ten of tankas but in having 20,000 more tankas 
from Oudh and Baraich and 30 laks of tankas more from Trans- 

The figures in the two copies of the Bdbur-ndma^ viz. the 
Haidarabad Codex and the Kehr-Ilminsky imprint are not in 
agreement throughout, but are identical in opposition to the 
variants (20,000 t. and 30 /.) mentioned above. As the two are 
independent, being collateral descendants of Babur's original 
papers, the authority of the Haidarabad Codex in the matter 
of the List is still further enhanced. 

d. Varia. 

(i) The place-names of the List are all traceable, whatever 
their varied forms. About the entry L:knu [or L:knur] and B:ks:r 
[or M:ks:r] a difficulty has been created by its variation in 
manuscripts, not only in the List but where the first name occurs 
s.a. 934 and 93 5 AH. In the Haidarabad List and in that of 
Or. 1999 L:knur is clearly written and may represent (approxi- 
mately) modern Shahabad in Rampur. Erskine and de 
Courteille, however, have taken it to be Lakhnau in Oudh. 
[The distinction of Lakhnaur from Lakhnau in the historical 
narrative is discussed in Appendix T.] 

(2) It may be noted, as of interest, that the name Sarwar is 
an abbreviation of Sarjupar which means "other side of Sarju " 
(Saru, Goghra ; E. and D.'s H. of I. i, 56, n.4). 


I ■ (3) Rup-narain (Deo or Dev) is mentioned in Ajodhya 
m r Prasad's short history of Tirhut and Darbhanga, the Gulzdr- 
i-Bihdr (Calcutta 1869, Cap. v, ^Z) as the 9th of the Brahman 
rulers of Tirhut and as having reigned for 25 years, from 917 to 
942 Faslt{}). If the years were HijrT, 9^7-42 AH. would be 

(4) Concerning the tanka the following modern description 
is quoted from Mr. R. Shaw's High Tartary (London 1871, 
p.464) "The tanga'' (or tanka) "is a nominal coin, being 
composed of 25 little copper cash, with holes pierced in them 
and called dahcheen. These are strung together and the quantity 
of them required to make up the value of one of these silver 
ingots" {'' kooroos or yamboo, value nearly £17'') "weighs 
a considerable amount. I once sent to get change for a kooi'oos, 
and my servants were obliged to charter a donkey to bring it 

(5) The following interesting feature of Shaikh Zain's 
Tabaqdt-i-bdburi has been mentioned to me by my husband : — 
Its author occasionally reproduces Babur's TurkI words instead of 
paraphrasing them in Persian, and does this for the noticeable 
passage in which Babur records his dissatisfied view of Hindustan 
(f 290^^, in loco p. 5 1 8), prefacing his quotation with the remark 
that it is best and will be nearest to accuracy not to attempt 
translation but to reproduce the Padshah's own words. The 
main interest of the matter lies in the motive for reproducing the 
ipsissima verba. Was that motive deferential? Did the revelation 
of feeling and opinion made in the quoted passage clothe it with 
privacy so that Shaikh Zain reserved its perusal from the larger 
public of Hindustan who might read Persian but not TurkI ? 
Some such motive would explain the insertion untranslated of 
Babur's letters to Humayun and to Khwaja Kalan which are left 
in TurkI by 'Abdu'r-rahim Mlrza.^ 

' Sir G. A. Grierson, writing in the Indian Antiquary (July 1885, p. 187), makes 
certain changes in Ajodhya Prasad's list of the Brahman rulers of Tirhut, on grounds 
he states. 

^ Index s.n. Babur's letters. The passage Shaikh Zain quotes is found in Or. 1999) 
f. 65^, Add. 26,202, f. 66^, Or. 5879, f- 79^- 



Pending the wide research work necessary to interpret Babur's 
Hindiistan poems which the Rampur manuscript preserves, the 
following comments, some tentative and open to correction, 
may carry further in making the poems publicly known, what 
Dr. E. Denison Ross has effected by publishing his Facsimile 
of the manuscript.^ It is legitimate to associate comment on 
the poems with the Bdbur-ndma because many of them are in 
it with their context of narrative ; most, if not all, connect with 
it ; some without it, would be dull and vapid. 

a. An authorized English title. 

The contents of the Rampur MS. are precisely what Babur 
describes sending to four persons some three weeks after the date 
attached to the manuscript,^ viz. " the Translation and what- 
not of poems made on coming to Hindustan " ; 3 and a similar 
description may be meant in the curiously phrased first clause 
of the colophon, but without mention of the Translation (of the 
Wdlidiyyah-risdld).'^ Hence, if the poems, including the Trans- 
lation, became known as the Hindustan Poems or Poems made in 
Hindustdn, such title would be justified by their author's words. 
Babur does not call the Hindustan poems a diwdn even when, 
as in the above quotation, he speaks of them apart from his 
versified translation of the Tract. In what has come down to 
us of his autobiography, he applies the name Diwdn to poems of 
his own once only, this in 925 ah. (f 237^) when he records 
sending " my diwdn " to Pulad SI. Ailzbeg. 

* Cf. Index in loco for references to Babur's metrical work, and for the Facsimile, 
JASB. 1 9 10, Extra Number. 

= Monday, Rabi' II. 15th 935 AH.— Dec. 27th 1528 ad. At this date Babur had 
just returned from Dhulpur to Agra (f. 354, p. 635, where in note I for Thursday read 

3 Owing to a scribe's " skip" from one j)'/"3<zr/7ari"(was sent) to another at the end 
of the next sentence, the passage is not in the Hai. MS. It is not well given in my 
translation (f. 357^j P- 642) ; what stands above is a closer rendering of the full Turk!, 
Humayungha tarjuma [u ?] nl-kim Hindustdngha kllkdni altqdn ash' ami ylbarildi 
(Ilminsky p. 462, 1. 4 fr. ft., where however there appears a slight clerical error). 

■♦ Hesitation about accepting the colophon as unquestionably applying to the whole 
contents of the manuscript is due to its position of close association with one section 
only of the three in the manuscript (cf. post p. Ix). 


^. The contents of the Rdmpur MS. 

There are three separate items of composition in the manu- 
script, marked as distinct from one another by having each its 
ornamented frontispiece, each its scribe's sign {inint) of Finis, 
each its division from its neighbour by a space without entry. 
The first and second sections bear also the official sign [sahh] that 
the copy has been inspected and found correct. 

(i) The first section consists of Babur's metrical translation 
of Khwaja *Ubaidu'l-lah AhrdrVs Parental Tract ( Wdlidiyyah- 
risdla), his prologue in which are his reasons for versifying the 
Tract and his epilogue which gives thanks for accomplishing the 
task. It ends with the date 935 (Hai. MS. f 346). Below this 
are niwi and saJiJi, the latter twice ; they are in the scribe's hand- 
writing, and thus make against supposing that Babur wrote down 
this copy of the Tract or its archetype from which the official 
sahh will have been copied. Moreover, spite of bearing two 
vouchers of being a correct copy, the Translation is emended, in 
a larger script which may be that of the writer of the marginal 
quatrain on the last page of the [Rampur] MS. and there attested 
by Shah-i-jahan as Babur's autograph entry. His also may have 
been the now expunged writing on the half-page left empty of 
text at the end of the Tract. Expunged though it be, fragments 
of words are visible.^ 

(2) The second section has in its frontispiece an inscription 
illegible (to me) in the Facsimile. It opens with a masnawi of 
41 couplets which is followed by a ghazel and numerous poems 
in several measures, down to a triad of rhymed couplets {matla'}), 
the whole answering to descriptions of a Dlwdn without formal 
arrangement. After the last couplet are mim and sahh in the 
scribe's hand-writing, and a blank quarter-page. Mistakes in 
this section have been left uncorrected, which supports the view 
that its sahh avouches the accuracy of its archetype and not 
its own.^ 

' Plate XI, and p. 15 (mid-page) of the Facsimile booklet. — The Facsimile does 
not show the whole of the marginal quatrain, obviously because for the last page of 
the manuscript a larger photographic plate was needed than for the rest. With 
Dr. Ross' concurrence a photograph in which the defect is made good, accompanies 
this Appendix. 

^ The second section ends on Plate XVII, and p. 21 of the Facsimile booklet. 


(3) The third section shows no inscription on its frontispiece. 
It opens with the masnawi oi eight couplets, found also in the 
Bdbur-ndma (f 312), one of earlier date than many of the poems 
in the second section. It is followed by three riibd^l which 
complete the collection of poems made in Hindustan. A prose 
passage comes next, describing the composition and trans- 
position-in-metre of a couplet of 16 feet, with examples in three 
measures, the last of which ends in I.4 of the photograph. — 
While fixing the date of this metrical game, Babur incidentally 
allows that of his Treatise on Prosody to be inferred from the 
following allusive words: — "When going to Sambhal (f.330^) in 
the year (93 3 AH.) after the conquest of Hindustan (93 2 AH.), two 
years after writing the 'Anls, I composed a couplet of 16 feet." 
— From this the date of the Treatise is seen to be 931 AH., some 
two years later than that of the Mubin. The above metrical 
exercise was done about the same time as another concerning 
which a Treatise was written, viz. that mentioned on f.330^, 
when a couplet was transposed into 504 measures (Section f, 
p. Ixv). — The Facsimile, it will be noticed, shows something 
unusual in the last line of the prose passage on Plate XVIII B, 
where the scattering of the words suggests that the scribe was 
trying to copy page per page. 

The colophon (which begins on 1. 5 of the photograph) is 
curiously worded, as though the frequent fate of last pages had 
befallen its archetype, that of being mutilated and difficult for 
a scribe to make good ; it suggests too that the archetype 
was verse.^ Its first clause, even if read as Hind-stdn jdnibi 
^azhnat qllghdnl (i.e. not qilghdli^ as it can be read), has an 
indirectness unlike Babur's corresponding " after coming to 
Hindustan" (f 357<^), and is not definite; (2) bu azrdi (these 
were) is not the complement suiting ail/ dUrur (those are) ; 
(3) Babur does not use the form dfirur in prose ; (4) the undue 
space after durilr suggests connection with verse ; (5) there is 
no final verb such as prose needs. The meaning, however, 
may be as follows : — The poems made after resolving on (the) 

' Needless to say that whatever the history of the manuscript, its value as preserving 
poems of which no other copy is known publicly, is untouched. This value woul<i 
be great without the marginal entries on the last page ; it finds confirmation in thc 
identity of many of the shorter poems with counterparts in the Bdbur-nama. 


Hindustan parts {jdnibi}) were these I have written down {tahrir 
qildini), and past events are those I have narrated {taqrir) in the 
way that {ni-chuk ktni) (has been) written in these folios {ailrdq) 
and recorded in those sections {aj'zd'). — From this it would 
appear that sections of the Bdbur-ndma (f. 376^, p. 678) accom- 
panied the Hindustan poems to the recipient of the message 
conveyed by the colophon. 

Close under the colophon stands Harara-hu Bdbur and the date 
Monday, RabI* H. 15th 935 (Monday, December 27th 1528 ad.), 
the whole presumably brought over from the archetype. To the 
question whether a signature in the above form would be copied 
by a scribe, the Elphinstone Codex gives an affirmative answer 
by providing several examples of notes, made by Humayun in 
its archetype, so-signed and brought over either into its margin 
or interpolated in its text. Some others of Humayun's notes 
are not so-signed, the scribe merely saying they are Humayun 
Padshah's. — It makes against taking the above entry of Babur's 
name to be an autograph signature, (i) that it is enclosed in an 
ornamented border, as indeed is the case wherever it occurs 
throughout the manuscript ; (2) that it is followed by the 
scribe's mini. [See end of following section.] 


c. The marginal entries shown in the photograph. 

The marginal note written length-wise by the side of the text 
Ts signed by Shah-i-jahan and attests that the rubd'i and the 
signature to which it makes reference are in Babur's autograph 
hand-writing. His note translates as follows : — This quatrain 
and blessed name are in the actual hand-writing of that Majesty 
{an hazrat) Firdans-makdni Babur Padshah Ghdzi — May God 
make his proof clear ! — Signed {Harara-hu), Shah-i-jahan son 
of Jahanglr Padshah son of Akbar Padshah son of Humayun 
Padshah son of Babur Padshah.^ 

^ Another autograph of Shah-i-jahan's is included in the translation volume (p. xiii) 
of Gul-badan Begam's Htimayun-ndma. It surprises one who works habitually on 
historical writings more nearly contemporary with Babur, in which he is spoken of 
as Firdaiis-makdni or as Giti-sitdnl Firdans-makdni 2,ndi not by the name used during 
his life, to find Shah-i-jahan giving him the two styles (cL /aMn^ir's Afemoirs trs. 
ii, 5). Those familiar with the writings of Shah-i-jahan's biographers will know 
whether this is usual at that date. There would seem no doubt as to the identity of 
an Hazrat. — The words J« /i^cm/ by which Shah-i-jahan refers to Babur are used 
also in the epitaph placed by Jahanglr at Babur's tomb (Trs. Note p. 710-71 1). 


The second marginal entry is the curiously placed rubd'i, which 
is now the only one on the page, and now has no signature 
attaching to it. It has the character of a personal message to 
the recipient of one of more books having identical contents. 
That these two entries are there while the text seems so clearly 
to be written by a scribe, is open to the explanation that when 
(as said about the colophon, p.lx) the rectangle of text was made 
good from a mutilated archetype, the original margin was placed 
round the rifacimento ? This superposition would explain the 
entries and seal-like circles, discernible against a strong light, on 
the reverse of the margin only, through the rifacimento page. 
The upper edge of the rectangle shows sign that the margin has 
been adjusted to it [so far as one can judge from a photograph]. 
Nothing on the face of the margin hints that the text itself is 
autograph ; the words of the colophon, tahrir qildim {i.e. I have 
written down) cannot hold good against the cumulative testimony 
that a scribe copied the whole manuscript. — The position of the 
last syllable \ni\ of the rubd'i shows that the signature below 
the colophon was on the margin before the diagonal couplet of 
the rubd'i was written, — therefore when the margin was fitted, 
as it looks to have been fitted, to the rifacimento. If this be the 
order of the two entries \i.e. the small-hand signature and the 
diagonal couplet], Shah-i-jahan's " blessed name " may repre- 
sent the small-hand signature which certainly shows minute 
differences from the writing of the text of the MS. in the name 
Babur {q.v. passim in the Rampur MS.). 

d. The Bdburi-khatt {BdbUr's script). 

So early as 910 AH. the year of his conquest of Kabul, Babur 
devised what was probably a variety of nakhsh, and called it the 
Bdburi-khatt (f I44<5), a name used later by Haidar Mirza, 
Nizamu'd-din Ahmad and 'Abdu'l-qadir Baddyuni. He writes 
of it again (f 179) s.a. 911 AH. when describing an interview had 
in 912 AH. with one of the Harat QazTs, at which the script was 
discussed, its specialities {inufraddt) exhibited to, and read by the 
Qazi who there and then wrote in it.^ In what remains to us 

" The Qazi's rapid acquirement of the nmfraddt of the script allows the inference 
that few letters only and those of a well-known script were varied, — Mufraddt was 
translated by Erskine, de Courteille and myself (f, 357^) as alphabet but reconsideration 


of the Bdbur-ndma it is not mentioned again till 935 AH. (fol. 357^) 
but at some intermediate date Babur made in it a copy of the 
Qoran which he sent to Makka.^ In 935 AH. (f. 357<^) it is 
mentioned in significant association with the despatch to each 
of four persons of a copy of the Translation (of the Wdlidiyyah- 
risdla) and the Hindustan poems, the significance of the associa- 
tion being that the simultaneous despatch with these copies 
of specimens of the Bdburi-khatt points to its use in the manu- 
scripts, and at least in Hind-al's case, to help given for reading 
novel forms in their text. The above are the only instances 
now found in the Bdbur-7idma of mention of the script. 

The little we have met with — we have made no search — about 
the character of the script comes from \)(\'^Abushqd,s.n. szghndq, 
in the following entry : — 

Sighndq ber nu'ah khatt der Chaghatdida khatt Bdburi u ghairl 
kibl ki Bdbur Mirzd ash'dr'nda kiliir bait 

Khubldr khatti naslb'ng bulmdsd Bdbur ni tdng ? 
Bdburi khatti ainids dilr khatt sighndqi mil diir ? ^ 

The old Osmanli-Turkish prose part of this appears to mean : — 
'Sighndq is a sort of hand-writing, in Chaghatal the Bdburi- 
^.khatt and others resembling it, as appears in Babur Mirza's 
poems. Couplet " : — 

Without knowing the context of the couplet I make no 
attempt to translate it because its words khatt or khat and 

by the light of more recent information about the Bdburl-khaU leads me to think this 
is wrong because "alphabet" includes every letter. — On f. 357<^ three items of the 
Bdburi-khafi are specified as despatched with the Hindustan poems, viz. mufradat, 
qita'ldr and sar-i-khatL Of these the first went to Hind-al, the third to Kamran, 
and no recipient is named for the second ; all translators have sent the qitaHar to 
Hind-al but I now think this wrong and that a name has been omitted, probably 

^ f. 1443, p. 228, n. 3. Another interesting matter missing from the Bdbur-ndma by 
the gap between 9 14 and 925 ah. is the despatch of an embassy to CzarVassili IH. in 
Moscow, mentioned in Schuyler's Turkistan ii, 394, Appendix IV, Grigorief s Russian 
Policy in Central Asia. The mission went after "Sultan Babur" had established 
himself in Kabul ; as Babur does not write of it before his narrative breaks off 
abruptly in 914 ah. it will have gone after that date. 

^ I quote from the Veliaminof-Zernov edition (p. 287) from which de Courteille's 
plan of work involved extract only ; he translates the couplet, giving to khatt the 
double-meanings of script and down of youth {Dictionnaire Tw^que s.n. sighndqi). 
The Sangldkh (p. 252) s.n. sighndq has the following as Babur's : — 
Chu balai khatti nasiVng bulmdsa Bdbur ni tang ? 
Bare khaU almansur khaU sighndqi ntH dar? 


slghndq lend themselves to the kind of pun {ihdni) " which 
consists in the employment of a word or phrase having more 
than one appropriate meaning, whereby the reader is often left 
in doubt as to the real significance of the passage." ^ The rest of 
the rubd't may be given [together with the six other quotations 
of Babur's verse now known only through the Abuskqd\ in early 
Tazkirdtu 'sh-shu'dra of date earlier than 967 AH. 

The root of the word slghndq will be slq^ pressed together, 
crowded, included, etc. ; taking with this notion of compression, 
the explanations feine Schrift of Shaikh Effendi (Kunos) and 
Vambery's petite ecriture, the SighnaqI and Baburl Scripts are 
allowed to have been what that of the Rampur MS. is, a small, 
compact, elegant hand-writing. — A town in the Caucasus 
named Sighnakh, " situee a peu pres d 800 metres daltitude^ 
commenga par etre une forteresse et un lieu de refuge, car telle 
est la signification de son nom tart are'' ^ Slghndq i is given by 
de Courteille (Diet. p. 368) as meaning a place of refuge or 

The Bdburl-khatt will be only one of the several hands Babur 
is reputed to have practised ; its description matches it with 
other niceties he took pleasure in, fine distinctions of eye and 
ear in measure and music. 

e. Is the Rdmpur MS. an example of the Bdburi-khatt ? 

Though only those well-acquainted with Oriental manuscripts 
dating before 910 AH. (1504 ad.) can judge whether novelties 
appear in the script of the Rampur MS. and this particularly 
in its head-lines, there are certain grounds for thinking that 
though the manuscript be not Babur's autograph, it may be in 
his script and the work of a specially trained scribe. 

I set these grounds down because although the signs of a 
scribe's work on the manuscript seem clear, it is " locally " held to 
be Babur's autograph. Has a tradition of its being in the Bdburl- 
khatt glided into its being in the khatt-i-Babur} Several circum- 
stances suggest that it may be written in the Bdburl-khatt : — 
(i) the script is specially associated with the four transcripts 

^ Gibb's History of Ottoman Poetry i, 113 and ii, 137. 
* Reclus' L ^Asie A'usse p. 238. 



of the Hindustan poems (f. 357<^), for though many letters 
must have gone to his sons, some indeed are mentioned in the 
Bdbur-ndma, it is only with the poems that specimens of it are 
recorded as sent ; (2) another matter shows his personal interest 
in the arrangement of manuscripts, namely, that as he himself 
about a month after the four books had gone off, made a new 
ruler, particularly on account of the head-lines of the Translation, 
it may be inferred that he had made or had adopted the one 
he superseded, and that his plan of arranging the poems was the 
model for copyists; the Rampur MS. bearing, in the Translation 
ection, corrections which may be his own, bears also a date 
earlier than that at which the four gifts started ; it has its head- 
lines ill-arranged and has throughout 13 lines to the page ; his 
new ruler had 1 1 ; (3) perhaps the words tahrir qildtni used in 
the colophon of the Rampur MS. should be read with their full 
connotation of careful and elegant writing, or, put modestly, as 
saying, " I wrote down in my best manner," which for poems is 
likely to be in the Bdburi-khatt} 

Perhaps an example of Babur's script exists in the colophon, 
if not in the whole of the Mubm manuscript once owned by 
Berezine, by him used for his Chrestomathie Turque, and described 
by him as "unique". If this be the actual manuscript Babur 
sent into Ma wara'u'n-nahr (presumably to Khwaja Ahrarl's 
family), its colophon which is a personal message addressed to 
the recipients, is likely to be autograph. 

y! Metrical amusements. 

(i) Of two instances of metrical amusements belonging to the 
end of 933 AH. and seeming to have been the distractions of 
illness, one is a simple transposition " in the fashion of the 
circles " {dawd'tr) into three measures (Rampur MS. Facsimile, 
Plate XVIII and p. 22) ; the other is difficult because of the high 
number of 504 into which Babur says (f 330^) he cut up the 
following couplet : — 

Gilz u qdsh u soz u tilini mil di ? 

Qad u khadd u saj u bilini mil di ? 

' On this same tahrir qildim may perhaps rest the opinion that the Rampur MS. is 


All manuscripts agree in having 504, and Babur wrote a tract 
{risdla) upon the transpositions.^ None of the modern treatises 
on Oriental Prosody allow a number so high to be practicable, 
but Maulana Saifl of Bukhara, of Babur's own time (f. 180^) 
makes 504 seem even moderate, since after giving much detail 
about rubd'l measures, he observes, "Some say there are 10,000" 
{Aru3-i-Sazft, Ranking's trs. p. 1 22). Presumably similar possi- 
bilities were open for the couplet in question. It looks like one 
made for the game, asks two foolish questions and gives no 
reply, lends itself to poetic license, and, if permutation of words 
have part in such a game, allows much without change of sense. 
Was Babur's cessation of effort at 504 capricious or enforced by 
the exhaustion of possible changes? Is the arithmetical state- 
ment 9x8x7 = 504 the formula of the practicable permu- 
tations ? 

(2) To improvise verse having a given rhyme and topic must 
have demanded quick wits and much practice. Babur gives at 
least one example of it (f. 2 52(^) but Jahanglr gives a fuller and 
more interesting one, not only because a rz^^^^'i" of Babur's was the 
model but from the circumstances of the game : ^ — It was in 
1024 AH. (16 1 5 AD.) that a letter reached him from Ma wara'u'n- 
nahr written by Khwaja Hashim TVi^:^^^-^^;/^/ [who by the story 
is shown to have been of Ahrari's line], and recounting the 
long devotion of his family to Jahanglr's ancestors. He sent 
gifts and enclosed in his letter a copy of one of Babur's quatrains 
which he said Hazrat Firdaus-makanI had written for Hazrat 
KhwajagI (Ahrari's eldest son ; f. 36^, p. 62 n. 2). Jahanglr 
quotes a final hemistich only, ''' Khwdjagira nidnddim, Khwd- 
jagird banddiui^' and thereafter made an impromptu verse upon 
the one sent to him. 

A curious thing is that the line he quotes is not part of the 
quatrain he answered, but belongs to another not appropriate for 
a message between darwesh diX\d pads kdh, though likely to have 
been sent by Babur to KhwajagI. I will quote both because 

* I have found no further mention of the tract ; it may be noted however that wherea 
Babur calls his Treatise on Prosody (written in 931 AH.) the 'Aruz, Abu'1-fazl write 
of a Mu/assal, a suitable name for 504 details of transposition. 

' Tuzuk-i-jahdngirWih.Gd. -p. 149; and Alemoirs of /ahdngir ixs. i, 304- [In bot 
books the passage requires amending.] 

R.— CHANDIr] and GUALIAR. Ixvii 

the matter will come up again for who works on the Hindustan 

(i) The quatrain from the Hindustan Poems is : — 

Dar hawoLi nafs gumrah 'unir zdi' karda'hn \kanddiin 7\ ; 

Pesh ahl-i-alldh az afdl-i-khud sharmanddhn; 

Yak nazr bd inukhlasdn-i-khasta-dil farmd ki ind 

Khwdjagird mdnddini u Khwdjagird banddim. 
(2) That from the Akbar-ndina is : — 

Darweshdnrd agarcha nah az khweshdnim, 

Lek az dil ujdn nid taqid eshdnhn ; 

Dur ast vtagu^i shdhi az darzveshi^ 

Shdhini wall banda-i-darweshdnim. 
The greater suitability of the second is seen from Jahanglr's 
answering impromptu for which by sense and rhyme it sets the 
model ; the meaning, however, of the fourth line in each may be 
identical, namely, " I remain the ruler but am the servant of the 
darweshr Jahanglr's impromptu is as follows : — 

Al dnki mard mihr-i-tu besh az besh ast, 

IAz daulat ydd-i-budat dl darwesh ast; 
Chanddnki ^z niuzhdahdt dilani shdd shavad 
Shadlni az dnki latif az hadd besh ast. 
He then called on those who had a turn for verse to " speak 
one " i.e. to improvise on his own ; it was done as follows : — 
f Ddrlni agarcha shaghal-i-shdhi dar pesh, 
^K Har lahza kunlin ydd-i-darweshdn besh ; 
^V Gar shdd shavad ^z md dil-i-yak darwesh, 
\ Anra shumarlin hasil-i-shdhl khwesh. 


The courtesy of the Government of India enables me to re- 
produce from the Archceological Survey Reports of 1871, Sir 
Alexander Cunningham's plans of Chandlrl and Guallar, which 
illustrate Babur's narrative on f.333, p. 592, and f.340, p. 607. 

' Rampur MS. Facsimile Plate XIV and p. 16, verse 3 ; Akbar-ndma trs. i, 279, and 
lith. ed. p. 91. 


A. Sh"ah-Ja"h8.m 

B. Jahangin 

C. Karan Mandar 

D. Nikramaditya 

E. Man Mandar 

F. Gujari Mahal 






1. Alamgiri Gate 
^T Qindola Gate 

3. Bbairon Gate 

Ganea Gate 

Laksbman Gate 
& Rock-cut Temple 

6. Hatbiya Gate 

7. Hawa Gate 

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 

i Fe^t 

A. Cunningham del. 



The dating of the diary of 935 AH. (f.339 et seq.) is several times 
in opposition to what may be distinguished as the " book-rule " 
that the 12 lunar months of the Hijra year alternate in length 
between 30 and 29 days (intercalary years excepted), and that 
Muharram starts the alternation with 30 days. An early book 
stating the rule is Gladwin's Bengal Revenue Accounts ; a recent 
one, Ranking's ed. of Platts' Persian Grammar. 

As to what day of the week was the initial day of some of the 
months in 93 5 AH. Babur's days differ from Wiistenfeld's who 
gives the full list of twelve, and from Cunningham's single one of 
Muharram 1st. 

It seems worth while to draw attention to the flexibility, 
within limits, of Babur's dating, [not with the object of adversely 
criticizing a rigid and convenient rule for common use, but as 
supplementary to that rule from a somewhat special source], 
because he was careful and observant, his dating was con- 
temporary, his record, as being de die in diem, provides a check 
of consecutive narrative on his dates, which, moreover, are all held 
together by the external fixtures of Feasts and by the marked 
recurrence of Fridays observed. Few such writings as the Babur- 
nama diaries appear to be available for showing variation within 
a year's limit. 

In 93 5 AH. Babur enters few full dates, i.e. days of the week 
and month. Often he gives only the day of the week, the safest, 
however, in a diary. He is precise in saying at what time of 
the night or the day an action was done ; this is useful not only 
as helping to get over difficulties caused by minor losses of 
text, but in the more general matter of the transference of 
a Hijra night-and-day which begins after sunset, to its Julian 
equivalent, of a day-and-night which begins at 12 a.m. This 
sometimes difficult transference affords a probable explanation 
of a good number of the discrepant dates found in Oriental- 
Occidental books. 

Two matters of difference between the Babur-nama dating 
and that of some European calendars are as follows : — 



a. Discrepancy as to the day of the week on which Muh. pjjAlL 

This discrepancy is not a trivial matter when a year's diary 
is concerned. The record of Muh. 1st and 2nd is missing from 
the Bdbur-ndma ; Friday the 3rd day of Muharram is the first 
day specified ; the 1st was a Wednesday therefore. Erskine 
accepted this day ; Cunningham and Wiistenfeld give Tuesday. 
On three grounds Wednesday seems right — at any rate at that 
period and place : — (i) The second Friday in Muharram was 
'Ashur, the lOth (f.240); (2) Wednesday is in serial order if 
reckoning be made from the last surviving date of 934AH. with 
due allowance of an intercalary day to Zu'1-hijja (Gladwin), 
i.e. from Thursday Rajab 12th (April 2nd 1528 ad. f.339, p. 602); 
(3) Wednesday is supported by the daily record of far into the 

b. Variation in the length of the months of gj 5 ^^' 

There is singular variation between the Bdbur-ndma and 


Tables, 1 

30th as to the 


of the week on which 

months began, and , 

IS to the len 

^th of some months. This 

variation is shown in 

the following 

table, where asterisks mark 

agreement as to the 

days of the week. 

and the capital letters, 

quoted from W.'s Tables, denote P^ 

L, Sunday 

; B, Tuesday, etc. 

(the bracketed names 

being of my ( 


r Bdbur-ndma. 





. 29 



C (Tuesday). 

Safar . . 

. 30 

Thursday * 


E (Thursday).* 

Rabr I. . 

. 30 



F (Friday). 

„ 11.. 

. 29 



A (Sunday). 

Jumada I. 

. 30 



B (Monday). 

„ II. 

. 29 



D (Wednesday). 

Rajab . . 

. 29 



E (Thursday). 

Sha'ban . . 

. 30 

Saturday * 


G (Saturday).* 

Ramzan . . 

. 29 



A (Sunday). 

Shawwal . 

. 30 

Tuesday * 


C (Tuesday).* 


. . 29 



D (Wednesday). 


• . 30 

Friday * 


T (Friday).* 


The table shows that notwithstanding the discrepancy dis- 
cussed in section a, of Babur's making 935 AH. begin on a 
Wednesday, and Wiistenfeld on a Tuesday, the two authorities 
agree as to the initial week-day of four months out of twelve, 
viz. Safar, Sha'ban, Shawwal and Zu'1-hijja. 

Again : — In eight of the months the Bdbtir-ndma reverses 
the "book-rule" of alternative Muharram 30 days, Safar 29 days 
et seq. by giving Muharram 29, Safar 30. (This is seen readily 
by following the initial days of the week.) Again : — these eight 
months are in pairs having respectively 29 and 30 days, and the 
year's total is 364. — Four months follow the fixed rule, i.e. as 
though the year had begun Muh. 30 days, Safar 29 days — 
namely, the two months of Rabf and the two of Jumada. — 
Ramzan to which under " book-rule " 30 days are due, had 
29 days, because, as Babur records, the Moon was seen on the 
29th. — In the other three instances of the reversed 30 and 29, 
one thing is common, viz. Muharram, Rajab, Zu'1-qa'da (as also 
Zu'1-hijja) are "honoured" months. — It would be interesting if 
some expert in this Musalman matter would give the reasons 
dictating the changes from rule noted above as occurring in 
935 AH. 

c. Varia. 

(i) On f 367 Saturday is entered as the 1st day of Sha'ban 
and Wednesday as the 4th, but on f.368(^ stands Wednesday 5th, 
as suits the serial dating. If the mistake be not a mere slip, it 
may be due to confusion of hours, the ceremony chronicled 
being accomplished on the eve of the 5th, Anglice, after sunset 
on the 4th. 

(2) A fragment only survives of the record of Zu'1-hijja 
935 AH. It contains a date, Thursday 7th, and mentions a Feast 
which will be that of the 'Idu'l-kabir on the loth (Sunday). 
Working on from this to the first-mentioned day of 936 AH. viz. 
Tuesday, Muharram 3rd, the month (which is the second of a pair 
having 29 and 30 days) is seen to have 30 days and so to fit on 
to936AH. The series is Sunday loth, 17th, 24th (Sat. 30th) 
Sunday 1st, Tuesday 3rd. 

T.— ON L:KNU AND L:KNUR. Ixxiii 

Two clerical errors of mine in dates connecting with this 
.ppendix are corrected here: — (i) On p. 614 n. 5, for Oct. 2nd 
fread Oct. 3rd ; (2) on p. 619 penultimate line of the text, for 
'Nov. 28th read Nov. 8th. 


One or other of the above-mentioned names occurs eight times 
in the Bdbur-ndma (s.a. 932, 934, 935 AH.), some instances being 
shown by their context to represent Lakhnau in Oudh, others 
inferentially and by the verbal agreement of the Haidarabad 

'odex and Kehr's Codex to stand for Lakhnur (now Shahabad 
In RampOr). It is necessary to reconsider the identification of 
those not decided by their context, both because there is so 

luch variation in the copies of the Abdu'r-rahim Persian trans- 
lation that they give no verbal help, and because Mr. Erskine 

md M. de Courteille are in agreement about them and took the 

rhole eight to represent Lakhnau. This they did on different 
'grounds, but in each case their agreement has behind it a defective 
textual basis. — Mr. Erskine, as is well known, translated the 
Abdu'r-rahim Persian text without access to the original Turk! 
but, if he had had the Elphinstone Codex when translating, 
it would have given him no help because all the eight instances 
occur on folios not preserved by that codex. His only sources 
were not-first-rate Persian MSS. in which he found casual 
variation from terminal nil to nur, which latter form may have 
been read by him as niiu (whence perhaps the old Anglo-Indian 
transliteration he uses, Luknow).^ — M. de Courteille's position 
is different ; his uniform Lakhnau obeyed the same uniformity 
in his source the Kasan Imprint, and would appear to him the 

^ Cf. Index s,n. Dalmau and Bangarmau for the termination in double «. 



more assured for the concurrence of the Memoirs. His textual 
basis, however, for these words is Dr. Ilminsky's and not Kehr's. 
No doubt the uniform Lakhnu of the Kasan Imprint is the 
result of Dr. Ilminsky's uncertainty as to the accuracy of his 
single TurkI archetype [Kehr's MS.], and also of his acceptance of 
Mr. Erskine's uniform Luknow} — Since the Haidarabad Codex 
became available and its collation with Kehr's Codex has been 
made, a better basis for distinguishing between the L:knu and 
L:knur of the Persian MSS. has been obtained.^ The results of 
the collation are entered in the following table, together with 
what is found in the Kasan Imprint and the Memoirs. [N.B. The 
two sets of bracketed instances refer each to one place ; the 
asterisks show where Ilminsky varies from Kehr.] 

Hai. MS. 



/f.278d . 
lf.338 . 

. L:knu 


f. 292^ . 

. L:knur 



f. 329 . 
f. 334 . 

. Lrknur 



ff.376 . 
U377^ . 

. L:knu 

Keht^s MS. 




Kasan Imprint. 
L:knu, p. 361 . 
„ p. 437 • 

„ p. 379* . 

„ p. 362* . 
„ p. 432* . 

„ p. 486* . 
„ p. 487* . 
„ p. 488* . 


not entered. 

The following notes give some grounds for accepting the 
names as the two TurkI codices agree in giving them : — 

The first and second instances of the above table, those of 
the Hai. Codex {.2'jZb and f 338, are shown by their context to 
represent Lakhnau. 

The third (f 292^) is an item of Babur's Revenue List. The 
TurkI codices are supported by B.M. Or. 1999, which is a direct 
copy of Shaikh Zain's autograph Tdbaqdt-i-bdburi, all three 
having L:knur. Kehr's MS. and Or. 1999 are descendants of 
the second degree from the original List ; that the Hai. Codex 
is a direct copy is suggested by its pseudo-tabular arrangement 

' Dr. Ilminsky says of the Leyden & Erskine Memoirs of Bdbur that it was 
a constant and indispensable help. 

^ My examination of Kehr's Codex has been made practicable by the courtesy of 
the Russian Foreign Office in lending it for my use, under the charge of the Librarian 
of the India Office, Dr. F. W. Thomas. — It should be observed that in this Codex 
the Hindustan Section contains the purely Turki text found in the Haidarabad Codex 
(cf. JRAS. 1908, p. 78). 



f the various items. — An important consideration supporting 
:knur, is that the List is in Persian and may reasonably be 
accepted as the one furnished officially for the Padshah's 
information when he was writing his account of Hindustan (cf 
Appendix P, p. liv). This official character disassociates it from 
any such doubtful spelling by the foreign Padshah as cannot 
but suggest itself when the variants of e.g. Dalmau and Ban- 
garmau are considered. Likniir is what three persons copying 
independently read in the official List, and so set down that 
careful scribes i.e. Kehr and 'Abdu'1-lah (App. P) again wrote 
L:knur.^ — Another circumstance favouring L:knur (Lakhnur) is 
that the place assigned to it in the List is its geographical one 
between Sarnbhal and Khairabad. — Something for [or perhaps 
against] accepting Lakhnur as the sarkdr of the List may be 
known in local records or traditions. It had been an important 
place, and later on it paid a large revenue to Akbar [as part of 
Sarnbhal]. — It appears to have been worth the attention of 
Blban/«/z£/^;2f (f.329). — Another place is associated with L:knur 
in the Revenue List, the forms of which are open to a con- 
siderable number of interpretations besides that of Baksar shown 
in loco on p. 521. Only those well acquainted with the United 
Provinces or their bye-gone history can offer useful suggestion 
about it. Maps show a ''Madkar" 6m. south of old Lakhnur; 
there are in the United Provinces two Baksars and as many 
other Lakhnurs (none however being so suitable as what is now 
Shahabad). Perhaps in the archives of some old families there 
may be help found to interpret the entry L:kni7r u B:ks:r (van), 
a conjecture the less improbable that the Gazetteer of the 
Province of Oiide (ii, 58) mentions difarmdn of Babur Padshah's 
dated 1 527 ad. and upholding a grant to Shaikh Qazi of Bllgram. 
The fourth instance (f 329) is fairly confirmed as Lakhnur 
by its context, viz. an officer received the district of Badayun 
from the Padshah and was sent against Biban who had laid 
siege to L:knur on which Badayun bordered. — At the time 
Lakhnau may have been held from Babur by Shaikh Bayazld 

' It may indicate that the List was not copied by Babur but lay loose with his 
papers, that it is not with the Elphinstone Codex, and is not with the 'Abdu'r-rahim 
Persian translation made from a manuscript of that same annotated line. 


Farmtill'm. conjunction with Aud. Its estates are recorded as 
still in FarmQlI possession, that of the widow of "Kala Pahar" 
Fannuli. — (ySee infra?) 

The fifth instance (f. 334) connects with Aud (Oudh) because 
royal troops abandoning the place L:knu were those who had 
been sent against Shaikh Bayazld in Aud. 

The remaining three instances (f.376, f.376<^, f. 377<^) appear 
to concern one place, to which Biban and Bayazld were 
rumoured to intend going, which they captured and abandoned. 
As the table of variants shows, Kehr's MS. reads Lakhniir in 
all three places, the Hai. MS. once only, varying from itself as 
it does in Nos. i and 2. — A circumstance supporting Lakhniir 
is that one of the messengers sent to Babur with details of the 
capture was the son oiSh3.\\M.uh..Diwdna whose record associates 
him rather with Badakhshan, and with Humayun and Sarnbhal 
[perhaps with Lakhnur itself] than with Babur's own army. — 
Supplementing my notes on these three instances, much could 
be said in favour of reading Lakhnur, about time and distance 
done by the messengers and by *Abdu'I-lah kitdbddr, on his way 
to Sarnbhal and passing near Lakhnur ; much too about the 
various rumours and Babur's immediate counter-action. But 
to go into it fully would need lengthy treatment which the 
historical unimportance of the little problem appears not to 
demand. — Against taking the place to be Lakhnau there are the 
considerations {a) that Lakhnur was the safer harbourage for 
the Rains and less near the westward march of the royal troops 
returning from the battle of the Goghra ; {b) that the fort of 
Lakhnau was the renowned old Machchi-bawan (cf. Gazetteer 
of the Province of Oude, 3 vols., 1877, ii, 366). — So far as I have 
been able to fit dates and transactions together, there seems no 
reason why the two Afghans should not have gone to Lakhnur, 
have crossed the Ganges near it, dropped down south [perhaps 
even intending to recross at Dalmau] with the intention of 
getting back to the Farmulls and Jalwanis perhaps in Sarwar, 
perhaps elsewhere to Bayazid's brother Ma'ruf. 



Thanks to the kind response made by the Deputy-Com- 
missioner of Fyzabad to my husband's enquiry about two 
inscriptions mentioned by several Gazetteers as still existing 
on " Babur's Mosque " in Gudh, I am able to quote copies of 

a. The inscription inside the Mosque is as follows : — 

1. Ba farviuda-i-Shdh Bdbur ki 'ddilash 
Band'lst td kdkh-i-gardim muldqi, 

2. Band kard in mnhbit-i-qudsiydfi 
Anilr-i-sdddat-nishdn Mir Bdqi 

3. Bavad khair bdqi ! chu sdl-i-band'ish 
'lydn shud ki giiftauiy — Buvad khair bdqi (935)- 

The translation and explanation of the above, manifestly 
made by a Musalman and as such having special value, are as 
follows : — ^ 

1. By the command of the Emperor Babur whose justice is 
an edifice reaching up to the very height of the heavens, 

2. The good-hearted Mir BaqI built this alighting-place of 
angels ; 3 

3. Bavad khdir bdqi! (May this goodness last for ever!) 4 

' Cf. in loco p, 656, n. 3. 

^ A few slight changes in the turn of expressions have been made for clearness sake. 

3 Index s.n. Mir BaqI of Tashkint. Perhaps a better epithet for sa^ddqt-nishdn 
than "good-hearted" would be one implying his good fortune in being designated 
to build a mosque on the site of the ancient Hindu temple. 

* There is a play here on BaqI's name ; perhaps a good wish is expressed for his 
prosperity together with one for the long permanence of the sacred building khair 




The year of building it was made clear likewise when I said, 
Buvad khair bdql ( = 93 5).^ 

The explanation of this is : — 

1st couplet : — The poet begins by praising the Emperor Babur 
under whose orders the mosque was erected. As justice is the 
(chief) virtue of kings, he naturally compares his (Babur's) justice 
to a palace reaching up to the very heavens, signifying thereby 
that the fame of that justice had not only spread in the wide 
world but had gone up to the heavens. 

2nd couplet : — In the second couplet, the poet tells who was^ 
entrusted with the work of construction. Mir Baqi was evident!] 
some nobleman of distinction at Babur's Court. — The noblel 
height, the pure religious atmosphere, and the scrupulous clean-' 
liness and neatness of the mosque are beautifully suggested by 
saying that it was to be the abode of angels. 

3rd couplet : — The third couplet begins and ends with th( 
expression Buvad khair bdqi. The letters forming it by theii 
numerical values represent the number 935, thus : — 

B = 2,v = (),d-=\ total 12 

Kh = 600, ai = 10, r — 2(X) ,, 810 
B = 2, a = I, g = 100, r = 10 ,, 1 13 

Total 935 

The poet indirectly refers to a religious commandment 
{dictum ?) of the Qoran that a man's good deeds live after his 
death, and signifies that this noble mosque is verily such a one. 

b. The inscription outside the Mosque is as follows : — 

' Presumably the order for building the mosque was given during Babur's stay ii 
Aiid (Ajodhya) in 934 AH. at which time he would be impressed by the dignity an^ 
sanctity of the ancient Hindu shrine it (at least in part) displaced, and like the obedient 
follower of Muhammad he was in intolerance of another Faith, would regard the 
substitution of a temple by a mosque as dutiful and worthy. — The mosque was finished 
in 935 AH. but no mention of its completion is in the Babur-ndma. The diary fol 
935 AH. has many minor lacuncE \ that of the year 934 AH. has lost much mattery 
breaking off before where the account of Add might be looked for. 


1. Ba ndni-i-anki ddnd hast akbar 

Ki khdliq-i-jamla *dlain Id-makdni 

2. Durud Mustafa bdd az sitdyish 

Ki sarwar-i-anibiyd' du jahdni 

3. Fasdna dar jahdn Bdbur qalandar 

Ki shud dar daur giti kdnirdni} 

The explanation of the above is as follows : — 
In the first couplet the poet praises God, in the second 
Muhammad, in the third Babur. — There is a peculiar literary 
beauty in the use of the word Id-makdnl In the 1st couplet. 
The author hints that the mosque is meant to be the abode of 
God, although He has no fixed abiding-place. — In the first 
hemistich of the 3rd couplet the poet gives Babur the appellation 
of qalandar, which means a perfect devotee, indifferent to all 
worldly pleasures. In the second hemistich he gives as the reason 
for his being so, that Babur became and was known all the world 
over as a qalandar, because having become Emperor of India 
and having thus reached the summit of worldly success, he had 
nothing to wish for on this earth.^ 

The inscription is incomplete and the above is the plain 
interpretation which can be given to the couplets that are to 
hand. Attempts may be made to read further meaning into 
them but the language would not warrant it. 


The following particulars about gardens made by Babur in or 
near Kabul, are given in Muhammad Amir of Kazwin's Pddshdh- 
ndma (Bib. Ind. ed. p. 585, p. 588). 

' The meaning of this couplet is incomplete without the couplet that followed it and 
is (now) not legible. 

= Firishta gives a different reason for Babur's sobriquet of qalandar, namely, that he 
kept for himself none of the treasure he acquired in Hindustan (Lith. ed. p. 206). 



Ten gardens are mentioned as made : — the Shahr-ara (Town- 
adorning) which when Shah-i-jahan first visited Kabul in the 
I2th year of his reign (1048 AH. — 1638AD.) contained very fincj 
plane-trees Babur had planted, beautiful trees having magnificent 
trunks,^ — the Char-bagh, — the Bagh-i-jalau-khana,^ — th( 
Aurta-bagh (Middle-garden), — the Saurat-bagh, — the Bagh- 
i-mahtab (Moonlight-garden), — the Bagh-i-ahu-khana (Garden- 
of-the-deer-house), — and three smaller ones. Round these 
gardens rough-cast walls were made (renewed ?) by Jahangli 
(10 16 AH.). 

The above list does not specify the garden Babur made and] 
selected for his burial ; this is described apart {I.e. p. 588) wit! 
details of its restoration and embellishment by Shah-i-jahai 
the master-builder of his time, as follows : — 

The burial-garden was SOOyards {^gaz) long ; its ground w? 
in 15 terraces, 30 yards apart (?). On the 15th terrace is the 
tomb of Ruqaiya Sultan Begam 3 ; as a small marble platfori 
{chabutra) had been made near it by Jahanglr's command, Shah- 
i-jahan ordered (both) to be enclosed by a marble screen] 
three yards high. — Babur's tomb is on the 14th terrace. Ii 
accordance with his will, no building was erected over it, but 
Shah-i-jahan built a small marble mosque on the terrace below/ 
It was begun in the 17th year (of Shah-i-jahan's reign) and was 
finished in the 19th, after the conquest of Balkh and Badakh-I 
shan, at a cost of 30,000 n7/f.f. It is admirably constructed^ 
— From the 12th terrace running- water flows along the lin( 
{I'astd) of the avenue ; 5 but its 1 2 water-falls, because notj 

^ Jahanglr who encamped in the Shahr-ara-garden in Safar 1016 ah. (May 1607 ad.] 
says it was made by Babur's aunt, Abu-sa'id's daughter Shahr-banu (Rogers and 
Beveridge's Memoirs ofjahdttgir i, lo6). 

^ A Jalau-khdna might be where horse-head-gear, bridles and reins are kept, bu 
Ayin 60 (A. -i-A. ) suggests there may be another interpretation. 

3 She was a daughter of Hind-al, was a grand-daughter therefore of Babur, wa 
Akbar's first wife, and brought up Shah-i-jahan. Jahanglr mentions that she made 
her first pilgrimage to her father's tomb on the day he made his to Babur's, Fridaj 
Safar 26th ioi6ah. (June 12th 1607 ad.). She died «>/. 84on Jumada I. 7th 1035AH. 
(Jan. 25th 1626 AD. ). Cf. Tuzuk-i-jahangi7-i, Muh. Hadl's Supplement lith. ed.j 
p. 401. 

•♦ Mr. H. H. Hayden's photograph of the mosque shows pinnacles and thus enablesi 
its corner to be identified in his second of the tomb itself. 

5 One of Daniel's drawings (which I hope to reproduce) illuminates this otherwise j 
somewhat obscure passage, by showing the avenue, the borders of running- water and j 
the little water-falls, — all reminding of Madeira, 


constructed with cemented stone, had crumbled away and their 
charm was lost ; orders were given therefore to renew them 
entirely and lastingly, to make a small reservoir below each fall, 
and to finish with Kabul marble the edges of the channel and 
the waterfalls, and the borders of the reservoirs. — And on the 
9th terrace there was to be a reservoir 1 1 x 1 1 yards, bordered 
with Kabul marble, and on the loth terrace one 15 X 15, and 
at the entrance to the garden another 15x15, also with a marble 
border. — And there was to be a gateway adorned with gilded 
cupolas befitting that place, and beyond {pesh) the gateway 
a square station,^ one side of which should be the garden-wall 
and the other three filled with cells ; that running-water should 
pass through the middle of it, so that the destitute and poor 
people who might gather there should eat their food in those 
cells, sheltered from the hardship of snow and rain.^ 

' choki, perhaps "shelter" ; see Hobson-Jobson s.n. 

- If told with leisurely context, the story of the visits of Babur's descendants to 
Kabul and of their pilgrimages to his tomb, could hardly fail to interest its readers. 




Index I, Personal 

Aba-bikr Mirza Mzmn-s/td/n Ttmurid, Barlds Turk, son 
of Abu-sa'id and a Badakhshi beglm — particulars 22, 26 ; 
his attack on Hisar 51 ; defeated by Husain Bdi-qard and 
his death (884) 260; his Bal-qara marriage 266; a Badakhshi 
connection 51 ; [t884 AH.-1479 ad.]. 

Aba-bikr Mirza Diighldt Kdshgharl, son of Saniz and a 
Chlras (van Jaras) beglm — invades Farghana (899) 32 ; 
his annexations in Badakhshan 695 ; his Mlranshahi wife 48 ; 

*Abbas, a slave — murderer of AulQgh (Ulugh) Beg Shdh- 
rukhi (853) 85. 

* Abbas Sultan Auzbeg — marries Gul-chihra Mirdn-shdhi, 
Babur's daughter (954) 713. 

*Abdu'l-'ali Tarkhan Arghun Chingiz-Khdnid — particulars 
38, 39; [fcir. 899 AH.-1494 AD.]. 

*Abdu'l-*aziz mir-akhimir — ordered to catch pheasants (925) 
404; i»^^ posted in Labor (930) 442; sent into Milwat 
(932) 460; on service 465-6, 471, 530; the reserve at 
Panlpat 472-3 ; reinforces the right 473 ; surprised and de- 
feated by Sanga (933) 549, 550 ; in the left wing at Kanwa 
567, 570 ; pursues Sanga 576 ; ordered against Baluchis 
(935) 638 ; writes from Labor about the journey of Babur's 
family 659, 660 ; arrested 688 ; nip- sequel to his sedition 
not given in the Akbar-7idina 692 ; dip- reference to his 
sedition 698. 

*Ab(iu'l-'aziz Mirza Shdh-riikhi Thnurid, Barlds Turk, son 
of Aiilugh Beg — his Chaghatal wife 19-20. 

*Abdu'l-baqi— surrenders Qandahar to Babur (928)436,437. 

*Abdu'l-baqi Mirza Mirdn-shdhi Timurid, Barlds Turk, son 
of 'Usman — particulars 280 ; ; referred to 266 n. 6 ; goes to 
Herl (908) 336 ; his wife Sultanim Bdl-qard 265 n. 5, 280. 

*Abdu'l-ghaffar tawdchl — conveys military orders (935) 638. 

Mir *Abdu'l-ghafur Ldrl, of Husain Bdl-qaras Court — 
particulars 284, 285 ; [t912 AH.-l 506-7 AD.]. 

' The fist indicates Translator's matter. 
H. OF B. 48 T^l 

Index I. Personal 

tomb visited by Babur (912) 285, 305 ; Babur's reverential 
mention of him 283, 286 , liis example followed by pro- 
duction of the Wdlidiyyah-risdla (935) 620 ; his birth-place 
623 n. 8; his disciple 'Abdu'l-ghafur 284; [898AH.-1492 AD.]. 

*Abdu'r-rahnian Khan Barak-zdi Afghan, Amir of Afghani- 
stan — mentioned in connection with Jami's tomb 305 n. 6 ; 
[11319 AH.-1901 AD.]. 

*Abdu'r-razzak Mirza Mirdn-shdhl Tiniurid^ Barlds Turk^ 
son of Aulugh ^Qg Kdbuli~\osQs Kabul (910) 195, 365 ; out 
with Babur 234 ; surmised part-vendor of Babur's mother's 
burial-ground 246 n. 2 ; in Herat (912) 298 ; escapes ShaibanI 
and joins Babur (91 3) 331 ; in the left wing at Qandahar 334; 
his loot 337-8 ; deserts Qalat in fear of ShaibanI 340 ; left 
in charge of Kabul ib. ; given Ningnahar 344 ; rebels (914) 
345 ; his position stated 345 n. 6 ; [t915 AH.-1509 AD. ?]. 

Khwaja*Abdu*sh-shahid,son of Ahrarl's fifth sonKhwajagan- 

khwaja ('Abdu'1-lah) — placed on Babur's right-hand (935) 

631 ; gifts made to him 632 ; invited to a ma'jiin-pdiVty 653 ; 

particulars 653 n. 4 ; ^m^ a likely recipient of the Mubin 438, 

631 n. 3 ; [t982 AH.-1574 AD.]. 
*Abdu'sh-sh.ukur Mughal, son of Qarnbar-i-*all Sildkh — 

serving Jahanglr Mlrdn-shdhi (after 910) 192 ; in the right 

wing at Kanwa (933) 566. 
*Abdu'l-walihab Mughal — given Shaikh Puran to loot (913) 

*Abdu'l-wahhab shaghdwal, servant of *Umar-shaikh and 

K\\vt\d.^ Mirdn-shdhl — forwards news (899) 25 ; gives Khujand 

to Babur 54 ; his son Mir Mughul q,v. 

Abraha Yemeni^ an Abyssinian Christian — his defeat (571 ad.) 

563 n. 3. 
Imam Abu Hanifa — his followers' respect for the Hiddyat 16 ; 

his ruling that peacock-meat is lawful food 493. 

Khwaja Abu'l-barka Fardqi — criticizes Bana'I's verse (906) 

Shaikh Abu'l-fatb-, servant of the Shah-zada of Munglr — 

envoy from Bengal to Babur (934, 935) 676 ; placed on 

Babur's right-hand (935) 631. 
Abu'1-fath Sa'id Khan, see Said Khan Chaghatdi. 
AbuT-fath Turkmdn, son of ' Umar — his joining Babur from 

'Iraq 280 ; made military-collector of DhOlpur (933) 540 ; 

Babur visits his hammdm (935) 615. 


Index I. Personal 

Abu'1-fazl, see Akbar-ndma. 

Abu^-hasan qiir-begi — in the right wing at Qandahar (913) 
334; does well (925)404; his brother Muhammad Husain^.z/. 

Abu'l-hasan qiirchl — in the centre at Qandahar (913) 335. 

Abu'l-hashim, servant of SI. 'Ali [Taghsii Begc/iik] — overtakes 
Babur with ill news (925) 412. 

Abu'l-ma'ali Tlrmizi — iWP^ his burial-place has significance 
as to Mahdl Khwaja's family 705 ; [t97l AH.-1564 AD.]. 

Khwaja Abu'l-makaram — supports Bal-sunghar Mtrdn-shdhi 
(901) 62, (902) 65 ; acts for peace (903) 91 ; meets Babur, 
both exiles (904) 99 ; at Babur's capture of Samarkand (906) 
132, 141 ; leaves it with him 147 n. 2 ; speaks for him (908) 
157-8; fails to recognize him 161; ^m- at Archlan 184; 
[1908 AH.-1502 AD.]. 

Shaikh Abu'l-mansur Mdtartdi — his birthplace Samarkand 
75, 76 ; [t333 ah:-944 ad.]. 

Abu'l-muhammad 7teza-bdz — in the ttdghuma of the left wing 
at Panlp'at (932) 473 ; on service (933) 582, (934) 589, 598. 

Abu'l-mu^iammad Khujandi — his sextant 74 n.4. 

Abu'l-muhsin Mirza Bdi-qard Tzmiirid, Bar Ids Turk, son 
of Husain and Latif — particulars 262 (where for " husain " 
read muhsin), 269 ; serving his father (901) 58 ; defeats his 
brother Badl'u'z-zaman (902) 69, 70 ; defeated by his father 
at Halwa-spring (904) 260 ; his men take Qarakul from 
Auzbegs (906) 135 ; co-operates against ShaibanI (912) 296; 
rides out to meet Babur 297 ; they share a divan 298 ; 
presses him to winter in Heri 300 ; returns to his district 
(Merv) 301 ; his later action and death 329-30, 331 ; 
[t913 AH.-1507 AD.]. 

Abu'l-muslim Kukuldash — brings an Arghun gift to Babur 

Abu'l-qasim Jaldlr — tells Babur a parrot story (935)^ 494. 

Abu'l-qasim — a musician (923) Z%1 , 388 (here Qasim only). 

Abu'l-qasim Kohbur Chaghatdi, son of Haidar-i-qasim — on 
service with Babur (902) 68, (906) 130, 131, 133; in the 
right wing at Sar-i-pul (Khwaja Kardzan) 139 ; killed 141 ; 
[t906 AH.-1501 AD.]. 

Shaikh Abu'1-wajd Fdrighi, maternal-uncle of Zain Khawdft 
— makes verse on the Kabul-river (932) 448 ; his chronogram 
on Al-aman's birth (935) 621 ; [1940 AH.-1533 ad.^]. 

' The date 935 ah. is inferred from p. 483. 

* Cf. Badayuni's Mtmtakhabu't-tawarlkh and Ranking's trs. i, 616 and n. 4, 617. 


Index I. Personal 

Shaikh Abu-sa'id Khan Dar-miydn ' — particulars 276. 

Sultan Abu-sa'id Mirza Mirdn-shdhi Tinmrid, Barlds Turk 
— his descent 14; asserts Timurid supremacy over Chaghatal 
Khaqans (855) 20, 344, 352; takes Mawara'u'n-nahr (855) 
86; forms his Corps of Braves 28, 50 ; a single combat in his 
presence (857) 50 ; defeats Husain Bdi-qard (868) 259 ; a 
swift courier to him 25 ; joined by the Black-sheep Turkmans 
(872) 49; orders the Hindustan army mobilized 46 ; defeated 
and killed by the White-sheep Turkmans (873) 25, 46, 49 ; 
appointments named 24, 37 ; his banishment of Nawa'I 271 ; 
reserves a Chaghatal wife for a son 21, 36 ; his Badakhshi 
wife and their son 22,^ 260 ; his Tarkhan Arghicn wife and 
their sons, ZZ, 45 ; his mistress Khadija q.v. ; his daughters 
Payanda-sultan, Shahr-banu, Rabi'a-sultan, Khadlja-sultan, 
Fakhr-i-jahan, Apaq-sultan, Aq Beglm q.v. ; retainers named 
as his *Ali-dost Sdghdrichi, Muhammad Baranduq, Aurus, 
and Zu'n-nun Arghun q.v. ; his marriage connection Nuyan 
Ttrmiztq.v.\ [t873 AH.-1469 AD.]. 

Abu-sa'id Puran, see Jamalu'd-dln. 

Abu-sa*id Sultan Auzbeg-Shaibdn^ Chingiz-khdnid, son of 
Kuchum— iW^ at Ghaj-davan (918) 360 ; at Jam (935) 622, 
636; sends an envoy to Babur 631, 632, 641 ; [t940 AH.- 
1533-4 AD.]. 

Shaikh Abu-sa*id Tarkhan (van Bu-sa'ld) — his house Mirza 
Khan's loot in Qandahar (913) 338. 

Abu-turab Mirza Bdi-qard Timurid, Barlds Turk, son of 
Husain and Mlngll — particulars 262, 269; his son Sohrab q.v. ; 
[t before 91 1 AH.-l 505-6 ad.]. 

Adik Sultan Qazzdq.Juji Chingiz-khdnid {yds. Aung Sultan), 
son of JanI Beg Khan (T.R. trs. 373) — husband of Sultan- 
nigar Chaghatdi q.v. 

*Adil Sultan Auzbeg-Shaibdn{}), Chingiz-khdnid{}), son of 
Mahdl and a Bal-qara beglm — marries Shad Bdi-qard 263 ; 
suggestions as to his descent 264 n. 1 ; waits on Babur at 
Kalanur (932) 458 ; on Babur's service 468, 471, 475, 530 ; 
in the left wing at Panlpat 472, and at Kanwa (933) 567, 
570; ordered against Baluchls (935) 638 ; im^ mentioned as 
a landless man 706. 

Sayyida Afaq, a legendary wife of Babur 358 n. 2 ; her son 
and grandson ib. 

' Fert^ translates this sobriquet by U d&voui {Vie de SI. Hossein Baikara 
p. 40 n. 3). 

» At p. 22 n. 8 fill out to Cf. f. 6^ (p. 13) n. 5. 

Index I. Personal 

Afghani Aghacha, see Mubarika. 

Sayyid Afzal Beg, son of 'All Khwdb-bin — conveys Husain 

Bdl-qard's summons to Babur for help against Shaibani (911) 

255 ; particulars 282 ; takes news to Herat of Babur's start 

from Kabul (91 2) 294; sends him news of Husain's death 295 ; 

[t921 AH.-1516 AD.]. 
Agha Begim Bdi-qat-d Ttmurid, Barlds Turk, daughter of 

Husain and Payanda-sultan — parentage and marriage (or 

betrothal, H.S. iii. 327) 266; [f died in childhood]. 
Agha-sultan, ghunchachi of 'Umar Shaikh — her daughter 

Yadgar-i-sultan q.v. 
Ahi— his feet frost-bitten (912) 311. 
Ahi, a poet— particulars 289 ; [t907 AH.-l 501-2]. 
Ahli, a poet — particulars 290 ; (for 4 writers using Ahli as 

their pen-name see 290 n. 6). 
Sultan Ahmad Ailchi-hugJid, Mughul — one of four daring much 

(912) 315 ; in the left wing at Qandahar (913) 334. 
Pir Ahmad — leaves Samarkand with the Tarkhans (905) 121 ; 

fights for Babur at Sar-i-pul (Khwaja Kardzan) (906) 139. 
Ahmad Afshdr Tm-k — a letter to him endorsed bv Babur (935) 

Mirza Ahmad *Ali Far si, Barlds — particulars 273. 'All Tar khan ^^'^/«/«, brother of Qull Beg — favours 

Babur and admits him to Qandahar (913) 337. 
Mulla Aljmad Balk In— conveys treasure to Balkh (932) 446. 
Mirza Sayyid! Ahmad Mirdn-shdhi Timurid, Barlds Turk, son 

of Miran-shah — particulars 257 n. 5 ; named in a line of 

descent 280 n. 1 ; his son Ahmad and grandson 'Abdu'l- 

baql q.v. 
Mir Ahmad Beg Itdraji Mughul, paternal-uncle of Tambal — 

guardian of a son of The Khan (Mahmud) 115 ; reinforces 

Babur (903) 92; acts against him (905) 115, 116; acts 

against 'Ah Mirdn-shdhi 112; makes a contemptuous speech 

about Tambal (906) 145. 
Ahmad Beg S of awl — ^jm^ leads a reinforcement to help Babur 

'(917) 353. 
Sultan Ahmad Chdr-shambdi, see Char-shamba. 
Ahmad chdshnigir — helps in poisoning Babur (933) 541 ; 

[1933 AH.-l 526 AD.]. 
Ahmad Haji Beg Dillddl, Barlds Turk — particulars 25, Til, 
' 38 ; his pen-name Wafa'i and a couplet of his 38 ; his 


Index I. Personal 

hospitality to 'Ali-sher JVazvdi 38, 271 ; drives Khusrau Shah 
from Samarkand(900)5l; supports B3,l-suiigha.r Mirdn-skd/ii 
in the Tarkhan rebellion (901) 62, 63 ; his death at the hands 
of slaves and slave-women 63-4; [fQOl AH.-1496 AD.]. 

Ahmsidi/>arwdnc/n—on service (925) 377, (932) 458, 460, (933) 
540 ; sent to surprise Ibrahim Lzldi (932) 468 (his name is 
omitted in my text) ; in the left centre at Panipat 472, 473 ; 
his ill-behaviour in the heats 524. 

Sultan Ahmad Khan — Alacha Khan — Chaghatat Chingiz- 
khdnid, son of Yunas and Shah Beglm — particulars 23, 160 ; 
meaning of his sobriquet Alacha Khan 23 ; younger Khan- 
dada, Babur's name for him 1 29 ; considered as a refuge for 
Babur (899) 29, (903) 92, (906) 129, (908) 158; visits 
Tashkint (908) 159 ; ceremonies of meeting 160-1, 171-2 ; 
moves with his elder brother Mahmud against Tambal 161, 
168, 171; his kindness to Babur 159, 166-7, 169,171; is 
given Babur's lands and why 168 ; retires from Andijan in 
fear of ShaibanI 172; defeated by ShaibanI at Archlan 
(908 or 909) 7, 23, Wf 182-3 ; his death (909) reported to 
Babur (911) 246 and n. 4: his sons Mansur, Said, Baba 
(T.R. trs. 160, Babajak), Chln-tlmur, TQkhta-bugha, and 
Alsan-timiir q.v. ; his grandson Baba q.v. ; l»^ followers of 
his return from forced migration (908) when ShaibanI is 
killed (916) 351 ; [fend of 909 AH.-1504 AD.]. 

Ahmad Khan H dji-tarkhdnl (Astrakhdni) — marries Badi'u'l- 
jamal (Badka) Bdi-qard (899?) 257, 258; their sons 
(Mahmud and Bahadur) 258 ; their daughter Khan-zada q.v. 

Sultan Ahmad Mirza Dilghldt — sent by The Khan (MahmOd) 
to help Babur (908) 161. 

Sultan Ahmad Mirza Mirdn-shdhi Timurid, Barlds Turk, 
son of Abu-sa'id — the lands his father gave him 35, 86 ; his 
brother Mahmud taken to his care (873 or 4) 46 ; his disaster 
on the Chir (895) 17, 25, 31, 34 ; a swift courier to him 25 
defeats 'Umar Shaikh 17, 34; 12 n. 2; 53; invades Farghana 
(899) 13, 30 ; given Aura-tlpa 27 ; dreaded for Babur 29 
retires and dies 31, 33 \ particulars 33, 40; referred to by 
Husain Bdi-qard (910) 190 ; his wives and children 35-6 
an honoured Beg Nuyan Ttnmziq.v. ; [t899 AH.-1494 AD.] 

Sultan Ahmad Mirza, Mtrdn-shdhi Timiirid, Barlds Turk 
son of Mirza Sayyidi Ahmad — particulars 257 n. 5 ; his wife 
Aka Beglm Bdi-qard and their son Kichik Mirza q.v. ; 266 
n. 6 ; a building of his at Herl 305. 


Index I. Personal 

Ahmad mushtdq, Turkman — takes Mahmud Mtrdn-shdhi to 
Hisar (873 or 4) 46-7. 

Sultan Ahmad qardwal, father of Quch (Quj) Beg, Tardi Beg 
and Sher-afgan Beg q.v. — defends Hisar (901) 58 ; enters 
Babur's service (905) 112 ; in the left wing at Khuban (905) 
113; holds Marghlnan 123. 

Ahmad-i-qasim. Kohbur Chaghatdt, son of Haidar-i-qasim — 
with Babur(906) 133 ; invited to a disastrous entertainment 
(907) 152 ; joins Jahanglr and Tambal 156 ; in Akhsl(908) 
171 ; defeats an Auzbeg raider (910) 195; helps to hold 
Kabul for Babur (912) 313 ; pursues Mirza Khan 317, 320 ; 
holding Tashkint against Auzbegs (918) 356, 358, 396, 397 ; 
a Kabull servant of his 351. Qibchdq Turk, (grand-?) son of BaqI Chaghd- 
nidni and a sister of Khusrau Shah, perhaps son of BaqI's 
son Muhammad-i-qasim (189 n. 3) — holding Kahmard and 
Bamlan (910) 189 ; given charge of the families of Babur's 
expeditionary force 189 ; ill-treats them and is forced to flee 
197, 243 ; goes to Husain Bdl-qard ib. ; killed at Qunduz 
244; [1910 AH.-1505 ad.]. 

Sultan Ahmad Qazi Qilich — particulars 29 ; his son Khwaja 
Maulana-i-qazI q.v. 

AhmLad qushchl — seen by the fugitive Babur (908) 180. 

Khwaja Ahmad Sajdwandi — his birthplace 217. 

Ahmad Shah Khilji Turk — dispossessed of Chandlrl by 
' Ibrahim Liidi 593 ; restored by Babur (934) 598. Shah Durrdni, Abddll Afghdn — his victory at Panlpat 
'(1174)472; [tll82 AH.-1772 ad.]. 

Ahmad Tarkhan Arghun Ckmglz-khdnid (7) — ^joins Babur in 
Samarkand (906) 133; loses DabiisI to Shaibanl 137; 
[t906 AH.-1500 AD.]. (son of) Tawakkal Barlds, amir of Husain Bdl-qard 
— particulars 272. 

Ahmad ydsdwal — conveys a message from Babur to the begs 
' of Kabul Fort (912) 314. 

Khwaja Ahmad Yasawi — Sayyid Ata — Shaibanl's vow at 
his shrine 348, 356 ; [t514 AH.-l 120-1 AD.].^ Beg Ailghldqchi, son of Hasan, nephew of 
Yusuf — managing Yar-yllaq for 'All M Iran- shd hi {90^) 98; 
dismissed on suspicion of favouring Babur 98 ; probably 

' For an account of his tomb see Schuyler's Turkistdn, 1, 70-72. 


Index I. Personal 

joins Babur with his uncle (910) 196 ; remonstrated with 
him for fighting unmailed (911) 252; helping loyalists in 
Kabul (912) 313 ; saves Babur a blow 315, 316 ; at Bajaur 
(925) 369, 401 (here Ahmad Beg); joins Babur in Hindustan 
(933) 550 ; in the right wing at Kanwa 566 (where in n. 1 
for " may " read is), 569 ; governor of Slalkot 98. 

Malik Ahmad Yusuf-sdi Afghan, nephew of Sulaiman q.v. — 
particulars App. K. 

Ai Begim Mirdn-shdhl Timurid, Barlds Turk, daughter of 
Mahmudand Khan-zadall. — betrothed to Jahangir. (a>.895) 
48 ;' married (910) 189 ; their daughter 48. 

Aiku-salam Mug/nil — rebels against Babur (914) 345. 

Aiku'-timiir Beg* Tarkhan Arghun — his descendant Dar- 
wesh Beg q.v. ; [t793 AH.-1391 AD.]. 

Sultan Ailik Mdzl Ailighur ( Uighur) — his descendant Khwaja 
Maulana-i-qazI q.v. 

Airzin Beg (var. Alrazan) Bdrin Mughtil — supports Yunas 
Chaghatdi {cir. 830), takes him to Auliagh Beg Shdh-rukht 
(<:/r. 832) 19; ill-received and his followers scattered 20; 
[t832 AH.-1428 AD.]. 

Aisan-bugha Khan Chaghatdi Chingiz-khdnid, son of Dawa 
— named in Yunas Khan's genealogy 19; \^cir. 718 AH.- 
1318 AD.]. 

Aisan-bugha Khan II. Chaghatdi Chingiz-khdnid, son of 
Wais — particulars 19 ; invades Farghana and defeated at 
Aspara {cir. 855) 20 ; quarrels with the begs of the SagharlchI 
tiimdn and leads to the elevation of Yunas ib. ; [t866 AH.- 
1462 AD.]. 

Aisan-daulat Begim Kiinji (or Kiinchi) Mughili, wife of 
Yiinas Chaghatdi — particulars 20, 21 ; her good judgment 
(900) 43 ; entreats Babur's help for Andijan (903) 88-9 ; 
joins him in Khujand after the loss of Andijan 92, and in 
Dikh-kat after that of Samarkand (907) 151 ; news of her 
death reaches Kabul (911) 246 ; rears one of 'Umar Shaikh's 
daughters 18; her kinsmen 'Ah-dost, Sherim, Ghiyas q.v. ; 
[t910 An.-1505AD.]. 

Aisan-quli Sultan Afizbcg-Shaibdn, Chingiz-khanid — his 
Bal-qara marriage, 265, 397. 

Aisan-timur Sultan Chaghatdi Chingiz-khanid, son of 
Ahmad (Alacha Khan) — on Babur's service 318, 682 ; meets 

^ Or Aigu (Ayagu) from dydgh, foot, perhaps expressing close following of 
Timiir, whose friend the Beg was. 


Index I. Personal 

Babur (935) 654 ; in the battle of the Ghogra 672, 673 ; 
thanked 677 ; angers Babur 684. 

Aka Beg-im Barlds Turk, daughter of Timur — an ancestress 
of Husain Bdi-qard 256. 

Aka Begim Bdi-qard Timiirid, daughter of Mansur and 
Firuza — particulars 257 ; her husband Ahmad and their son 
Kichik Mirza q.v. 

Abu'l - fath Jalalu'd - din Muhammad Akbar Mirdn - shdhi 
Tzimlrid, Barlds Turk, grandson of Babur and Mahim — 
i*^ 184; wr- an addition about him made to the Chihil- 
zlna inscription 432 ; Wtr- his visit to Panlpat (963) 472 ; 
his change in the name of the cherry explained by Babur's 
words 501, n. 6; [flOH AH.-1605 ad.]. 
Alacha Khan, see Ahmad Chaghatdi. 
Al-aman, son of Humayun — his birth and name (935) 621, 

624, 642 ; [f in infancy]. 

*Alain Khan Kdlpi, son of Jalal Y^h^^w Jik-hat {or Jig-hat) — 

holding KalpI and not submissive to Babur (932) 523 ; goes 

to Court (933) 544 ; disobeys orders 557 ; is Babur's host in 

KalpI (934) 590 ; on service (935) 682 ; an order about 

him 684. 

'Alau'u'd-dln 'Alam Khan Lildi Afghdn, son of Buhlul — 

_ wm- a principal actor between 926-32 AH. 428 ; wm^ asks 

bfc ^"*^ obtains Babur's help against his nephew Ibrahim (929) 

I^L 439-441 : placed by Babur in charge of Dibalpur (930) 442 ; 

I^^K- i«- defeated by Daulat Khan Yusuf-khail (931) 444 ; flees 

1^^^^ to Kabul and is again set forth 444, 455 ; defeated by 

wK Ibrahim and returns to Babur (932) 454-8 ; his relations 

^K with Babur reviewed 455, n. 1 ; in Fort Ginguta 457, 463 ; 

^^K in the left centre at Kanwa (933) 565 ; his sons Jalal, Kamal, 

^V and Sher Khan {Ludi) q.v. 

^H Sultan 'Alau'u'd-dln *Alani Khan Sayyidi — holding Dihli 481 ; 
■. '[t855 AH.-1451 AD.]. 

^H *Alani Khan Tahangari, brother of Nizam Khan of Blana — 
^K works badly with Babur's force (933) 538 ; defeated by his 

brother 539 ; sent out of the way before Kanwa 547. 
*Alau'u'd-din Husain Shah, ruler in Bengal— the circum- 
stances of his succession 483 ; his son Nasrat q.v. ; [t925 AH.- 
1518 AD.?]. 
*Alau'u'd-din Husain Jahdn-sos GhUri — his destruction in 
Ghazni (550) 219; [t556 AH.-1161 ad.?]. 


Index I. Personal 

Sultan *Alau'u'd-(iin Muhammad Shah Khilji Turk — 

Babiir visits his tomb and minar (932) 476 ; his bringing of 

the Koh-i-nur from the Dakkhin 477 ; [t7l5 AH.-1315 AD.]. 
Sultan *Alau'u'd-dm Sawddi — waits on Babur (925) 372, 

*Alaul Khan Sur Afghan — writes dutifully to Babur (935) 659. 
'Alaul Khan Nukdni Afghan — his waitings on Babur (934, 

935) 677, 680. ' 
Sharafu'd-din Muhammad al Busiri — his Qasidatii l-bilrda an 

example for the Wdlidiyyah-risdla 620 ; \^cir. 693 AH.- 

1294 AD.]. 
Alexander of Macedon, see Iskandar Filqus {FaUaqus). 
Sayyid *Ali — escapes from a defeat (909) 102 ; out with Babur 

(925) 403 ; sent against BaluchTs (935) 638. 
Sultan *Ali asghar Mirza Shdh-7'ukhi Tinu'irtd, Barlds Turk, 

son of Mas'ud Kdbuli — particulars 382. 
*Ali Ataka, servant of Khalifa — reinforces the right wing 

{tiilghuma) at Kanwa (933) 569. 
Shaikh *Ali Bahadur, one of Timiirs chiefs — his descendant 

Baba 'Ah 27. 
Khwaja 'All Bai — mentioned (906) 127 ; fights for Babur at 

Sar-i-pul (Khwaja Kardzan) 139 ; his son Jan-i-*ali q.v. 
Shaikh *Ali Bdrin Mughul, son of Shaikh Jamal — in the left 

wing {tulghuma) at Panlpat (932) 473 ; sent against BaluchTs 

(935) 638. 
*Ali Barlds Turk — his son Muhammad Baranduq q.v. 
*Ali 'Eqq faldlr Chaghatdi, father of Hasan-i-*Ah and Apaq 

Bega — his Shah-rukhl service 278.^ 
Mir (Shaikh) * All Beg Turk (inferred 389\ governor of Kabul 

for Shah-rukh Timurid — his sons Baba Kabull, Darya Khan, 

and GhazI (Apaq) Khan {q.v?) cherished by Mas'ud Shdh- 

rukhi 382 ; (see his son Ghazl's grandson Minuchihr for a 

Turk relation 386). 
Sultan *Ali chuhra, Chaghatdl — his loyalty to Babur doubted 

(910) 239; rebels (914) 345. 
Sayyid *Ali-darwesh Beg: Khurdsdnl — particulars 28 ; with 

Jahanglr {cet. 8), in Akhsl (899) 32, leaves Babur for home 

(903) 91 ; on Babur's service (904) 106, (905) 28, 118. 

' Daulat-shah celebrates the renown of the Jalair section {farqd) of the Chaghatai 
tribes [agwdm) of the Mughul horde [aiilus, iilus), styles the above-entered 'AH Beg 
a veteran hero, and links his family with that of the Jalair Sultans of Baghdad 
(Browne's ed. p. 519). 


Index I. Personal 

Mir * All- dost Taghai Kilnjt Mughul, a SagharIchI-/«;;/i« 
beg — particulars 27-8 ; his appointment on Babur's accession 
(899) 32 ; has part in a conference (900) 43 ; surrenders 
Andijan (903) 88-9 ; asks Babur's pardon (904) 99 ; gives 
him Marghlnan 100 ; defeated by Tambal 106 ; in the right 
wing at Khaban (905) 113; his ill-timed pacifism 118; 
his self-aggrandizement 119, 123 ; joins Babur against 
Samarkand 123 ; in fear of his victims, goes to Tambal 125 ; 
his death ib. ; his brother Ghiyas, his son Muhammad-dost, 
and his servant Yul-chuq q.v. ; [fa few years after 905 AH- 
1500 AD.]. 

Mir Sayyid 'All Hamaddnl — his death and burial 211 ; [1786 
AH.-1384 AD.]. 

Mulla 'Ali-jan (van Khan) — fetches his wife from Samarkand 
(925) 403 ; is taught a rain-spell (926) 423 ; makes verse on 
the Kabul-river (932) 448 ; a satirical couplet on him made 
and repented by Babur 448 ; host of Mulla Mahmud Fardbi 
(935) 653. 

'All Khan Bdyandar, Aq-qfiilnq Turkman — ^joins Husain Bat- 
qard {^1Z) 279. 

Shaikh-zada 'All Khan Farnmli Afghdn — his family -train 
captured (932) 526 ; waits on Babur 526-7 ; in the left wing 
at Kanwa (933) 567 ; on service 576, 582, 678. 

'All Khan Istilju — leads Isma'il Safawts reinforcement to 
Babur (917) 353. 

Sayyid 'All Khan Turk, son of GhazI (Apaq) Khan and 
grandson of Mir (Shaikh) *Ali Beg — ope of Sikandar LiidVs 
Governors in the Panjab(910) 382 ; leaves Bhira on Babur's 
approach ib. ; his lands made over by him to Daulat Khan 
Yi7suf-khail3S2-Z ; his son Minuchihr and their Turk relation 
(389) q.v. 

'All Khan Turkmdn, son of 'Umar Beg — defends the Bai-qara 
families against ShaibanI (913) 328. 

'All Khan Yusuf-khail Liidi Afghdn — eldest son of Daulat 
Khan — his servants wait on Babur (925) 382 ; comes out of 
Milwat (Malot) to Babur (932) 459-60 ; sent under guard 
to BhIra 461 ; his son Isma'll q.v. 

Sayyid *Ali Khwdb-bm, father of Sayyid Afzal q.v. (cf H.S. 
lith. ed. iii, 346. 

Mulla Sultan 'All khwush-nazvis, calligrapher of Husain Bdi- 
qard — particulars 291 ; given lessons in penmanship by 
ShaibanI (913) 329 ; [t919 AH.-1513 ad.]. 


Index I. Personal 

* Ali-mazid Beg qiichin — particulars 26 ; leaves Babur for 
home (903) 91. 

Mir *Ali mir-akhivur^ — particulars 279; helps Hu sain ^<7i"-^<7m 
to surprise Yadgar-i-muhammad Shdh-rukhi in Herl (875) 
134, 279. 

Sultan * All Mirza Mirdn-shdhi Timuridy Barlds Turk, son of 
Mahmud and Zuhra — particulars 47 ; serving his half-brother 
Bal-sunghar (900) 27, 55 ; made pddshdh in Samarkand by 
the Tarkhans(901)62-3, 86; meets Babur 64 ; their arrange- 
ment 66 ; (902) 65, 82, 86 ; gives no protection to his blind 
half-brother Mas'ud (903) 95 ; suspects a favoured beg (904) 
98 ; quarrels with the Tarkhans (905) 121 ; desertions from 
him 122 ; defeats Mirza Khan's Mughuls ib. ; is warned of 
Babur's approach 125; gives Samarkand to ShaibanI and 
by him is murdered (906) 125-7 ; his wife Sultanim Mirdn- 
shdhl and sister Makhdum-sultan q.v. ; [1906 AH- 1 500 AD.]. 

Sultan *Ali Mirza Taghai Begchlk (Mirza Beg Taghai), 
brother (?) of Babur's wife Gul-rukh — movements of his 
which bear on the lacuna of 914-924 AH. 408 ; arrives in 
Kabul (925) ib. ; Kamran marries his daughter (934) 619; 
conveys Babur's wedding gifts to Kamran (935) 642 ; takes 
also a copy of the Wdlidiyyah-risdla and of the Hindustan 
poems, with writings {sar-khatt) in the Baburl script 642. 

Ustad *Ali-quli— his match-lock shooting at Bajaur (925) 369 ; 
shoots prisoners (932) 466 ; ordered to make Riimi defences 
at Panlpat 469 ; fires firingis from the front of the centre 473 ; 
casts a large mortar (933) 536, 547 ; his jealousy of Mustafa 
Riimi 550 ; his post previous to Kanwa 558 ; his valiant 
deeds in the battle 570-1; a new mortar bursts (934) 588 ; 
his choice of ground at Chandlrl 593 ; his stone-discharge 
interests Babur 595, 670-1-2 ; uses the Ghazi mortar while 
the Ganges bridge is in building 599 ; a gift to his son (935) 
633 ; his post in the battle of the Ghogra 667, 668, 669. 

'Ali-quli Hamaddni — ^m- sent by Babur to punish the 
Mundahirs, and fails (936) 700. 

Mir 'All qiirchi — conveys playing-cards to Shah Hasan Arghiln 
(933) 584. 

Malik *Ali qutniQ) — m the left centre at Bajaur (925) 369. 

' See H.S. lith. ed. iii, 224, for three men who conveyed helpful information to 



Index I. Personal 

*Ali Sayyid Mughnl—m the right wing at Qandahar (913) 
334; rebels(914)345^; hisconnection Aurus-i'AhSayyid335. 

*Ali shab-kur (night-bHnd) — one of five champions defeated in 
single combat by Babur (914) 349. 

Mir *Ali-sher Beg Chaghatdt, pen-names Nawa'i and Fana'I 
— his obligations to Ahmad Hajl Beg and return to Herat 
Z%\ fails in a mission of Husain Bdl-qard's (902) 69^ ; his 
Turk! that of Andijan 4 ; checks Husain in Shi'a action 258 ; 
opposes administrative reform 282 ; particulars 271-2 ; his 
relations with Bana'I 286-7, 648 ; corresponds with Babur 
"(906) 106 ; exchanges quatrains with Pahlawan Bu-sa'id 
292 ; some of his poems transcribed by Babur (925) 419; 
his restoration of the Rabat-i-sang-bast 301 n. 1; his flower- 
garden ibdghchd) and buildings visited or occupied by Babur 
(912) 301, 305, 306; his brother Darwesh-i-'all q.v.\ a 
favoured person 278 ; a mystic of his circle 280-1 ; his scribe 
271; [t906 AH.-Dec. 1500 AD.]. 

*Ali-shukr Beg, of the Baharlu - almaq of the Aq-qulluq3 
Turkmans — his daughter Pasha, grandson Yar-i-*all Baldly 
and descendant Bairam Khan-i-khanan q.v. 

Sultan *Ali Sistani At'ghun — his help against ShaibanI coun- 
selled (913) 326; we- one of five champions worsted by 
Babur in single combat (914) 349 ; with Babur and chops at 
a tiger (925) 393. 

Shaikh 'All Taghai MervtiJ) — holding Balkh for Badl'u'z- 
zaman Bdi-qard (902) 70 ; joint-darogha in Her! (911)293. 

AUah-birdi (var. quh) — serving Babur (910) 234. 

AUah-wairau Ttirkmdn — in the van at Qandahar (913) 335. 

Alur or Alwar,'* son of Babur and Dil-dar — mentioned 689 n. 5. 
i»- 712 ; [fdied an infant]. 

Amin Mirza— an Auzbeg envoy to Babur (935) 631; receives 
gifts 632, 641. 

Amin-i-muhammad Tar khan Arghun — punished for diso- 
bedience (925) 390-1; deals with a drunken companion 41 5. 

Amir Khan, chief guardian of Tahmasp Safawi — iWP~ nego- 
ciates with Babur (927) 433. 

' Later consideration has cast doubts on his identification with Darwesh-i- 'all 
suggested, p. 345 n. 4. 

' On p. 69 n. 2 for aunulfing read aunuttlng and reverse bakuntd with nakunid. 

3 On p. 49 1. 3 for " Black Sheep" read White Sheep. 

-♦ Like his brother Hind-al's name, Alur's ma)' be due to the taking (a/) of Hmd. 


Index I. Personal 


Mulla Apaq— particulars 526 ; on Babur's service (932) 526, 

528, (933) 539, (934) 590 ; surprised by Sanga (933) 549 ; 

made shiqddr of Chandlri 598 ; his retainers on service 

(935) 679. 
Apaq Bega Jaldir Chaghatdi, sister of Husan-i-'all — a poet 

Sayyida Apaq Begim Andikhudt — particulars 267, 268, 269 ; 

visited in Herat by Babur (912) 301. 
Apaq Khan, see GhazI Khan. 
Apaq Khan Yusuf-khail, see GhazI Khan. 
Apaq-sultan Begim Mirdn-shdhi Tlmi'irid, Barlds Turk, 

daughter of Abu-sa'ld — one of the paternal aunts visited by 

Babur (912) 301 n. 3. 
Aq Begim (1), Bdl-qard Tlmurid, Barlds Turk, daughter of 

Husain and Payanda-sultan — particulars 265 ; [pre-deceased 

her husband who died t911 AH.-1504 AD.]. 
Aq Begim (2), Mirdn-shdhl Tiinurid, Barlds 7"«r/&— daughter 

of Abu-sa'ld and Khadija — particulars 262, 268 ; waited on 

by Babur (935) 606. 
Aq Begim (3), ut supra, daughter of Mahmud and Khan- 

zada II. — brought to join Babur's march (910) 48. 
Aq Begim (4), see Saliha-sultan. 
Aq-bugha Beg, one of Timur's chiefs — collateral ancestor of 

Khudal-blrdi Tzmur-tdsk 24. 
*AqiI Sultan Auzbeg-Shaibdn, son of *Adil and Shad Bdi- 

qard — his conjectured descent 264 n. 1 (where in 1. 4 for 

" 'aqil " read ' adil). 
Araish Khan — proffers support to Babur against Ibrahim Ludt 

(932) 463 ; in the left centre at Kanwa (933) 565 ; negociates 

about surrendering Chandlri (934) 594 ; his gift of a boat to 

Babur 663. 
Arghiin Sultan, elder brother of Muhammad 'All Jang-jang 

— deputed to hold Milwat (Malot, 932) 461. 

Shaikh 'Arif Azari, nephew of Timur's story-teller, see Index 

s.n. Aulugh Beg Shdh-rukht\ [1866 AH.-1461-2 AD. cet. 82, 

Arslan Jazdla — his building of the Rabat-i-sang-bast 301 n. 1. 
Asad Beg Turkmdn — joins Husain Bdi-qard 279 ; his brother 

Taham-tan q.v. 
Khwaja and KhwajagI Asadu'1-lah J an- day, Khawdfi — with 

Babur in Dikh-kat (907) 150; envoy to Tahmasp Safawi 


Index I. Pergonal 

(933) 540, 583 ; has charge of Ibrahim Liidis mother 543 ; 
in the right wing at Kanwa 566, 569. 

Khwaja Asafl— particulars 286; waits on Babur (912) 286: 
[t920 or 926 AH.-1514 or 1520 ad.]. 

'Asas, see Khwaja Muhammad 'All 'asas. 

' Ashiq bakdival — with advance-troops for Chandlrl (934) 590 ; 
ordered on service (935) 638. 

'Ashiq-i-muhammad KukuLdash Arghun, son of "Amir 
Tarkhan junaid" (H.S. lith. ed. iii, 359)— defends Ala- 
qurghan against ShaibanI (913) 328; his brother Mazld 
Beg q.v. 

'Ashiqu'1-lah Arghiln — killed fighting against Babur at 
Qandahar (913) 333 (where for '"Ashaq " read *Ashiq). 

Asiru'd-din Akhsikiti, a poet — his birthplace Akhsi-village 
(kit-kint) 9-10; [t608 AH.-1211-2 ad.]. 

Muhammad 'Askari Mirmt-shdhi Timilrldy Bar Ids Turk^ son 
of Babur and Gul-rukh— »^ his birth (922)364 ; gifts to him 
(932) 523, (933) 628 ; WF- his recall from Multan (934) 
603-4-5, 699 ^ ; waits on his father (935) 605 ; made Com- 
mander {cet. cir. 12) of the army of the East 628, 637 ; at a 
feast 631; takes leave 634 ; waits on his father at Dugdugl 
651; east of the Ganges 654; in the battle of the Ghogra 
668-9, 671-3 ; waits on Babur after the victory 674 ; [1965 
AH.-l 557-8 AD.]. 

Asuk Mai Rdjput — negociates with Babur for Sanga's son 

Sayyid *Ata, see Khwaja Ahmad Yasawi. 

Khwaja Jamalu'd-din * Ata — particulars 282 (where in n. 3 for 
(H.S. iii), "345" read 348-9). 

Ataka bakhshi (var. Atlka, Pers. Atka) — a surgeon who dresses 
a wound of Babur's (908) 169. 

Ata 7mr-dkhwur — gives Babur a meal (925) 418. 

Mir Burhanu'd-din *Ata'u'l-lah Mashhadi—i^^x\\QM\d.xs 285 
(H.S. iii, 345) ; [t926 AH.-l 520 ad.]. 

Atun Mama, a governess — walks from Samarkand to Pasha- 
ghar (907) 148 ; mentioned ? (925) 407 1. 4. 

Aughan-birdi J/«^/«^/ (var. Afghan-blrdi and -tardi) — on 
service (925) 376, 377 ; of a boat-party 387 ; in the battle 
of the Ghogra (935) 671, 672. 

Sayyid Aughldqchi, see Murad. 

' See the Tabaqat-i-akbarl account of the rulers of Multan. 
H. OF B. 49 Ti''^ 

Index I. Personal 

Auliya Khan Ishraql — waits on Babur (935) 677. 

Aulugh Beg: Mirza Bdi-qard Timurid, Barlds Turk, son of 
Muhammad Sultan Mirza — his (?) journey to Hindustan 
(933) 265. 

Aulugh Beg Mirza Kdbuli, Mirdn-shdhi, tit supra, son of 
Abu-sa'id — particulars 95 ; his earliest guardians amusingh' 
frustrate his designs against them 270 ; his dealings with 
the Yusuf-zai App. K. xxxvi ; his co-operation with Husain 
Bdi-qard against the Auzbegs 190 ; his praise of Istallf 216 ; 
his death (907) 185 ; gardens of his bought by Babur (perhaps 
one only) 216, (911) 246 ; another garden 315 ; houses of his 
247, 251; his Almshouse 315; referred to 284; his joint- 
guardians Muhammad Baranduq and Jahanglr Barlds, his 
later one Wais Ataka q.v. ; his sons 'Abdu'r-razzaq and 
Miran-shah, his daughter Bega Beglm and daughter-in-law 
Manauwar q.v. ; [t907 AIL- 1501 -2 AD.]. 

Aulugh Beg Mirza Shdh-rukhi, iit supra (Ulugh), son of Shah- 
rukh — his Trans-oxus rule 85 ^ ; receives Yunas Chaghatdl 
badly (832-3?) 19-20; defeated by Aba-bikr Mirdn- 
shdhl 260 ; his family dissensions 20 ; his constructions, 
Astronomical and other 74, 77, 78-9^; his sportsman- 
ship 34 3 ; his murder and its chronograms 85 ; Babur resides 
in his College (906) 142 ; his sons 'Abdu'l-latif and/Abdu'l- 
'azlz q.v. ; a favoured beg Yusuf Aughldqchl q.v. ; Preface, 
q.v. On the misnomer " Mughfd Dynasty ". [1853 AIL- 
1449 AD.]. 

Aulus Agha (Ulus), daughter of Khwaja Husain q.v. — 
particulars 24. 

Aurdu-bugha Tarkhan Arghfin (Urdu) — his son-in-law 
Abu-said Mirdn-shdhi ^\\A son Darwesh-i-muhammad q.v. 

Aurdu-shah -murdered as an envoy (923) 463 n. 3. 

Aurang-zib Padshah Mirdn-shdhi TimHrid, Barlds Turk — 
wr- referred to as of Babur's line 184; [tm8 AH.-O.S. 
1 707 AD.]. 

Amir Aurus— i*^ flees from his post on Shaibanl's death 
(916) 350. 

Aurus-i *Ali Sayyid Mughal, son ? of 'Ali Sayyid — in the 
centre at Qandahar (913) 335. 

' On p. 85 1. 9 for "872 ah. -1467 ad. ", read 851 ah. -1447 ad. 
^ On p. 79 transfer the note-reference "3" to qibla. 

3 See Daulat-shah (Browne's ed. p. 362) for an entertainjng record of the Mirza's* 
zeal as a sportsman and an illustrative anecdote by Shaikh *Arif 'azai-i q.v. (H.B.). 


Index I. Perionai 

Aurus Arghun — his son Muhammad-i-aurus q.v. 

Auzbeg Bahadur (tJzbegj — Wf one of five champions 
worsted in single combat by Babur (914) 349 n. 1. 

Auzun ]^asan Beg Aq-qiilluq Turkman— his defeat of the 
Qara-quUuq Turkmans and of Abu-sa'Id Mlran-shdhi 49 ; 
[t883 AH.-1478 AD.]. 

Khwaja Auzun Hasan (Uzun) ^ — negociates for Babur (899) 
30 ; his appointment 32 ; confers in Babur's interests (900) 
43 (where add his name after 'Ah-dost's) ; acts for Jahanglr 
against Babur (903) 87, 88, 91, (904) 100, 101, 102; his 
.servant's mischievous report of Babur's illness (903) 89 ; his 
men defeated by Babur's allies 102 ; loses Akhsl and 
Andijan 102-3 ; captured and released by Babur 104; goes 
into Samarkand to help Babur (907) 146 ; his brother 
Husain and adopted son Mlrlm q.v. 

'Ayisha-sultan Begim Bdl-qard Timilrid, Barlds Turk, 
daughter of Husain — particulars 267 ; her husbands Qasim 
Auzbeg-Shaibdn and Buran, her .sons Qasim-i-husain and 
'Abdu'1-lah q.v. 

'Ayisha-sultan Begim Mirdn-shdhi, ut supra, daughter of 
Ahmad ( Alacha Khan) and first wife of Babur — particulars 
35", 36; married (905) 35, 120, 711; joins Babur in 
Samarkand (906) 135-6; her child 136; leaves Babur 36. 

Mir Ayub Beg Begchik — particulars 50 ; sent by The Khan 
(Mahmud) to help Babur (903) 92, (906) 138, 161, 170 ; his 
Mughuls misbehave at Sar-i-pul (Khwaja Kardzan) 140 ; 
claims post in the right wing {tt~ilgkuma)\S^ ; his Mughuls 
confuse pass-words 164 ; in the right wing at Qandahar (913) 
334 ; iW^ vainly tempts Said Chaghatdi to betray Babur 
(916) 351 ; i^^'does not then desert 352, 362 ; wr rebels in 
Hisar(918)362 ; Wt- dying, repents his disloyalty (920)362 ; 
his sons Buhlul-i-ayub, Ya*qub-i-ayuband Yusuf-i-ayub q.v. ; 
[t920 AH.-1514AD.]. 

^Azim Humayun Sarwdni — invests Gualiar 477 ; his title 
changed and why (933) 537 ; his son Path Khan q.v. 

Mir *Azu, a musical composer — particulars 292. 

' I have found no statement of his tribe or race ; he and his brother are styled 
Khwaja (H.S. Uth. ed. iii, 272); he is associated closely with_ Ahmad Tambal 
Mughul and Mughuls of the Horde ; also his niece's name Aulus Agha translates as 
Lady of the Horde {tllus, aulus). But he may have been a Turkman. 


Index I. Personal 

Baba 'All aishik-aghd {ishtk), a Lord-of-the-Gate of Husain 
/iif-^^m — particulars 278; his son Yunas-i-'all and friend 
Badru'd-din q.v. 

Baba-qull's Sultan Baba *Ali Beg ^ — particulars 27 ; his sons 
Baba-qull, Sayyidim 'Ah and Dost-i-anjQ (?) Shaikh q.v.\ 
[t900 AH.-1495 AD.]. 

Baba-aughuli, see Papa-aughull. 

Baba Chuhra, a household brave — reprieved from death (914) 
344 ; on Babur's service (932) 474, 534, (934) 590, 602 ; 
does well in the battle of the Ghogra (935) 671. 

Baba Husain, see Husain. 

Baba Jan akhtachi, a groom or squire — Babur dislocates his 
own thumb in striking him (925) 409. ^ 

Baba Jan qdbuzl — musician at entertainments (925) 386-7, 

Baba Kabuli Turk, son of Mir 'All, Shah-rukh {Thm'indys 
Governor of Kabul — nominated 'Umar Shaikh's guardian 
when Kabul was allotted to the boy 14; particulars 382; 
his brothers Darya Khan and GhazI (Apaq) Khan q.v. 

Baba Khan Sultan Chaghatdi Chingiz-khdfudy (Babajak), 
son of Ahmad (Alacha Khan) — his ceremonious meeting 
with Babur (908) 159 ; [living in 948 AH.-1542— T.R.]. 

Baba Khan Chaghatdi, son of The Khan (Mahmiad) — murdered 
with his father and brothers by Shaibani (914) 35. 

Baba Qashqa v^w^^w/ (perhaps identical with Oashqa Mahmud 
Chirds ^.z;.)— out with Babur (925) 404, 40^ ; in charge of 
Dibalpijr (930) 442 ; his brothers Malik Qasim and KukI ; 
his sons Shah Muhammad, Dost-i-muhammad and HajT 
Muhammad Khan Kuki q.v. ; \_^cir. 940 AH.-1553 AD.].^ 

Sultan Baba-quli Beg, son of Sultan Baba 'All Beg — serving 
under Khusrau Shah (901) 60, 61 ; with Babur and captured 
(903) 72 ; staunch to him 91 ; in the centre at Qandahar (913) 
335 ; conveys royal letters (932) 529.3 

Baba Sairami— pursues Babur in his flight from Akhsi (908) 
1 78 ; promised fidelity but seems to have been false 1 79-1 82. 

' The MS. variants between *Ali and -quli are confusing. What stands in my 
text (p. 27) may be less safe than the above. 

" Baba Qashqa was murdered by Muhammad-i-zaman Bal-qard. For further 
particulars of his family group see Add. Notes under p. 404. 

3 Sultan Baba-qull Beg is found variously designated Qui! Beg, Qui! Baba, SI. 
'All Baba-qull, Sultan-quli Baba and Baba-qul! Beg. Several forms appear to 
express his filial relationship with Sultan Baba 'Ali {q.v.). 

Index I. Personal 

Baba Shaikh Chaghatdl, brother of Mulla Baba Pashdghari — 
in the left centre at Qandahar (913) 335; wm^ rebels at 
Ghaznl (921) 363 ; forgiven (925) 397 ; deserts Humayun 
(932) 546 ; his capture and death 545 ; a reward given for 
his head id, ; [t932 or 933 AH.-1526 AD.]. 

Baba Shaikh— sent out for news (935) 661. 

Baba Sher-zad~one of three with Babur against Tambal (908) 
163 ; does well at Akhsi 174 ; fights against rebels at Kabul 
(912) 315 ; at Qandahar (913) 335. 

Baba Sultan Chaghatdi Chingiz-khdnid, son of Khalil son of 
Ahmad (Alacha Khan) — waits on Babur near KalpI (934) 
590 ; particulars 590 ; on service 318, (934) 599 ; not at his 
post (935) 672. 

Baba Yasawal— at the siege of Bajaur (925) 370; chops at 
a tiger's head 393. 

Babu Khan — holding Kalanjar and looking towards HatI 
Kdkar (925) 387. 

Zahlru'd - din Muhammad Babur Padshah Mirdn - shdhi 
Timilrid, Barlds Turk — b. Muharram 6th 888 AH.-Feb. 14th 
1483AD.p.l; tJumadaI,6th93"7AH.-Dec.26thl530A.D.708; 
Parentage:— paternal 13, maternal 19, 21 ; 
Titles : — Mirza (inherited) Padshah (taken) 344, GhazI (won) 
574, Firdaus-makanI (Dweller-in-paradise, posthumous) see 
(jladwin's Revenue Accounts ; 

Religion : — ^ belief in God's guidance 31, 72-3, 103-13-37- 
94-99; in His intervention IZ, 247, 316, 446-51-74-79, 
525-96, 620 ; that His will was done 55, 100-16-32-34-35- 
67, 269, 316-22-23-36-37-70, 454-70-71-80, 542-94, 627- 
28-70, that He has pleasure in good 331 ; that to die is to 
gotoHis mercy 67; reliance on Him 100-08-16-32,311,463, 
678 ; God called to witness 254 and invoked to bless 624 ; 
His punishment of sin 42-5, 449-77 (Hell), and of breach of 
Law 449 ; His visitation of a father's sins on children 45 ; 
His predestination of events 128, 243-46-53, 469, 594;— 
prayer to Him for a sign of victory 440, for the dead 246, 
against a bad wife 258 ; a life-saving prayer 316 ; 
Characteristics :— ambition 92-7 ; admiration of high 
character 27, 67, 89, 90 ; bitterness and depression (in youth) 

' Down to p. 346 Babur"s statements are retrospective ; after p. 346 they are 
mostly contemporary with the dates of his diary — when not so are in supplementing 
passages of later date. 


Index I. Personal 

91, 130-52-57-78 ; consideration for dependants 91-9, 158- 
78-96, 469 ; distrust of the world 95, 144-56 ; silent humilia- 
tion 119 ; fairness 15, 24, 91, 105, 469 ; fearlessness 163-5- 
73 ; fidelity :— to word 104, 129 (see 118-9), 172-3, 194, to 
salt 125, to family-relation,— filial 88-9, 135-49-57-58-88, 
— fraternal see Jahangir and Nasir, — Timiirid 41, 149-57-68, 
Chaghatai54, 169-72, Mughul' 27, 119-25, Auzbeg SI — 
friendship see Nuyan and Khw. Kalan ; good judgment 43, 
87,91,134-37-55; gratitude 99, 633 ; insouciance 150 ; joy 
at release from stress 99, 134-35-48-81 ; bashfulness and 
passion 1 20 ; persistence 92-7 and passim ; promptitude 117, 
1 70 ; reprobation of vice, tyranny and cruelty 42-5-6, 50, 
66, 70, 90-6, 102-10-25-97, 290 and of an unmotherly 
woman 125-28; self-reproach 147 ; self-comment on inex- 
perienced action 165-67-73 ; dislike of talkativeness 28,97, 
143-92-93 ; vexation at loss of rule (^/. 14) 90-1-9, 129- 
30-57 ; truth for truth sake 135, 318 ; seeking and weighing 
counsel 73, 100-14-31-41-65-70-73-97-98, 229-30-31-48, 
340-76-78, 410-12-69, 524-30-77, 628-39-67-69-82 ; en- 
joins Humayiln to take counsel 627 ; 

Occupations (non-military) : — archery i.a.MS] calligraphy 
see infra ; literary composition see mfra ; metrical amuse- 
ments see verse ; Natural History /^ij-w/ ; travel, excursions, 
sight-seeing, social intercourse passim; building 5, 217-9, 
375-98, in Dulpur 585, 606-07-42, in Agra 642, in Kabul 
646-7, in SikrI 588, Ajodhya mosque 656 n. 3, App. U, 
Panlpat mosque 472 n. 1 ; gardening and garden-making 
passim ; — Babur's script (Bddirri-k/iaU) devised 910 AH. 228, 
Qoran transcribed by him in it 228 n. 4 ; studied by an 
enquirer 285 ; alphabet and specimens sent to Babur's sons 
642 ; Abushqd account of, App. Q, Ixii to Ixv ; 
Observance and breaches of Muh. Law:— signs of his 
SunnI mind e.g. 25, 44, 111, 262, 370-7,483, 547-51-74-89- 
96, in the Mubln and WdlidiyyaJi-risdla q.v. ; his orthodox 
reputation 711 ; his heterodox seeming 354, and arrow- 
sped disclaimer 361 ; — his boyish obedience as to wine 302, 
up to his 23rd year 299, 302-3-4 ; for breach see Law and 
Wine ; 

Writings : ~a. Verses in the B.N. down to 926 AH. see itifra\ 
Ik First Diwan 402 ; * perhaps containing the Abushqd 
quotations 438 ; c. Diary of 925 and 926 q.v. AH. (probabl}' 
a survival of more) * 438 ; d. The Mubln (928 AH.) 426-37- 
38-49; quoted 630-31 n. 3; e. Treatise on Prosod}- (931 AH.) 



Index I. Personal 

586, App. Q, Ix, Ixvi ; / The Wdhdiyyah-risdla (935 AH.) 
619-20-31 n. 3, {tarjumd) 642-3, App. Q, lix ; g. The 
Hindustan Poems 642, App. Q; k. Rdinpur MS. of 6 and 7, 
App. Q, referred to * 438, 620 n. 6, 642 n. 3 ; z. Diary of 
932 to 936 ^.v. ;/. Narrative of 899 to within 914 AH. q.v. ; 
Babur's verse quoted in the Babur-nama :— (Turki,) 
love-sickness 120-1 ; the worldling 130 ; granting a request 
137 ; respite from stress 148 ; praise of a beloved 153 ; the 
neglected exile 1 54 ; isolation 1 56 ; the New Years 236 ; 
Fortune's cruelty 309; ? Turkman Hazara raid 312; Spring 
321 ; God only is strength 337 ; dealing with tribesmen 393 ; 
greeting to absent convives 401 : message to a kinswoman 
402 ; his broken vow 449, 450 n. ; reply to Khw. Kalan 526 ; 
disobedience to Law (T.&P.) 556 ; Death inevitable (T.&P.) 
556 (?) ; the Ghazl's task 575 ; to those who have left him 
584; couplet used in metrical amusement 586, App. 2, sect. 2 ; 
fever 588 ; Chandiri 596 ; on his first grandson's birth 624 ; 
Mubm quoted 637 ; Pagan lands 637 ; pain in renunciation 
648 ; an invitation 683 ; [Persian,] good in everything 311 ; 
insight of Age 340 ; on casting off his Shi'a seeming 361 ; 
parting from Khw. Kalan 372; a message 411 ; satirical 
couplet 448 ; before Panipat 470 ; Blana warned 529. 
See Table of Contents, On Babur's Naming. 

Babur Mirza Arldi, son of Muhammad-i-qasim and Rabi'a- 
sultan Mlrdn-shdhi—\\\s Bal-qara marriage 266. 

'x-\bdu'l-qasim Babur Mirza Skah-rukhi Timurid, Barlds 
Turk, son of Bal-sunghar — his sister 265 ; his retainers 
Muhammad Baranduq and Mazid q.v. ; his pleasure-house 
302"; [1861 AH.-1457 ad.]. 

Baburl— a bazar-boy (905) 120. 

Badi'u'l-jamal Begim Mirdn-shdJii Ttmurid, Barlds Turk, 
daughter of Abu-sa'id — waited on by Babur near Agra (935) 

Badi'u'l-jamal Badka Begim Bdi-qard, tit supra, daughter of 
Mansur and Firuza— particulars 257, 258 ; her husband 
Ahmad Hdjitarkhdm, their sons Mahmud and Bahadur and 
daughter Khan-zada q.v. 

Badi*u'z-zainan Mirza Bdl-qard, ut supra, son of Husain 
and Bega Mervi — serving his father against Khusrau Shah 
(901) 57 ; defeated 61 ; takes offence with his father 61, 69 ; 
in arms and defeated by his father 69, 70 ; his retort on 


Index I. Personal 

Nawa'i {q.v.) ; goes destitute to Khusrau Shah and is well- 
treated 70, 130 ; on Khusrau Shah's service 71 ; moves with 
Arghun chiefs against his father (903), 95, 261 ; gives Babur 
no help against Shaibani (906) 138; his co-operation sought 
by his father (910) 190, 191 ; takes refuge with his father 
243; has fear for himself (911) 292-3; joint-ruler in Heri 
293; concerts and abandons action against Shaibani (912) 
296-7, 301 ; his social relations with Babur 297, 8, 9, 300, 
2, 4 ; courteous to Babur as a non-drinker 303 ; a false 
report of him in Kabul (912) 313; irresolute against Shaibani 
(913) 326 ; his army defeated 275, 327 ; abandons his family 
and flees (1) to Shah BegAr^/mn, (2) to Ismail Sa/azai 327 ; 
captured in Tabriz by Sultan Salim Ruml (920) and dies in 
Constantinople (923) 327 n. 5 ; a couplet on his name 201-2 ; 
musicians compete in his presence 291 ; his host-facility 304 ; 
his son Muhammad-i-zaman, his begs Jahangir Barlds and 
Zu'n-nun Arghun q.v. ; joined by Sayyidlm Ddrbdn q.v. ; his 
College in Herl 306 ; [t923 AH.-1517 AD.]. 

Sayyid Badr— particulars 276 ; safe-guards Mahmud Mirdn- 
shdht^6-7 ; seen by Babur in Herat (912) 299 ; (see H.S. 
lith. ed. iii, 233). 

Badru'd-din— particulars 278 ; his friend Baba 'All q.v. ; his 
son (?) receives Kachwa (934) 590. 

Maulana Badru'd-din Hildli, Chaghatdi — particulars 290 ; his 
poet-daughter 286 n. 1; [t939 AH.-l 532-3 AD.]. 

Bahadur Khan Sarwdnl — Babur halts at his tomb (935) 686. 

Bahadur Khan Gujrdtl, Tdnk Rajput — ill-received by Ibrahim 
Ludi (932) ; exchanges friendly letters with Babur 534 ; 
becomes Shah in Gujrat 535 ; is given the Khiljl jewels 613 
n. 1 ; [t943 AH.-l 547 AD.]. 

Bahjat Khan (or Bihjat), a Governor of Chandlrl — Babur 
halts near his tank (934) 592, 594. 

Bai-qara Mirza 'Umar-shaikhi Timur id, Barlds 7^// r>^, grand- 
son of Timur — mentioned in a genealogy 256 ; a grandson 
'Abdu'1-lah Andikhudl q.v. 

Bai-qara Mirza 'Uniar-shaikhi, ut supra, son of Mansiir and 
Firuza — particulars 257 ; his brother Husain, and sons Wais 
and Iskandar q.v. 

Bairam Beg': — aw reinforces Babur from Balkh (918) 359 ; 
serving Najm Sdnl Z&d. 

' He may be the father of Mun'ini Khan (Blochmann's Biographies A.-i-A. tvs. 
317 and n. 2). 


Index I. Personal 

Bairam Khan Bahdrlu-Qard-qiiUuqTurkmdn{hVh2.x'sY>\va,v\- 
i-khanan), son of Saif-'all — his ancestry 91 n. 3, 109 n. 5 
(where for " father " read " grandfather ") ; Wt- mention of a 
witness of his assassination 348 ; quotation of his remarks 
on Hasan Khan Mewdtl 523 n. 3 ; [t968 AH.-1561 AD.]. 

Bairam-sultan Begim Bdi-qard Tuniirid, Barlds Turk, 
daughter of Husain and Mingll — particulars 266; her 
husband *Abdu'l-lah Andikhudl, their son Barka q.v. 

Bai-sunghar Mirza Mird^i-shdhi, ut supra, son of Mahmud 
and Pasha — particulars 47, 110-112; succeeds in Samarkand 

(900) 52, 86 ; withstands The Khan (Mahmud) 52 ; the 
khutba read for him in Babur's lands 52 ; his man surrenders 
Aura-tlpa 55-6; his favouritism incites the Tarkhan rebellion 

(901) 38, 61; escapes from Tarkhan imprisonment 62, 86; 
defeated by his half-brother 'All 38, 63 ; prosperous (902) 65 ; 
moves against *AlI 65 ; retires before Babur 66 ; at grips 
with him 67 ; asks Shaibani's help (903) IZ ; goes to Khusrau 
Shah 74 ; made ruler in Hisar 93, 5, 6, 261 ; murdered (905) 
110; his death referred to 50, 1 1 2 ; his pen-name 'Adih 111; 
his sister's marriage 41 ; his brother Mas'Gd, his guardian 
Ayub q.v. ; [1905 AH.-1499 AD.]. 

Bai-sunghar Mirza SJidh-rukhi Tirnurtd, son of Shah-rukh 
—his servant Y\xsui A ndzjdm ^ ; [t837 AH.-1433-4 AD.]. 

Balkhi faliz-kdri — grows melons in Agra (935) 686. 

Baltu— rescues Khalifa's son Muhibb-i-'all (933) 550. 

MuUa Bana'i — Maulana Jamalu'd-din Bandi — in Khvvaja 
Yahya's service and seen by Babur (901) 64, in Shaibani's 
(906) 136, in Babur's 64, 136 ; particulars 286-7 ; given the 
Herl's authors to loot (913) 328 ; Babur recalls a joke of his 
(935) 648; two of his quatrains quoted 137; his musical 
composition 286, 292 ; [murdered 918 AH,-1512 AD.]. 

Banda-i-*ali, ddroghd of Karnan — pursues Babur from Akhsl 
(908) 178-9,180,181. 

Banda-i-'ali Ydragi Mughul, son of Haidar Kukuldash — sent 
to reinforce Babur (904) 101; in the van at Sar-i-pul (906) 
139; his mistimed zeal (908) 176; his son-in-law Qasim 
Beg quchln q.v. 

Baqi Beg Chaghdmdm, Qibchdq Turk — his influence on 
Mas'ud Mirdn-shdhi {9Qi\) 57, (903) 95 ; defends Hisar for 
him (901) 58; acts against him (902) 71 ; joins Babur (910) 
48,|188-9 ; advises sensibly 190, 197 ; leaves his family with 
Babur's 191; dislikes Qambar-i-'ah Sildkh 192; helps his 


Index I. Personal 

brother Khusrau to make favourable terms with Babur 
192-3 ; quotes a couplet on seeing Suhail 195 ; his Mughuls 
oppose Khusrau 197 ; mediates for Muqim Arghun (910) 
199 ; Babur acts on his advice 230-1, 239, (911) 246, 249 ; 
particulars 249-50; dismissed towards Hindustan 250; killed 
on his road 231, 251; his son Muhammad -i-qasim and 
grandson (?) Ahmad-i-qasim q.v. ; [1911 AH.-l 505-6 AD.]. 

Baqi Gdgmm Afghan — his caravan through the Khaibar(911) 

Baqi (/^/w^)///"^— opposes Babur (908) 174, 396. 

Khwaja Baqi, son of Yahya son of Ahrarl — murdered 128; 
[t906 AH.-l 500 AD.].^ 

Baqi Beg Tdshkindt, shaghdwal and (later) mlng-bdshi 
( = hazdri) — sent to Balkh with promise of head-money (932) 
463, 546 ; on service (934) 590, 601, 2 ; reports from Aud 
(Oudh) (935) 679 ; on service with the Aud (Oudh) army 
684, 5 ; leave given him for home 685. 

Baqi Tarkhan, Arghun Chingiz-khdnid, son of 'Abdu'l-'ali and 
a daughter of ACirdu-bugha — particulars 38, 40; consumes 
the Bukhara revenues (905) 121 ; defeated by ShaibanI 124 ; 
occupies Oarshi (qy. Kesh) (906) 1 35 ; plans to join Babur 
138 ; goes to ShaibanI and dies in misery 40. 

Baraq Khan, Chaghatdl Chinglz-kJidnid — mentioned in the 
genealogy of Yunas 19. 

Baraq Sultan Auzbeg-Shaibdn Chingiz-khmiid^ son of Slunjuk 

—at Jam" (934) 622. 
Sayyid Barka Andikhudi, Timur's exhumation of his bodv 

266 n 4. 

Sayyid Barka AndikJiudi, descendant of the last-entered, son 
of 'Abdu'1-lah — particulars 266; serving Babur (917) 266. 

Bar-mal Idrl — his force at Kanwa (933) 562. 

Ba-sa'id Tarkhdm, see Abu-sa'Id Tarkhdni. 

Basant Rao — killed by (Baba Qashqa's brother ?) Kuki in the 

battle of the Ghogra 673 ; [t935 AH.-l 529 ad.]. 
Batalmius (Ptolemy) — mentioned as constructor of an 

observatory 79. 
Sultan Bayazid' — urges attack on the Afrldi (925) 411, 412. 

' See note, Index, s.n. Muhammad Zakarla. 

^ He is likely to have been introduced with some particulars of tribe, in one of 
the now unchronicled years after Babur's return from his Trans-oxus campaign. 


Index I. Personal 

Shaikh Bayazid, Farmilll Afghan — acts for his dead brother 
Mustafa^ (932)527 ; waits on Babur and receives Aud (Oudh) 
527 ; on service 530 ; in Aud (933) 544; his loyalty tested 

(934) 589; with Biban, opposing Babur 594, 598-601, 2, 

(935) 638 ; serving Mahmud Ludi against Babur 652, 673 ; 
Babur resolves to crush him and Biban 677-8 ; mentioned 
679, 692 ; takes Luknur(?) 681, App. T ; action continued 
against him 681, 2, 5 ; his comrade Biban q.v, ; [t937 AH- 
1531 AD.]. 

Shaikh Bayazid Itdrachi Mughfil, brother of Ahmad Tambal 

— holding Akhsl for Jahanglr (908) 170; sends a force 

against Pap 171 ; receives Babur in Akhsl 171-2; made 

prisoner against Babur's wish 173; escapes 175; reported 

as sending Y\!isw{ ddroghd to Babur's hiding-place 182. 
Bega Begim (1), Bdz-qard Tuniirid, B arias Turk, daughter 

of Husain and Payanda — particulars 266; [f before Husain 

911 AH.-1505 AD.]. 
Bega Begim (2), Mirdn-shdJii ut supra, daughter of Aulugh 

Beg Kdbuli — her marriage with Muhammad Ma'sQm Bdi- 

qard (902) 264. 
Bega Begim (3), Mirdn-sJidhl ut supra, daughter of Mahmud 

and Khan-zada II — betrothed to Haidar Bdl-qard (901) 48, 

61, 263; married (903) 48; their child 263. 
Bega Begim (4), ShdJi-rukhl ut supra, daughter of Bal- 

sunghar {Shdk-rukhi) — her grandson's marriage 265. 
Bega Begim (6), — Hajl Begim — daughter of Yadgar Taghal, 

wife of Humayun — her son Al-aman q.v. 
Bega Begim. (6), — "the Bibl " — , see Mubarika. 
Bega Sultan Begim. Alervl, wife of Husain Bdt-qard — 

particulars 261, 7, 8 ; divorced 268 ; her son Badl'u'z-zaman 

q.v.; [893 AH.-1488 AD.]. 
Wais Ldgharis Beg-gina, — brings Babur news of Al-aman's 

birth (935)621, 4.^ 
The Begims, Babur's paternal aunts — waited on by him 301, 

616, 686. 
Begim. Sultan, see Sa'adat-bakht. 
Begi Sultan Aghacha, ghilnchachl of Husain Bdi-qard — 

particulars 269. 

' His wife, daughter of a wealthy man and on the mother's .side niece of Sultan 
Buhlul Ludi, financed the military efforts of Bayazid and '&\\)^x\{Tarikh-i-sher-skahi, 
E. andD. iv, 353 ff.). 

' My translation on p. 621 1. 12 is inaccurate inasmuch as it hides the circumstance 
that Beg-gina alone was the *' messenger of good tidings ". 


Index I. Personal 

Beg Mirak Mughul—hxmgs Babur good news (932) 466 ; on 

service (9v33) 548. 
Beg Mirak Turkman, a beg of the Chiras (Mughul) tumdn— 

acts for Yunas Khan 191 ; [t832 AH.-1428-9 AD.]. 
Beg Tilba Itdrachi Mughul, brother of Ahmad Tambal— 

induces the Khan (Mahmud) not to help Babur (903) 91, 

(905) 115; his light departure perplexes his brother 116; 

invites ShaibanI into Farghana (908) 172. 
Bhupat Rao, son of Salahu'd-din — killed at Kanwa 573 ; 

[t933 AH.-1527 AD.]. 
Bian Shaikh (Biyan) — his rapid journeys 621, 624; brings 

news of the battle of Jam (935) 622, 623 n. 3 ; the source 

of his news 624 n. 1 ; hurried back 624, 627. 
Bian-quli— his son Khan-qull q.v, 
Malik Biban Jilwdni}^ Afghan — deserts 'Alam Khan Ludi 

(932) 457 and n. 2 ; writes dutifully to Babur 464 ; is 

presuming at an audience 466 ; deserts Babur 468, 528 ; 

is defeated 528-9 ; with Bayazld, besieges Luknur (933) 

582 ; defeats Babur's troops 594, 598 ; opposes Babur in